Bunjevci who remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as those in modern Croatia today, maintain that designation chiefly as a regional identity, and declare as ethnic Croats.[2] Those who emigrated to Hungary underwent an extensive process of integration and assimilation.[3] In the 18th and 19th century they made up a significant part of the population of Bácska.[4][5] The government of Hungary considers the Bunjevac community to be part of the Croatian minority.[6]
Bunjevci in Serbia and Hungary, are split between those who see themselves as a Croatian sub-ethnic group (bunjevački Hrvati) and those who identify themselves as a distinct ethnic group with their own language.[7] The latter are represented in Serbia by the Bunjevac National Council,[8][9] and the former by the Croat National Council.[10][11]
Bunjevci are mainly
Catholic and the majority still speaks Neo-ShtokavianYounger Ikavian dialect of the Serbo-Croatianpluricentric language with certain archaic characteristics. Within the Bunjevac community and between Serbia and Croatia, there is an unresolved political identity conflict regarding ethnicity and nationality of Bunjevci and an ongoing language battle over the status of the Bunjevac speech as well.[12][13][14]
Their endonym, used in Serbo-Croatian, is Bunjevci (sing. Bunjevac) (Serbo-Croatian pronunciation:
Livanjsko field up to Montenegro which was mostly considered by the neighbor Serbian Orthodox population,[18] while at Peroj in Istria it was a pejorative name for Croats as well pobunjevčit pejoratively meant "become Catholic".[16] In the 20th century hinterland of Novi Vinodolski, called as Krmpote, the Primorje (Littoral or Coastal) Bunjevci were economically less powerful rural population and hence it had an attribution of "otherness" with negative connotation by urban citizens. Compared to Sveti Juraj they were more powerful and refused to call themselves Bunjevci because of such broad connotation and rather used "Planinari" (Mountaineers), and the citizens name "Seljari" had negative and mockery connotation by Bunjevci.[19] In the territory from Krmpote to Sv. Marija Magdalena in North Dalmatia there also existed multilayered regional identities Primorci and Podgorci, local Krmpoćani, while the subethnic term Bunjevci loses identity on the boundary with Velebit Podgorje.[20]
The earliest mention of the ethnonym is argued to be in 1550 and 1561 when in a charter is recorded certain Martin Bunavacz in
Buna in Bosnia and Herzegovina.[26] 1828 writing by Colonel Ivan Murgić probably had the last original testimony of Lika-Primorje Bunjevci about their traditional identity, in which they said to be "We are hardworking brothers Bunjevci", while regarding (Catholic) confession always as "I am true Bunjevac".[27] A more recent 1980 testimony from Baja, considered they came from Albania.[28]
The etymological derivation of their ethnonym is unknown.
Buna in central Herzegovina,[16] their hypothesized ancestral homeland before their migrations. However, although preserved in Littoral and mostly in Podunavlje branch folk oral tradition, linguists generally dismissed such derivation.[28] Another theory is that the name comes from the term Bunja, a traditional shepherd transhumancestone house[29] in Dalmatia similar to Kažun in Istria, meaning people who live in such type of houses,[21][30] from personal name Bunj deriving from Bunislav or Bonifacije, Romanian personal name Bun from Bonus from which derives toponym Bunić near Gospić,[16][31] and pejorative nickname Obonjavci which is recorded since 1199 in Zadar probably meaning soldiers without order and discipline.[32] According to Petar Vuković (2020), the name Bunjevac could have originated from the verb bunjati (talking nonsense), used by Orthodox Vlachs to express their contempt for Catholic Vlachs, referring to their use of the Latin language in the church.[33]
History
Origin theories
According to modern and most recent ethnological studies, as well anthroponymy structure,
Vlach-Croatian ethnic symbiosis of Ikavian Chakavian/Chakavian-Shtokavian language group, with some similarities to Vlach-Montenegrin symbiosis, but both being more archaic and different from the Vlach-Serbian symbiosis of Ekavian/Jekavian-Shtokavian group.[34] Based on ethnological, linguistic and some historical indicators the area of origin could have been between rivers Buna in Herzegovina and Bunë in Albania, along with the Adriatic-Dinaric belt (south Dalmatia and its hinterland, Boka Kotorska Bay, the coast of Montenegro and a part of its hinterland),[35] seemingly encompassing the territory of the so-called Red Croatia, regardless of the issue whether the entity is historically founded, which was partly inhabited by Croats according to Byzantine sources from 11th and 12th century.[35][36] This is supported by the observed Alpine cattle-breeding among Bunjevci at Velebit Podgorje, which is a non-Dinaric type of cattle-breeding in the Dinaric mountains.[37] In a study about Western Balkans household and families, Austrian historian of historical anthropology Karl Kaser argued a Catholic Vlach origin of Bunjevci who became absorbed in Croat community while Orthodox Vlach was absorbed in Serbian community.[38] Cultural historian Ante Sekulić stated, that there was enough historical-scientific evidence to support the thesis that Bunjevci were Slavinized Vlachs who had converted to Catholicism.[39]
Based on modern historiographical studies and archival research, there is still no consensus on their homeland, only ethnological elements indicate specific regions. It is considered to be Southwestern Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Dalmatia, from where in the 17th century migrated to Bačka and Northern Dalmatia, as well as Lika,
Bogomils,[45]Illyrians, Morlachi Catolichi, Valachi Catolichi and catholische Walahen, Rasciani Catolichi and Katolische Ratzen (the term had transconfessional meaning),[25] Iliri, Horvati, Meerkroaten, and Likaner.[46][20][26][47] In the territory of Croatian Military Frontier happened complex ethnic-demographic integrations, with Ledenice being one of the earliest examples of Croatian-Vlach-Bunjevac integration when an anonymous priest from Senj in 1696 calls them as nostris Croatis, while captain Coronini in 1697 as Croati venturini, at the same time (1693), chiefs of Zdunići in Ledenice emphasized their Krmpote ancestry.[25] Petar Vuković emphasizes that Bunjevci can be classified as an early modern ethnicity, which originated in the 16th century after a split took place among the Slavic Vlachs into an Orthodox Christian and Roman Catholic group.[48] And some Serbian academic researchers, especcially in the time of the Yugoslav Wars (1991-2001), consider the Bunjevac community to be Catholic Serbs.[49]
Map of the supposed Bunjevci migration (13th–17th century)
The migrations from Northern Dalmatia were influenced by Ottomans conquest in the 15th and 16th century, and the first migration to Primorje is considered to have happened in 1605 when around 50 families from Krmpota near Zemunik settled in Lič near Fužine by Danilo Frankol, captain of Senj, in agreement with Nikola and Juraj Zrinski,[30][50] and with several waves until 1647 settling in Lič, the hinterland of Senj (Ledenice, Krmpote – Sv. Jakov, Krivi Put, Senjska draga), and some to Pag and Istria. Some also arrived during the Cretan War (1645–1669), and after the Ottomans' defeat in Lika (1683–1687), some littoral Bunjevci moved to settlements in Lika, like Pazarište, Smiljan, Gospićko field, Široka Kula, valley of Ričice and Hotuče.[20] According to the common theory based on historical documents happened at least three big migrations to Podunavlje, first from the beginning of the 17th century (without Franciscan friars[51]), second in the mid 17th century during Cretan War, and third during Great Turkish War (1683–1699).[51] Bunjevci, called Dalmatians at that time, served as mercenaries to in the Austrian-Hungarian army against the Turks.[52] The Catholic Church in Subotica celebrates 1686 as the anniversary of the Bunjevac migration when the largest single migration did take place.[53] As a sign of gratitude and soldiery, some foreign soldiers (mostly unpaid frontiersmen), inclusive Bunjevci, received land pastures and Austrian-Hungarian citizenship. Up to the present day, the descendants of these mercenaries have still the right to be citizens of Hungary.
In 1788 the first Austrian population census was conducted – it called Bunjevci Illyrians and their language Illyrian. It listed 17,043 Illyrians in Subotica. In 1850 the Austrian census listed them under Dalmatians and counted 13,894 Dalmatians in the city. Despite this, they traditionally called themselves Bunjevci. The Austro-Hungarian censuses from 1869 onward to 1910 numbered the Bunjevci distinctly. They were referred to as "bunyevácok" or "dalmátok" (in the 1890 census). In 1880 the Austro-Hungarian authorities listed in Subotica a total of 26,637 Bunjevci and 31,824 in 1892. In 1910, 35.29% of the population of the Subotica city (or 33,390 people) were registered as "others"; these people were mainly Bunjevci. In 1921 Bunjevci were registered by the Royal Yugoslav authorities as speakers of Serbian or Croatian – the city of Subotica had 60,699 speakers of Serbian or Croatian or 66.73% of the total city population. Allegedly, 44,999 or 49.47% were Bunjevci. In the 1931 population census of the Royal Yugoslav authorities, 43,832 or 44.29% of the total Subotica population were Bunjevci.
The Croat national identity was adopted by some Bunjevci in the late 19th and early 20th century, especially by the majority of the Bunjevac clergy, notably one of the
Kalocsa, Ivan Antunović (1815–1888), supported the notion of calling Bunjevci and Šokci with the name Croats.[54] Antunović, with journalist and ethnographer Ambrozije Šarčević (1820–1899), led Bunjevci national movement in the 19th century, and in 1880 was founded the Bunjevačka stranka ("the Bunjevac party"), an indigenous political party, mostly concentrated on language rights, preservation, and ethnographic work.[55] When their 1905 request for having police patrol and church services in Croatian was denied by Hungarian language policy, one group of 1,200 people converted to Orthodoxy.[55]
Yugoslavia
Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes.
"Dekret 1945". Order of the Supreme People's Liberation Board of Vojvodina from 14 May 1945, which states that Bunjevci and Šokci should be regarded as Croats, no matter of their self-declaration.
Around the time of World War I, was argued an idea that Bunjevci were not only a distinct group but also a fourth and smallest Yugoslav nation.
Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes
(renamed Yugoslavia in 1929) brought most of the Bačka Bunjevci in the same country with the Croats (with some remaining in Hungary).
Between the World Wars, the national dispute included pro-Bunjevci, pro-Croatian, and pro-Serbian position. As Bunjevci were mostly supporters of the
better source needed] However, local schools used the Serbian version of Serbo-Croatian in Latin script, while during the 1990s even in Cyrillic script, policy interpreted as an attempt to assimilate them into the Serbian culture.[56] There are different opinions about the historical context of the content of document "Dekret 1945".[58][59][60]
Proponents of a distinct Bunjevac ethnicity regard this time as another dark period of encroachment on their identity and feel that this assimilation did not help in the preservation of their language. The censuses of 1953 and 1961 also listed all declared Bunjevci as Croats. The 1971 population census listed the Bunjevci separately under the municipal census in Subotica upon the personal request of the organization of Bunjevci in Subotica. It listed 14,892 Bunjevci or 10.15% of the population of Subotica. Despite this, the provincial and federal authorities listed the Bunjevci as Croats, together with the Šokci and considered them that way officially at all occasions. In 1981 the Bunjevci made a similar request – it showed 8,895 Bunjevci or 5.7% of the total population of Subotica. Robert Skenderović emphasizes that already before 1918 and the Communist rule, Bunjevci have made strong efforts to be recognized as part of the Croatian people.[61]
Many, on an example of Donji Tavankut, also declared as Yugoslavs.[62]
Contemporary period
Croatia
Croatia considers the people from the Bunjevac communities as integral part of the Croatian nation, even though they live in the diaspora (e.g. Serbia and Hungary — Bunjevac Croats of Serbia and Hungary).
Hungary
In Hungary, Bunjevci are not recognized as a minority; the government consider them Croats.
Hungarian Academy of Science that denied the existence of an independent Bunjevac minority (they stated that Bunjevci are a Croatian subgroup).[citation needed] The opposition of Croatian minority leaders also played part in the outcome of the vote, and the opinion of Hungarian Academy of Sciences.[66] To this day, the descendants of Dalmatia or Illyria (Bunjevac) mercenaries
who fought against the Turks, from the 17th century, still have the right to be citizens of Hungary (under strict conditions), even if they live outside the current Hungarian land borders.
In Serbia, Croats (included the Croatian sub-ethnic group of Bunjevci and Šokci) were recognized as a minority in 2002 and reprecented by the Croat National Council and for those, who consider themself as a separate Bunjevac minority, are reprecented by the Bunjevac National Council in 2010.
The national councils receive funds from the state and province to finance their own governing body, cultural, and educational organisations.[67][68] The level of funding for the National Councils depends on the results of a census, in which the Serbian citizens can register and self-declare as belonging to a state-recognized minority of their choice.[69][70] In the results of census taking is a disagreement between real ethnicity and declared ethnicity.[71] Most people, who declare that they belong to a specific ethnic/minority group, have come already for centuries from families with mixed family backgrounds (e.g. mixed marriages between different nationalities/ethnicities, interreligious marriages).
In the former Yugoslavia, Bunjevci were, along with Šokci, registered as the subcategory of Croatian ethnicity. Beginning in the late 1980s in Vojvodina, attempts were made to separate these two subcategories into distinct ethnicities, leading to a change in choices for ethnic affiliation in the 1991 Yugoslavian census. According to Kameda (2013), the categories of Bunjevac and Šokac were introduced for the purpose of reducing the number of Croatian population inside Serbia. Bunjevci were officially recognized as a separate ethnic group at the start of 1991. In 1991 census lived 74,808 Croats, and 21,434 Bunjevci in Vojvodina, while in the district of Subotica, there were approximately equal numbers of declared Croats and Bunjevci: 16,369 and 17,439.[62] In the administrative area of the city of Subotica region, there were 13,553 Bunjevci and 14,151 in 2011. The historically Bunjevac village of Donji Tavankut had 1,234 Croats, 787 Bunjevci, 190 Serbs and 137 declared as Yugoslavs. A 1996 survey by the local government in Subotica found that in the community, 94% of declared Croats agreed that Bunjevci were part of the Croatian nation, while 39% of declared Bunjevci supported this view.[72]
In the results of the 2022 census of the Republic of Serbia: 39,107 Croats are registered, of which the sensus methodology has not made a subdivision of percentage respondents identifying themselves as Bunjevac Croats. According to the same census, there are 11,104 citizens who have registered as Bunjevac, of which the results do not indicate how much respondents of these citizens considered themselves as sub-ethnic group of the Croatian people or as separate ethnicity, in conjunction with their belief of being a distinct Bunjevac people.[73]
National status dispute – Bunjevac question (Bunjevačko pitanje)
Ethnic map of the Municipality of Subotica showing e.g. villages with Bunjevac majority, including both, Bunjevci who declared themselves as Croats and Bunjevci who declared themselves as Bunjevci.
Disputes about the ethnic and national status of the Bunjevci trace back to the nationalist wave in the 19th century in Austria-Hungary and, their "national status" remained ambiguous since, as the debate revived by the Breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s.[74][75] The Bunjevac question entails also political obstacles concerning language politics, particular about Bunjevac dialect, that may polarize domestic politics in Serbia and inhibit regional cooperation particular between Croatia and Serbia.[76]
It has been argued that they are Croats, Serbs, and yet another as a fourth nation of the
Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes among the South Slavic nations.[74] In the period between 1920 and 1930 and again in 1940, there were three types of manipulation to neutralize their Croatian nationality, primarily emphasizing their ethnic distinctiveness from both the Croats and Serbs, that can be both Croats and Serbs or it's unimportant because both are Yugoslavs, and open denial of their ethnicity and religious belonging considering that Bunjevci and Šokci are Serbs of the Catholic faith.[77] The third was argued by Serbian academic elite, including Aleksa Ivić, Radivoj Simonović, Jovan Erdeljanović among others. Some Croatian authors reject these point of view as unfounded one.[77]
Following the breakup of Yugoslavia, the Bunjevac community was, during the regime of
autochthonous people in 1996.[78] In the 1990s many Croats declared themselves as Bunjevac in order to avoid stigmatisation, which increased the number of self-declared Bunjevci. The self-declaration of Bunjevac was also aided by grass-roots demands for a separate Bunjevac nation.[79]
In early 2005, the Bunjevac issue (bunjevačko pitanje) was again popularized when the
ikavian pronunciation "bunjevacspeech with elements of national culture" (Bunjevački govor s elementima nacionalne kulture)[80][81] in schools – in the first year in Cyrillic script and in the following school years in Latin script. This was protested by the Serbian Bunjevac Croat community as an attempt of the government to widen the rift between the Bunjevac communities. They favour integration, regardless of whether some people declared themselves distinct, because minority rights (such as the right to use a minority language) are applied based on the number of members of the minority. As opposed to this, supporters of pro-Bunjevci option are accused Croats for attempts to assimilate Bunjevci.[82] In 2011, Bunjevac pro-Yugoslav politician Blaško Gabrić[83] and Bunjevac National Council, asked Serbian authorities to start juristic criminal responsibility procedure against those Croat minorities who are denying the existence of Bunjevci being an ethnicity, which is, according to them, violation of laws and constitution of the Republic of Serbia.[82]
Since 2006, some people of the Hungarian Bunjevac community and political activists, who are collaborating with the Serbian Bunjevac National Council, attempted to gain recognition as a separate ethnic group, but those initiatives have been rejected by the government, based on the opinion of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, who consider them part of the Croatian minority.[6]
The former president of Serbia,
MEPs responded critical to his statement, stating that the Serbian government is encouraging the division of the Croatian minority into Bunjevci and Šokci, and favouring those Bunjevci who do not declare themselves to be Croats.[87] Until 2016 the Bunjevac National Council believed that Bunjevci presumably originate from Dacia[88] and then added Dardania[89]
to support their claim that they are not part of the Croatian Nation.
In late September 2021, president of Croatia, Zoran Milanović, stated that "Croatia considers the Bunjevac community to be Croats".[90] The Bunjevac National Council responded harshly to his statement, stating that Bunjevci have been living in Subotica for 350 years and that the difference between Bunjevci and Croats, according to their opinion, is attested in historical sources.[91][92]
Today, both major parts of the community (the pro-independent Bunjevac one and the pro-Croatian one) continue to consider themselves ethnologically as Bunjevci, although each subscribing to its own interpretation of the term.
The government of Serbia implemented two laws to protect the minority rights of the divided Bunjevac community:
1. Croatian minority (Bunjevci, Croats, Šokci) in the Republic of Serbia: "Pursuant to the law on the Rights and liberty of national minorities (adopted by the Assembly of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, on 26 February 2002),the Croat national minority was guaranteed, for the first time ever, the status of minority. Although they carry several regional and sub-ethnic names (e.g. "Bunjevci" and "Šokci"), Croats in Vojvodina constitute an integral part of the Croatian people, who in the capacity of an autochthonepeople reside in the parts of the Srijem of the Vojvodina province, in the Banat and the Bačka region,but also in a significant number in Belgrade. From the historical perspective, this population, in its overwhelming number, has been for centuries an indigenous population."[93]
2. Bunjevac minority in the Republic of Serbia: "The constituting session of the Bunjevac National Minority Council was held on 14 June 2010 in Subotica. By the Ministry of Human and Minority Rights of the Republic of Serbia document No. 290-212-00-10/2010-06 of 26 July 2010 Bunjevac National Minority Council was entered into the national council register."[94]
However, many Bunjevci questioned the new categorization and continued to identify themselves not as a distinct ethnicity from Croatian but simply as Yugoslav, or, as a part of Croatian ethnicity in the frame of "Vojvodina Croats" (which includes Šokci).[95]
In summary, we can say that people nowaday, who prefer to identify themselves as Bunjevac or Bunjevac-Croat, have already come from ethnically mixed families for generations. Up to the present day, historical events are still influencing public opinion and media,[96] demographic movements, politics of national identity of different ethnic/minority groups,[97][98] language politics, and citizenship.[99][100]
Political parties
Bunjevac community oriented political parties in Croatia and Serbia e.g.:
In Hungary, the Bunjevac community is divided into a group who declare themselves as an independent Bunjevac people and those who see themselves as an integral part of the Croatian people. Hungary considers the Bunjevac community as integral part of the Croat ethnicity.
Towns and villages with a Bunjevac population (names of settlements in Serbo-Croatian listed in brackets) include Baja, Csávoly (Čavolj), Csikéria (Čikerija), Katymár (Kaćmar), and Tompa.
The Republic of Serbia is using a "segregated model of multiculturalism".[105] In Serbia, Bunjevci live in AP Vojvodina, mostly in the northern part of Bačka region. The community, however, has been divided around the issue of ethnic and national affiliation: in the 2011 census, in terms of ethnicity, 16,706 inhabitants of Vojvodina self-declared as Bunjevci and 47,033 as Croats. Not all of the Croats in Vojvodina have Bunjevac roots; the other big group are Šokci. In the 2022 census of the Republic of Serbia: 39,107 Croats and 11,104 Bunjevci are registered, of which the census methodology has not made a subdivision of percentage respondents identifying themselves as Bunjevac Croats or as a separate Bunjevac ethnicity, in conjunction with their belief of being a distinct Bunjevac people.[73]
In the Serbian Bunjevac community are people who have only economic based motives to declare to be Bunjevac Croat, to ensure access to the EU (e.g. labour migration, business, education). And there are citizens who declare that they are part of the Bunjevac community (pro-Bunjevac or pro-Croat one) to benefit from financial grants,[106] or just based on their personal feelings.
The largest concentration of Bunjevci in Serbia, is in the city of Subotica, which is their cultural and political center. Another significant urban center is the city of Sombor.
Villages with Bunjevac population who are located in the administrative area of the city of Subotica:
Map of Shtokavian dialects. Shtokavian or Štokavian (/ʃtɒˈkɑːviən, -ˈkæv-/; Serbo-Croatian Latin: štokavski / Serbo-Croatian Cyrillic: штокавски, pronounced [ʃtǒːkaʋskiː]) is the prestige dialect of the pluricentric Serbo-Croatian language and the basis of its Serbian, Croatian, Bosnian and Montenegrin standards, as well for sub-dialects. It is a part of the South Slavic dialect continuum.
Most members of the Bunjevac community in Serbia who speak Bunjevac dialect and Croatian language also speak mutually intelligible Serbian language. In Hungary, there is a growing interest in learning Bunjevac dialect and Croatian among citizens who have Bunjevac ancestors in their genealogical history line.[107]
Ikavian, with /i/ for the Common Slavic vowels yat.[111] According to Croatia there are three historical-etnological branches of Bunjevci and their dialect: Dalmatian, Danubian, and Littoral-Lika.[112] Its speakers largely use the Latin alphabet and are living in parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, different parts of Croatia, southern parts (inc. Budapest) of Hungary as well in the autonomous province Vojvodina of Serbia
.
Opinions on the status of the Bunjevac dialect remain divided.
mother tongue (materni jezik). At the political level, depending on goal and content of the political lobby, the general confusion concerning the definition of the terms language, dialect, speech, mother tongue, is cleverly exploited, resulting in an inconsistent use of the terms.[118][119][120]
Media
The Bunjevac community-oriented media in Serbia are predominantly controlled by editors of the lobby of the Bunjevac National Council or the Croat National Council. They both target readers in Serbia and abroad.
Digital information for Vojvodina Croats (Zavod za kulturu vojvođanskih Hrvata)[123]
Newspaper in Bunjevac dialect (Bunjevačke novine), published by the Bunjevac National Council in Subotica.[124]
Newspaper in Croatian language (HRVATSKE novine)[125]
Heritage
The cultural center of Danube Bunjevci from Bačka district is the city of
Lika-Senj county. As the former live in a region inhabited by a population of the same nationality, they are far more assimilated, show less appreciation for traditional clothing and heritage due to external factors, but although mostly aware of their identity there's indifference for connection to other Bunjevci branches in Lika and Danube.[126] Traditionally, Bunjevci of Bačka are associated with land and farming. Large, usually isolated farms in Northern Bačka called salaši are a significant part of their identity. Most of their customs celebrate the land, harvest, and horse-breeding. The Bunjevac heritage (Bunjevačka nošnja) is more than only folklore: it is a way of live for many people with Bunjevac ancestors, a tourist-economic value,[127]
and unfortunately continues to be misused as a setting for personal and political interests.
Since the year 2010, members of the Bunjevac National Council have started to develop their own symbols (e.g. flag) and Bunjevac festivals and gatherings (e.g. "Dan Dužijance", "Dan velikog prela"), mostly close to the dates of the original traditional Bunjevac festivals and folklore gatherings of the Bunjevac Croats of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Hungary, and Serbia.
The
Catholic Church is an important catalyst in preserving Bunjevac heritage, in particular the Franciscan Order has historical ties with the Bunjevac community.[128][129] Nowadays this is mainly due to the Diocese of Subotica and the efforts of e.g. mgr. dr. Andrija Anišić[130] and the venerable sister Eleonora Merković,[131][132] that the Christian significance of many Bunjevac customs are again appreciated, in contrast to the Communist and Socialist 20st century governing periods in the Balkans, where e.g. the harvest festival as Dužijanca, had only a secular
character in public.
Also from the civilian population there are outstanding personalities (e.g. Ruža Juhas,[133] Kata Kuntić,[134]prof. dr. Gyula J. Obádovics,[135] Grgo Piuković,[136] Jozefa Skenderović[137]) who cherish and make efforts to preserve the Bunjevac heritage for future generations.
Cuisine
Bunjevac cuisine is a melting pot of multicultural culinary traditions from the Balkans (e.g. Turkish, Hungarian, Slavic).[citation needed] In 2016, Hilda Heinrich wrote a traditional Bunjevac cookbook with historical recipes.[138][139] The traditional cuisine of Coastal Bunjevci in Croatia has been described by Jasmina Jurković.[140]
Božićnjaci – decorated Christmas bread and cakes with bread figures.[141][142][143][144]
Cipovka (Kruva) – traditional bread loaf of the Vojvodina.[145][146]
Paprikaš (Pasuljijada) – one pot campfire stew.[147]
Strudel – traditional cake, baking instructions with Ruža Juhas[148]
Costume
Bunjevci national costumes and dance
Wearing Bunjevac traditional ceremonial garments (Ruvo),[149] has a symbolic meaning in the context that it shows the belonging to a specific social/ethnic group, lifestyle, and status. The festive/working Bunjevac (folk) costume changed (bunjevačka nošnja) in different periods, due of urban, aristocratic and Western fashion influences, both in male and female costumes. The Bunjevac costume for women, in Hungary and Serbia, is based on the dress code in the time of Maria Theresa (1717–1780). The Bunjevci are living in different regions of Croatia,[150] Hungary,[151][152] and Serbia[153][154][155] with a unique collection of traditional costumes[156] with needlework.
Ruvo – Bunjevac traditional ceremonial garments. Dress tutorial[165] with Jelena Piuković. Headscarf tutorial[166] with Rožića Šimić.
Zlatni novci – Gold coins necklaces was an indicator of style and wealth[167]
Dance
Dances from Vojvodina are most similar to the Slavonian dances in their liveliness and activity. The Bunjevci Croats from the Bačka region are renowned for their beautifully embroidered female dresses, made from real silk from France, and the rattling sound made by the male dancers' boots as they dance. New choreographies are still being created today based on old Bunjevac folk dances that have been handed down. Important in this context is the work of the folk dance teacher and choreographer Stevan Tonković[168] from Vojvodina, Serbia, and the folk dance group ensemble LADO[169] from Croatia.
Bunjevačko momačko kolo – literally the bunjevac men's kolo, where one man dances with two women
Divan – a meeting of young boys and girls for singing and dancing in a place far from their parents. The custom has been forbidden by church authorities already in the mid-19th century
Kolo igra, tamburica svira[170] – the circle dance is usually performed amongst groups of at least three people and up to several dozen people. Dancers hold each other's hands or each other's waists. They form a circle, a single chain or multiple parallel lines.[171] According to Wilkes (1995), the kolo has an Illyrian origin as the dance seems to resemble dances depicted on funeral monuments of the Roman era[172]
Malo kolo – is an old traditional dance from the Vojvodina region of Serbia, and far beyond
Momacko nadigravanje – the men's competitive dance
The central holidays are based on the Roman Catholic feasts: Christmas, Easter, St. John, and Pentecost with specific Bunjevac folk customs:
Dužijanca – Day of Saint John the Baptist (Ivan Svitnjak): celebration of harvest end, and the most famous festival as well as a tourist attraction. It consists of several events (e.g. mowing competition, horse races, folklore fashion show competition, performances of Bunjevci folklore with dance and music) held in Bunjevci-populated places in Serbia (e.g.
Subotica),[174] in Bosnia and Herzegovina (e.g. Mostar),[175] and in Hungary (e.g. Baja,[176] Gara, Tompa), with the central religious celebration of a Holy Mass and street procession.[177] The harvest festival Dužijanca has a tradition of more than 100 years (from 1911)[178] in Subotica. Bunjevci, who are represented by the Croat National Council, are organizing the harvest festival Dužijanca.[179] It is thanks to the pastor Blaško Stipan Rajić (1887-1951) of Subotica that the harvest thanksgiving Dužijanca became in 1911 an integral part of the church festivals.[180] In 2011, Subotica celebrated the 100th anniversary of Dužijanca.[181] And Bunjevci, who are gathered around the Bunjevac National Council, celebrating Dan Dužijance (from the first decennium of the 21st century).[182][183] In Sombor (Vojvodina), the divided Bunjevac community is celebrating together with the Šokac community, the harvest festival named Dužionica.[184][185] The celebration of harvest festivals dates back to ancient times and has a pagan background, festive thanksgiving in honor of the god of fertility. In the Balkan Region, the harvest festival with different names still occurs: in Senje "Doženjancija", in Lika "Dožinjancija", and in Zagora "Dožencija".[186]
Kraljice – ceremonial processions held on Pentecost.[187][188][189] Vlach origins of Kraljice (Hora and Kolo).[190] Kraljice song (see).[191]
Festivals
Bunjevac Song Contest, Subotica – Festival bunjevački pisama: A yearly competitive event with the aim to preserve, promote and popularize the musical culture of the Croatian ethnic group Bunjevac, especially new Bunjevac music and folk songs written in Bunjevac dialect.[192] The proposal to start the festival was made by Dr. Marko Sente from Subotica in 2000. The founders ware: Ana Čavrgov, Ljiljana Dulic Mészáros, Branko Ivankovic Radakovic, Siniša Jurić, Tomislav Kujundžić, Antonija Piuković, Marko Sente, Nela Skenderović, Stanislava Stantić Prćić, Vojislav Temunović, and Mira Temunović. The lyrics and music should represent the life and customs of Bačka Bunjevci; The text of the poem must be written in Ikavic or Ijekavic; A poem can have 3 or 4 verses.[193][194]
Multicultural cooking and baking competition, Bajmok – Festival bunjevački ila: A yearly event, since 2005, organized by the local unit of the Bunjevac National Council.[195]
Slamarke – Straw Art. Straw art is part of many cultures with an agricultural historical background[197][198]
Molovanje – Wall patterned paint roller decoration technique still actively used in Croatia, Hungary and Serbia.[199][200] The roller technique originated from wall decoration by stencil painting.[201][202][203]
Music instruments
Historical examination shows a diversity of instruments in the Balkan region. Several instruments are of Oriental origin. Main categories are: tambura, violin and fiddles, bagpipe, flute, accordion, and drums.
Tambura – a plucked instrument used to accompany instrumental or vocal performances. The musical instrument is widespread in the Balkan region.
Religious devotion
krsna slava, a celebration of a patron saint of the family, has existed among the Bunjevci as part of a historical veneration of elders[204]
Religious straw objects and paintings for home, street procession, and church decoration.[205]
Songs
Bunjevci preserved a large number of folk songs,[206][207] such as Groktalice[208][209][210][211] (epic-lyric songs written in decasyllable – a poetic meter of ten syllables in poetic tradition of syllabic verse).
Wedding
One of the Bunjevac marriage customs is that the bride get money for each kiss she gives to wedding quests.[212]
^Máté Kitanics; Norbert Pap (4 December 2017). "De-bordering, Re-bordering and Integration of the Croatian Minority of Hungary"(PDF). Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 3, pages 91-111. p. 99. Retrieved 12 March 2023. The Magyarization (Hungarianization) of Hungarian Croats proceeded according to their social structures and status. Their aristocracy with Hungarian identity underwent this process first, followed by the assimilation of the citizens in the 19th century and the early 20th century. This does not mean that, in border towns during the first half of the 20th century, most of the aforementioned were not bilingual (or trilingual), but their identities had mostly become Hungarian by then, and in the mid-20th century homogeneous Croat communities were only found in rural environments.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
^"Hrvatska manjina u Republici Srbiji". hrvatiizvanrh.gov.hr. Središnji državni ured za Hrvate izvan Republike Hrvatske (Central State Office for Croats Outside the Republic of Croatia).
^"Statement by the Presidency of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts regarding the Bunjevci Croats"(PDF). info.hazu.hr. Glasnik HAZU. 2014. p. 53. The Presidency of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, in a session held on 12 September 2014, made the following statement explaining that the Bunjevci Croats form an integral part of the Croatian national corpus. The Presidency of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, one of the fundamental institutions of the Croatian nation and of all the citizens of the Republic of Croatia, among the roles of which belongs the preservation of national identity, made the following statement in a session held on 12 September 2014: The Bunjevci, a Croatian ethnic group, are made up of three branches: the Dalmatian-Herzegovinian branch; the Primorje-Lika branch; and the Danube Region branch. Not encroaching on the right of any individual to express their national affiliation based on their origin, history, traditional culture, customs and language – the western new-Štokavian and Ikavian – the Bunjevci Croats form an integral part of the Croatian national corpus.
^Minority News Serbia (20 April 2021). "U VEZI SA OSPORAVANJEM DA BUNJEVAČKI JEZIK BUDE SLUŽBENI U SUBOTICI". Osporavanja koja iznose u istupima političari isprid hrvatske nacionalne manjine u Srbiji, i nekih krugova u Hrvatskoj, smatramo narušavanjem međunacionalni odnosa, nepoštovanjem ljudski i manjinski prava, i vriđanjem na nacionalnoj osnovi, jer u suštini iznose stav da Bunjevci nisu autohtona nacionalna manjina, nego etnička grupa Hrvata, ili kako to u žargonu definišu – „bunjevački Hrvati" i da bunjevački jezik nije maternji jezik Bunjevaca nego dijalekt hrvatskog jezika. Zaista je neshvatljivo i neprihvatljivo da i danas zastupaju stav, koji proističe iz navedene Naredbe iz 1945-te godine – da su Bunjevci Hrvati, kao da je taj akt i danas u zvaničnoj primeni.
^Institut za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje (2022). "BUNJEVAČKI GOVORI – PRIMORSKO-LIČKI OGRANAK". Bunjevački govori, koji pripadaju novoštokavskomu ikavskom dijalektu štokavskoga narječja hrvatskoga jezika, a govore se u dijelovima Dalmatinske zagore, Ravnih kotara, Like, Primorja, Gorskoga kotara, Bosne i Hercegovine, Srbije i Mađarske, na inicijativu Instituta za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje upisani su u listopadu 2021. u Registar kulturnih dobara Republike Hrvatske kao nematerijalno kulturno dobro.
^"Bunjevci". Hrvatski jezični portal. Archived from the original on 17 August 2011. Retrieved 1 June 2011. Bùnjevci... etn. Hrvati naseljeni u Bačkoj, koji su se u 17. st. doselili iz Kliškog i Krčkog sandžaka (kraj oko Zrmanje)...
^ abRogić, Pavle (1966). "Antroponimija i porijeklo stanovništva u naseljima srednjeg velebitskog Podgorja". Hrvatski dijalektološki zbornik (in Serbo-Croatian) (2). Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts: 319–321. Retrieved 24 June 2018. Tu su se izmiješali s tamošnjim starosjediocima, koji su ih, po svoj prilici, i prozvali Bunjevcima, kao ljude koji žive i stanuju u bunjama, tj. u primitivnim kućama, najčešće okrugla, rjeđe četvrtasta oblika, zidanih u suho i različitog od tipa primorskih kuća.
^Mažuranić, Vladimir (1908–1922). Prinosi za hrvatski pravno-povijesni rječnik [Contributions to the Croatian legal-historical dictionary]. JAZU.
^Mažuranić, Vladimir (1908–1922). Prinosi za hrvatski pravno-povijesni rječnik [Contributions to the Croatian legal-historical dictionary]. JAZU. pp. 109, 781.
^Belaj, Vitomir (2004). "Tradicijsko planinsko stočarstvo na Velebitu i bunjevačka etnogeneza" [Traditional Mountain Cattle Breeding on the Mountain of Velebit and Ethnogenesis of Bunjevci]. Studia ethnologica Croatica (in Serbo-Croatian). 16 (1): 5–31. The valid data from the mountain of Velebit and Dinara suggest a possibility that the pre-Indo-European population the carriers of the Alpine type of cattle breeding was present in the Dinaric Mountains, there underwent Indoeuropaisation and Romanisation, but preserved the old type of cattle breeding. In the eastern regions, in the central Balkan, another type of cattle breeding, transhumanic, was also existent and contained its typical elements, but was also present in several variants, and also possibly inherited from the older population (Morlaci) which was Romanised during the Roman rule in this region, but which differed from the Þrst one. During the historically confirmed migrations during the middle ages, which were initiated by the Turkish occupation of the region, the Morlacs carried with themselves the newly accepted eastern (Orthodox) Christianity, ijekavian dialect and the transhumanic type of cattle breeding and were mixed, almost to the point of non-recognition, with the older Alpine Vlachs which we know as Bunjevci
^Kaser, Karl (2012). Household and Family in the Balkans: Two Decades of Historical Family. LIT Verlag Münster. pp. 111–113.
^Todosijević, Bojan (2002). Why Bunjevci did not Become A Nation: A Case Study. p. 3. The cultural historian Ante Sekulić (Tavankut, 16. XI. 1920 – Zagreb, 18. III. 2016), who himself belonged to the Bunjevac community, asserted that they were Slavicized Vlachs that converted to Catholicism.
^Skenderović, Robert (2006). "Role of Slavonian Franciscans in the national movement of the Danubian Croats during the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century". Scrinia Slavonica. 6: 198. Složeni kulturno-političkiidentitet odrazio se i na složenost etničkog imena, pa su se podunavski Hrvatitijekom 18. stoljeća nazivali brojnim imenima, koja su zajedno s njima dola-zila i opstala kroz višestoljetne migracije. Tako su u to vrijeme Hrvati na području ugarskog Podunavlja bili istovremeno nazivani Hrvatima, Racima, Bošnjacima, Ilirima, Bunjevcima, Šokcima i Dalmatincima. U pojedinim jenaseljima prevladavalo subetničko ime one grupe koja je bila najbrojnija ilione koja je posljednja doselila, pa su se baranjski Hrvati uglavnom nazivali Bošnjacima i Šokcima, a u Bačkoj su bila najviše zastupljena imena Bunjevac i Dalmatinac.
. The Morlach society, known in medieval sources also under the name of Vlachs, was not new to the Dalmatian communities and those mentioned in written sources before the major Ottoman intrusions were mostly composed of pre-Roman-Roman-Slavic fragments of predominately shepherd groups. The Vlach/Morlachs who moved to the Ottoman areas in the Dalmatian hinterland, had by 1573 mostly moved from the areas of Bosnia (where they had once previously moved to during the Ottoman conquest of Bosnia and Herzegovina). These were migrations controlled and planned by the Ottoman government. The Morlachs were mostly enrolled as Ottoman irregular military troops called martolosi. Martolosi were also the main actors in the slave trade on the Ottoman border. They were predominantly Slavic-Christians (mostly Orthodox from eastern Herzegovina and western Montenegro, but there was also a significant number of Catholics from western Herzegovina known as Bunjevci).
^Theun de Vries, Ketters. Veertien eeuwen kettergeloof, volksbeweging en kettergericht. 1982. http://www.dbnl.org
^Štefić, Slavica (25 March 2022). "Projekt: "Bunjevački govori" predstavljen u Novom Vinodolskom - HRT". Bunjevci su, dakle, Vlasi romanskog i ilirskog podrijetla, Morlaci ili crni Vlasi, odnosno katolički Raci ili južni Slaveni. Na područje balkanskog poluotoka naseljavaju se u 10. stoljeću, a na današnji hrvatski prostor od Cetine do Velebita dolaze u 14. stoljeću. Pojam Vlah danas se koristi za nomadske stočare, odnosno novopridošlo stanovništvo (vlaji), najčešće ono koje iz zaleđa dolazi na priobalje. Radi se o narodu koji se mnogo bunio i selio, ratničkom narodu određenom migracijama. Bunjevce dijelimo u tri ogranka – primorsko-lički, dalmatinski i podunavski.{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
^Vuković, Petar (2020). "The Bunjevci of Bačka: identities and language practices". Linguistic Minorities in Europe Online: 9. The emergence of the Bunjevci as an early modern ethnicity took place in the Dalmatian hinterland in the late 16th century among the Slavicized Vlachs, who had been coming from Herzegovina since at least the 15th century. The Vlach community, among whom religious affiliation originally was not particularly important, began to polarize into Orthodox and Catholics at that time. The polarization was a consequence of the stronger presence among the Vlachs of both Orthodox and Catholic missionaries after the restoration of the Serbian Patriarchy in Peć in 1557 and after the Council of Trent, held between 1545 and 1563. The decisive event that cemented the division of the Vlachs was the adoption of the Gregorian calendar by the Roman Catholic Church in 1582, after which the differences between Orthodox and Catholics became visible in everyday life. The newly established ethnic boundary was reinforced by members of the two groups of the Vlachs giving each other pejorative names. It is in this context that the name Bunjevac was used by the Orthodox Vlachs as an offensive name for their Catholic neighbours. It seems they connected it with the verb bunjati [talknonsense], which referred to their use of the unintelligible Latin language in church.
^Máté Kitanics; Norbert Pap (4 December 2017). "De-bordering, Re-bordering and Integration of the Croatian Minority of Hungary"(PDF). Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 3, pages 91-111. p. 107. Retrieved 12 March 2023. During and after the Yugoslav War, Serbian academic circles (fueled to a high degree by nationalism) also started to emphasize the theory that the Bunjevci (and the Sokci) were indeed Catholic Serbs.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
^Skenderović, Robert (29 January 2020). "Bunjevačke Hrvate nisu stvorili komunisti". Bunjevačke Hrvate nisu stvorili komunisti. Nisu ih stvorili jer ih nisu ni mogli stvoriti. Bunjevci su se izjašnjavali Hrvatima i prije 1945. godine. Zapravo, izjašnjavali su se već i prije 1918. godine, ali je poznato da je hrvatstvo Bunjevaca bilo proganjano i prije i poslije Prvoga svjetskog rata. Ipak, nakon dugotrajne borbe bački su Bunjevci konačno uoči Drugoga svjetskog rata uspjeli biti prihvaćeni kao Hrvati. Uspjeli su to u monarhističkoj Jugoslaviji i to zato jer su srpski političari tada odlučili prekinuti neprijateljstvo prema Hrvatima.
^"Hrvatski glasnik br.3"(PDF). Archived from the original(PDF) on 4 March 2009. Retrieved 9 July 2008. Odbijena narodna inicijativa..., 18 January 2007 (714KB)(in Croatian)
^Mina Djurić Nikolić and Laura Trimajova (2015). "A Tale of Two Serbias? Census-taking in 2002 and 2011"(PDF). Census-taking in Serbia is particularly important as the results dictate budgetary fund allocations for each respective ministry; as such, the need for accuracy cannot be overstated
^Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia (2015). "SELF-EVALUATION SERBIAN OSCE CHAIRMANSHIP"(PDF). p. 78. ... there are problems with "faking" a particular national minority background in order to benefit from affirmative action measures. In this context, the question can be raised whether there are limits to self-identification, i.e. whether belonging to a particular ethnic group can be based solely on one's sentiments or is self-identification limited by objective criteria.
^Gotal, Mihovil (2016). Bunjevačko pitanje kao simbolički konflikt politika identiteta. The Bunjevac question represents a socio-political problem in the Republic of Serbia, which comes from different interpretations of identity of the Bunjevac people from Bačka in Vojvodina. The majority of the Bunjevac ethnonym carriers are deeply divided by that issue into two dominant sides, which can, in the political sense, be regarded as two separate Bunjevac communities. One is composed of those Bunjevac people who interpret their identity as a sub-ethnic group belonging to the Croatian ethnic community and hence to the Croatian nation. Based on that, they represent a part of the Croatian national minority in Serbia. The other community is composed of those Bunjevac people who consider themselves being a separate ethnic community and as such they have been recognized as a separate national minority in Serbia since 2002. At the same time, all carriers of the ethnonym Bunjevac generalize their identity discourse onto all Bunjevac people and consider all of them to be constituting one community which is split inside. In this paper we analyse this problem fundamentally starting with the constructivist paradigm, especially with the theoretical approach of Fredrik Barth (1969), who emphasizes the relational character of identity of ethnic communities, which is evident in the selection of symbols which are used by both communities to establish boundaries between themselves. We examine that process in more detail through the concept of identity politics. It includes all forms of activities carried out by the actors on the position of power, aimed at constructing the identity of a certain community, seeking its recognition in the broader society on the one hand, and acting within the community by choosing the symbols which make them distinguished in the community, on the other hand. This type of activity of the two Bunjevac communities leads to their mutual symbolic conflict. It is noticeable on the example of affirmative campaigns carried out before the 2011 census in Serbia. However, the focus of the analysis is directed towards dužijanca, which represents a public event of great symbolic meaning for both of the Bunjevac communities. Because of their mutually opposed identity discourse, they both organize it as parallel events. By applying the typology of symbolic conflict proposed by Simon Harrison (1995) we point out in the conclusion the complexity of the Bunjevac question itself, which actually arises from the essentialist understanding of the nature of collective identity.
^Rice, Eric A. (2010). Language politics in Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia – Calhoun: The NPS (Thesis). While language previously had been a means to unite Balkan Slavs, it became an instrument of nationalism wielded by politically motivated actors to widen the division among the ethnicities. Language disputes did not destroy Yugoslavia, but they may hinder recovery and modernization. As each Yugoslav successor state strives toward integration into the European Union, political questions concerning language may polarize domestic politics and inhibit regional cooperation, thereby hampering efforts to carry out needed economic and political reforms
. According to a similar argument, many Croats also preferred to declare themselves as Bunjevac in order to avoid being stigmatised as Croats, thus increasing the number of self-declared Bunjevci in the 1990s. These factors are true to a large degree, but are definitely not the only ones for national identification as Bunjevac. There have been grass-root demands for the recognition of a separate Bunjevac nation.
^"Yugo nostalgic declares his own state". 7 February 2003. He was furious when Yugoslavia was formally abolished, so he has created his own Yugoslavia on the property of his own printing works, with himself as president.
^Andersen, Uffe (2014). "In Serbia, a textbook case of identity politics". According to the Bunjevac National Council's website, the Bunjevci are Dacians who in the sixth century fled to Herzegovina and Dalmatia (now western Bosnia and southern Croatia) when Bulgarians invaded their lands in present-day Romania.
^"Poreklo i ime. website Bunjevac National Council". Retrieved 3 April 2022. Smatra se da vode poreklo od Dardana odnosno Dačana, koji su se pred najezdom Bugara doselili na prostore Panonije i Ilirije, sve do Jadranskog mora odnosno Dalmacije u VI veku.
^"BALKANBOGATSTVO JE U RAZNOVRSNOSTI: Ovo je 10 najneobičnijih nacionalnih manjina Balkana (FOTO)". serbiantimes.info. 24 October 2016. Retrieved 28 January 2022. Postoje mnoge teorije o poreklu Bunjevaca. Vuk Karadžić izneo je pretpostavku da se Bunjevci zovu po hercegovačkoj reci Buni, sa koje su doselili u Bačku. Za Bunjevce se sigurno zna, da su kao katolici došli u Bačku, u pratnji kotoličkih kaluđera, a sem toga ih u svim tadašnjim vojnim dokumentima nazivaju katoličkim Srbima. Doselili su se sa teritorije oko Svilaje i Dinare, najpre u Liku i Slavoniju, a zatim i na teritorije u kojima i danas žive. Bunjevci se u najstarijoj mađarskoj literaturi najčešće nazivaju upravo Bunjevcima, katoličkim Racima, Ilirima ili Dalmatima. Dr Aleksa Ivić navodi da se Bunjevci u najstarijoj literaturi najčešće nazivaju katoličkim Srbima, a tek kasnije Dalmatincima i Bunjevcima. Prošlost i poreklo Bunjevaca nepoznato je, tako reći i za njih same i za ostali svet, jer se nije nigde očuvao nikakav pouzdan podatak, koji bi u tom pogledu dao verodostojna razjašnjenja.
^Muś, Jan (2013). "DIVIDE ET IMPERA PRINCIPLE. MINORITY ORIENTED STATE POLICY IN THE BALKANS". Cultural autonomy, reflected in a form of self-government in the areas of education, use of language and media control, establishment of specific associations, foundations, etc. transform into a relevant flow of financial means. In effect, leading a minority council stands for disposal of finances, governing various institutions and controlling minority's media. Therefore the leaders within one minority group are likely to turn against each other, rather than cooperate. The financial and economic benefits may constitute a strong argument for a leadership and influential tools in an impoverished society. Competition there is also very likely to happened, with all of it consequences.
S2CID 157570019. Following the worldwide acceptance of dual citizenship since the 1990s, millions of people in Latin America, Eastern Europe and elsewhere have secured a second citizenship from a Western or European Union country on the basis of their ancestry, ethnicity, place of birth or migration history. I refer to this phenomenon as "compensatory citizenship," since the second citizenship does not necessarily lead to emigration; instead, it acts as insurance policy, enhancer of opportunities and mobility and even status symbol{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help
^"Self evaluation Serbian OSCE Chairmanship – CSO feedback"(PDF). 7 September 2015. p. 78. ... there are problems with "faking" a particular national minority background in order to benefit from affirmative action measures. In this context, the question can be raised whether there are limits to self-identification, i.e. whether belonging to a particular ethnic group can be based solely on one's sentiments or is self-identification limited by objective criteria.
^Punczman, Eszter (2019). "Bunjevci u Mađarskoj: postmoderni heterogeni identiteti". Studia ethnologica Croatica, Vol. 31 No. 1, 2019.: 219–235. Kod mlade generacije javlja se buđenje interesa prema etničkom identitetu i unatoč prisutnosti različitih kulturnih sredina, to ne dovodi u pitanje naslijeđenu bunjevačku baštinu, njegovu vrijednost i legitimitet koji sve više dolazi u dodir s matičnom zemljom Hrvatskom i suvremenim "hrvatstvom".
^Aleksandar Raič and Suzana Kujundžić Ostojić (2014). Bunjevci izmed asimilacije i nacionalne zajednice. p. 144. Bunjevački jezik u javnoj upotribi. Dakle, za onaj jezik za koji mi kažemo jezik, a zvanično je priznat ko dijalekat.
^"Grgo Bačlija: Bunjevački je govor, a ne jezik". Hrvatska Riječ (in Croatian). 8 March 2021. Archived from the original on 31 July 2021. Povodom odluke Skupštine grada Subotice izglasane 4. ožujka da se tzv. bunjevački jezik uvrsti kao službeni u Statut Grada Subotice, dopis našem Uredništvu poslao je umirovljeni odvjetnik Grgo Bačlija, koji je s skupa Markom Peićem, autor Rečnika bačkih Bunjevaca iz 1990. godine. Drugo, dopunjeno izdanje toga rječnika objavljeno je 2018. u nakladi Bunjevačkog nacionalnog savita i Matice srpske i smatra se jednim od temelja standardizacije tzv. bunjevačkog jezika u Srbiji. Bačlija ističe kako su se Peić i on, prilikom istraživanja u Bajskom trokutu za potrebe rječnika, vodili činjenicom da se radi o govoru, odnosno dijalektu Bunjevaca a ne o jeziku. Podsjeća i da je rječnik izišao kao prva knjiga u ediciji Dijalekatski rečnici Matice srpske.
^Tošović, Branko. "Bosnisch/Bosniakisch, Kroatisch und Serbisch (B/K/S)". Archived from the original on 1 December 2022. Retrieved 8 January 2023. Bis in die 1990er-Jahre wurde diese Sprache einheitlich offiziell als Serbokroatisch/Kroatoserbisch, inoffiziell als Serbisch und Kroatisch bezeichnet. Den Namen Serbokroatisch verwendete erstmals Jacob Grimm im Vorwort zu seiner Übersetzung der Kleinen Serbischen Grammatik (1824) von Vuk Stefanović Karadžić. Im Jahre 1836 benutzt Jernej Kopitar den Ausdruck "serbochorvatica sive chorvatocoserbica". P. Budmani veröffentlichte 1867 die Grammatica della lingua serbo-croata (illirica), und im Jahre 1877 erschien die Grammaire de la language serbo-croate des Kroaten Dragutin Pančić. Die Sprache, beziehungsweise die Sprachen, die aus dem ehemaligen Serbokroatischen entstanden sind, stellen ein kompliziertes soziolinguistisches Phänomen dar. Diese Komplexität ist gegeben, weil eine genetisch identische Sprache von (1) mehreren Nationen (Serben, Montenegrinen, Kroaten, Muslime/Bosniaken), (2) mehreren Religionen (Orthodoxen, Katholiken, Muslimen) gesprochen wird und weil diese Sprache (3) eine breite dialektologische Gliederung (das Štokavische, das Čakavische, das Kajkavische), (4) verschiedene Aussprachen (das Ekavische, das Ijekavische, das Ikavische) und (5) zwei Schriften (Lateinschrift, Kyrillica) aufweist.
^"Bunjevački govori". Bunjevački govori pripadaju novoštokavskom ikavskom dijalektu štokavskoga narječja hrvatskoga jezika. Govore se u dijelovima Dalmatinske zagore, Ravnih kotara, Like, Primorja, Gorskoga kotara, Slavonije i Baranje. Tim se govorima govori i u Bosni i Hercegovini, Srbiji i Mađarskoj. Povijesno i etnološki razlikuju se tri ogranka: podunavski (Bačka, južna Mađarska i okolica Budimpešte), primorsko-lički (Hrvatsko primorje, Lika i Gorski kotar) te dalmatinski Bunjevci (Dalmacija s dinarskim zaleđem, jugozapadna Bosna i Hercegovina). Svim je Bunjevcima prostorno ishodište jugoistočno dinarsko-jadransko granično područje, a vremensko je ishodište razdoblje srednjega vijeka. Bunjevački ogranci prema povijesnim, etnološkim i lingvističkim istraživanjima pokazuju kulturnu povezanost i bliskost.
^Monique Kostadinović Randwijk. Bunjevac European Center. "EDUCATION. Bunjevac Cultural Heritage - Speech & Tradition". www.bunjevac.org. Archived from the original on 15 January 2022. Retrieved 15 January 2022. A few Bunjevac leaders and political activists, who are influential in the Bunjevac National Council, are strongly involved in developing a "national" identity of Bunjevci: stimulating folklore activities, and searching for political and linguistic support to transform Bunjevac dialect in to a distinct language.
^Bojan Belić (2014). "Bunyev(s): linguistic frontier to be?". изворни научни чланак УДК 81'27(497.113). 12 (2): 613. It appears that the concept of standardization, whatever it may mean to the various parties involved, occupies a central position, or – actually – the central position in the Bunyev language debate, for it looks as though it is only thanks to standardization that a speech variety may gain the label of language.
^Hrvatska katolička mreža (20 March 2021). "Ne postoji bunjevački jezik, nego bunjevački govor". From the scientific and linguistic point of view, we can say that it is a traditional Croatian language. Numerous records speak of this, all Croatian linguists, all world Slavic linguists, and even leading Serbian linguists have never questioned the Croatian origin of the Bunjevac dialect. Željko Jozić
^Institut za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje. "Prijedlog za proglašenje bunjevačkoga govora nematerijalnom kulturnom baštinom". Retrieved 3 March 2022. Institut za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje uputio je Ministarstvu kulture RH prijedlog da se bunjevački govor proglasi hrvatskom nematerijalnom kulturnom baštinom, kao važan čin pomoći bunjevačkomu govoru i svim Bunjevcima u Hrvatskoj i inozemstvu.
. Most of the people living in the village identified as Bunjevci, an ethnic category closely associated with Catholic belonging and the use of a Bunjevac language variety that was completely mutually intelligible with standard Serbian and Croatian language varieties.
^"предлагач: градско веће - SUBOTICA.com. 21 April 2021"(PDF). p. 26. Retrieved 13 March 2022. Od 2007. godine u škole se uvodi izborni predmet Bunjevački govor sa elementima nacionalne kulture, a predmet nakon standardizacije jezika menja svoj naziv u Bunjevački jezik sa elementima nacionalne kulture.
^"Osnovne škole u AP Vojvodini". Provincial Secretariat for Education, Regulations, Administration and National Minorities – National Communities. Retrieved 13 March 2022. U osnovnim školama na teritoriji AP Vojvodine, pored nastave na srpskom jeziku, nastava se ostvaruje i na još pet jezika (mađarski, slovački, rumunski, rusinski i hrvatski). Pored redovne nastave na navedenim jezicima, učenicima je omogućeno i izučavanje mađarskog, slovačkog, rumunskog, rusinskog i hrvatskog jezika, kao i još šest jezika (ukrajinski, bunjevački, romski, bugarski, makedonski i češki), što je ukupno jedanaest jezika u okviru izborne nastave – Maternji jezik / govor sa elementima nacionalne kulture. 11.05.2021
^"Одлука о утврђивању стандарда буњевачког језика: 18/2018-192". 2018. DECISION."Official Gazette of RS", No. 18 of March 9, 2018. The standard of the Bunjevac language is determined:- the established standard must be applied in textbooks and teaching of the Bunjevac language / speech;- the established standard must be applied in the media registered in order to achieve the public interest of information in the Bunjevac language;- The National Council of the Bunjevac National Minority may support in co-financing only those publications in the Bunjevac language that are in accordance with the established standard of the Bunjevac language;
^István György Tóth (2003). "Between Islam and Catholicism: Bosnian Franciscan Missionaries in Turkish Hungary 1584-1716". pp. 409–410. "After the battle of Mohacs (1526) and the fall of Buda (1541), the middle third of the medieval kingdom of Hungary was occupied by the Turks. Large numbers of southern Slavs moved into the Turkish-occupied areas of Hungary. While many of these people were Catholics, overall the Catholic Church in Hungary was significantly weakened by the effects of the Reformation.(pp.409) Franciscan friars appeared in Bosnia at the end of the thirteenth century. They were given the task of challenging the Bogomil heretic church. The Pope declared the whole of Bosnian Kingdom to be a missionary territory and appointed the Franciscans as local inquisitors." (pp.410).
^LADISLAV HEKA (2009). "DOSELJENJE BUNJEVACA U MAĐARSKU I SEGEDIN. POVIJESNA ULOGA I ZNAČENJE HRVATA DALMATINA U ŽIVOTU SEGEDINA". Prvi Hrvati koji su se doselili u Mađarsku bili su bosanski franjevci koji su se u Segedinu već 1339. udomili u donjogradskoj crkvi Gospe Sniježne i u franjevačkom samostanu. (p.58) Prva značajnija migracija među Bunjevcima izazvana je turskim osvajanjima u Bosni, Hercegovini i Dalmaciji. Turci su na novoosvojenim područjima uveli svoj sustav vlasti, a lojalnim građanima su smatrali one južne Slavene koji su prihvatili islam. (p.59) Pater Bernardin Únyi ističe kako su Turci domicilno pučanstvo prisiljavali da se odreknu svoje vjeroispovijesti. Tko to nije bio voljan učiniti, konfiscirali su mu imovinu i podvrgnuli su ga različitim torturama. Imućniji sloj pučanstva i bogumili, u namjeri da spase život i imovinu, prešli su na islamsku vjeroispovijest. (p.60) Oni su kasnije postali begovi. Velik dio puka izabrao je ipak radije izbjeglištvo, nego odricanje od svoje vjeroispovijesti. (p.61) Tako su katolički Slaveni s područja oko Mostara, Nevesinja, Blagaja, Stolca i Počitelja najkraćim putom pošli preko Metkovića i Gabele u izbjeglištvo, te su se naselili u južnoj Dalmaciji. Na područje Like i Krbave prvi Bunjevci pristigli su oko 1550.-1551. godine te su se do 17. stoljeća postupno naseljavali u tome području. (p.62) Turci su, međutim, nastavili s provalama u hrvatsko državno područje, pa je dio Bunjevaca prinukan na novo izbjeglištvo. Tada su novu domovinu pronašli na sjeveroistoku, u području između Dunava i Tise.
^"Nek se slavi Bog u našem narodnom elementu!". 6 May 2022. Časnu sestru Eleonoru Merković, odgovornu i zaslužnu za brojna hodačašća mladih u Taizé, poznatu i po svom misionarskom radu, mnogi Subotičani i mještani okolnih naselja znaju i po njenoj ljubavi prema bunjevačkoj nošnji, koju desetljećima sakuplja, šije, posuđuje i u nju oblači mlade i djecu – sudionike proslava velikih kršćanskih blagdana te najvećih manifestacija bunjevačkih Hrvata.
^"Intézetünkről". Retrieved 31 March 2023. Határozott szándékunk valamennyi bunyevác kultúrájának megőrizése - legyen az illető bunyevác, bunyevác-horvát, vagy magát bunyevác származású magyarnak, szerbnek vagy bármely más nemzetiségűnek valló
^Milan Stepanović (31 July 2017). "DUŽIONICA (DUŽIJANCA)". Retrieved 23 March 2023. (Jovan Erdeljanović beleži ovaj običaj u Sinjskoj krajini pod imenom „Doženjancija", u Lici „Dožinjancija", a u dalmatinskoj Zagori „Dožencija")
^Ciobanu, Octavian (2018). "The heritage of Western Balkan Vlachs". International Scientific Conference Cultural Heritage: Research, Valorization, Promotion (10 ed.): 8.
. ostaci povijesnokulturnoga naslijeđa poput tragova kulta predaka (krsno ime, krsna slava), [...] mnogo pak govore o akulturacijskim tijekovima koji su zahvaćali bunjevačke zajednice.
^Ljubica Vuković Dulić (2013). "Sakralni predmeti od slame"(PDF). Godišnjak za znanstvena istraživanja: 225–237. Retrieved 27 January 2022.
^Černelić, Milana (2006). "Specifičan način darivanja nevjeste u bunjevačkim svadbenim običajima". Etnološka tribina: Godišnjak Hrvatskog etnološkog društva, Vol. 36 No. 29, 2006. 36 (29): 113–131. ... nevjesta na svadbenom piru ljubi svatove i za poljubac dobiva uzdarje u novcu. Taj je običaj zabilježen u svih regionalnih skupina podunavskih Bunjevaca: u Somboru i Subotici i u okolici u Bačkoj, u Baji i u okolici u južnoj Mađarskoj te u okolici Budimpešte, a traga mu ima i u primorsko-ličkih Bunjevaca.
Vuković, Petar (2017). Repanšek, Luka; Šekli, Matej (eds.). "Bunjevci from Bačka: Language situation". 12th Slavic Linguistics Society Annual Meeting Book of Abstracts. Založba ZRC; Slovenian Academy of Arts and Sciences: 198–199.
