Bulgarian phonology
This article discusses the phonological system of the Bulgarian language.
The
The first one considers that there are only 28 phonemes in Contemporary Standard Bulgarian: 21 consonants, 1 semivowel and 6 vowels and that only one of them, the semivowel j
, is palatal.[6][7] This was the general consensus reached by all major Bulgarian linguists prior to the Soviet occupation of Bulgaria in 1944, and still continues to be the view held by multiple modern Bulgarian and probably a majority of Western phonologists.[8][9][3][10]
The second school of thought is based on a sketch of Eastern Bulgarian consonantism made by Russian linguist
Both Stoykov and Andreychin had rejected Trubetzkoy's ideas in the early 1940s, before Bulgaria's occupation by the Red Army.[14][15] The concept got quick approval from the Bulgarian Communist Party and Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. The 17 palatals became a staple of all published standard Bulgarian grammars and phonologies during the totalitarian era.[16] The consonant model has not fared well abroad, routinely being called into question or outright rejected, including in the 1999 Handbook of the International Phonetic Association, which sided with the traditional interpretation.[17][18]
Vowels
Front | Central | Back | |
---|---|---|---|
Close | и /i/ | у /u/ | |
Mid | е /ɛ/ | ъ /ɤ/1 | о /ɔ/ |
Open | а /a/ |
According to their
/).Here /ɛ/, /a/ and /ɔ/ are "low", and /i/, /ɤ/ and /u/ are "high".
The dominant theory of Bulgarian vowel reduction posits that Bulgarian vowels have a phonemic value only in stressed position, while when
The merger of / in other Slavic languages, though a similar reduced vowel transcribed as [ə] does occur. The theory further posits that such neutralization may nevertheless not always happen: vowels tend to be distinguished in emphatic or deliberately distinct pronunciation, while reduction is strongest in colloquial speech.
Nevertheless, the hypothesis that high and low vowels neutralize into a common centralized vowel has never been properly studied or proven in a practical setting. Several recent studies by both Bulgarian and foreign researchers, involving volunteers speaking Contemporary Standard Bulgarian, have established—on the contrary—that while unstressed low vowels /ɛ/, /a/ and /ɔ/ are indeed raised as expected, unstressed high /ɤ/ and /u/ are also raised somewhat, rather than lowered, while /i/ remains in the same position.[23][24][25]
All three studies indicate that a clear distinction is kept between unstressed /ɛ/ and both stressed and unstressed /i/. The situation with unstressed /a/ and /ɔ/ is more complex, but all studies indicate that they both approach unstressed /ɤ/ and /u/ very closely and overlap with them to a great extent, but their average realisations remain slightly more open. One of the studies finds that unstressed /a/ to be practically undistinguishable from stressed /ɤ/,[26] while another finds a lack of statistically significant difference between /ɔ/ and /u/,[25] and a third one finds coalescence only in formants for one of the pairs and only in tongue position for the other.
While the difference between all
Semivowels
The Bulgarian language officially has only one semivowel: /j/. It is traditionally regarded as a semivowel, but in recent years, it has largely been treated as a "glide" or approximant, thus making it part of the consonant system. Orthographically, it is represented by the Cyrillic letter ⟨й⟩ (⟨и⟩ with a breve) as in най- [naj] (prefix 'most') and (тролей [troˈlɛj] ('trolleybus'), except when it precedes /a/ or /u/ (and their reduced counterparts [ɐ] and [o]), in which case both phonemes are represented by a single letter, ⟨я⟩ or ⟨ю⟩, respectively: e.g., ютия [juˈtijɐ] ('flat iron'), but Йордан [jorˈdan] ('Jordan').
As a result of
A study of 30 graduate students was therefore conducted in 2014 to quantify the trend. The study testified to an extremely wide proliferation of the phenomenon, with 9 out of 30 participants unable to produce []).
The glide [w] can also be found in English loan words such as уиски ['wiski] ('Whiskey') or Уикипедия ['wiki'pɛdiɐ] ('Wikipedia'). The semivowel /j/ forms a number of diphthongs, which are summarized below:[31][32]
Word start | |||
---|---|---|---|
[aj] | ай | айран | 'buttermilk' |
- | |||
- | |||
- | |||
- | |||
[uj] | уй | уйдисвам | 'indulge', 'be suitable for' |
Mid-word | |||
[aj] | ай | кайма | 'minced meat' |
- | |||
[ɛj] | ей | вейка | 'twig' |
[ij] | ий | партийна | 'of a party' |
[ɔj] | ой | война | 'war' |
[uj] | уй | вуйчо | 'uncle' |
Word end | |||
[aj] | ай | случай | 'case' |
[ɤj] | ъй | тъй | 'thus, so' |
[ɛj] | ей | гвоздей | 'nail' |
[ij] | ий | калий | 'sodium' |
[ɔj] | ой | завой | 'road bend' |
[uj] | уй | туй | 'this' |
Word start | |||
---|---|---|---|
[ja] | я | ям | 'I eat' |
- | |||
[jɛ] | йе | йерархия | 'hierarchy' |
- | |||
[jɔ] | йо | йод | 'iodine' |
[ju] | ю | юг | 'south' |
Mid-word | |||
[ja] | я | приятел | 'friend' |
- | |||
[jɛ] | йе | фойерверк | 'fireworks' |
- | |||
[jɔ] | йо | район | 'area' |
[ju] | ю | съюз | 'union' |
Word end | |||
[ja] | я | статуя | 'statue' |
[jɤ] | я | пия | 'I drink' |
- | |||
- | |||
[jɔ] | йо | Марийо | 'You, Maria!' (vocative case) |
- |
Consonants
Two schools of thought on Bulgarian consonantism
The main point of contention between the two schools of thought on Bulgarian consonantism has been whether
The first or the "traditionalist" school of thought developed gradually by consensus over the course of many decades, crystallized in the late 1930s and early 1940s and was reinvigorated after the fall of the totalitarian regime. It posits that Bulgarian has no palatal or palatalized consonants other than /
- Unlike the palatal consonants in other Slavic languages, which can usually be found in all positions, palatalized consonants in Bulgarian have very limited distribution: only before central or back vowels, and then only if there is a /j/ before the vowel, noted graphically with the letters ⟨я⟩ [ja]/[jɤ], ⟨ю⟩ [ju] or ⟨ьо⟩ [jɔ].[10][36]
- The enormous number of palatal or palatalized consonants claimed contradicts the historical development of Bulgarian and the South Slavic languages in general towards depalatalization, especially considering that there were only 9 or 10 palatal consonants in Old and Middle Bulgarian and that four of them have since hardened or are no longer used.[37][38]
- The reanalysis would make it possible to make sense of sequences like ям [ˈjam] ('(I) eat') ↔ изям [iˈzʲam] ('(I) eat till the last crumb') ↔ доям [doˈjam] ('(I) finish eating something') ↔ отям [oˈtʲam] ('(I) eat to my heart's content'), where a root is considered to be iotated in some cases and to palatalize the previous consonant in others.[39]
- The swift adoption of an approach that looks tailored to Russian but has proven a remarkably poor fit for Bulgarian at a time when Bulgaria was governed by a totalitarian regime completely subservient to the Soviet Union is suspicious and is most likely the result of Soviet duress and/or influence.[43][44]
The second school of thought came to being rather unexpectedly in the late 1940s, as a refinement of Trubetzkoy's rough draft a decade before. It quickly gained currency in the state apparatus as the only theory, most likely because it used the same approach as in
- Even though the distribution of palatalized consonants is limited, there is still a large number of Bulgarian words can be distinguished only by the difference in palatalization, e.g. гол [gɔɫ] ('nude/naked') vs. гьол [ˈgʲɔɫ] ('puddle'); лук [ˈɫuk] ('onion') vs. люк [ˈʎuk] ('hatch'); дал [daɫ] ('to have given') vs/ дял [ˈdʲaɫ] ('share');
- Palatal consonants cannot be considered to be formed by their hard counterparts by adding (/j/), as there is a clear auditory difference between pronouncing a soft consonant (as in Russian) and pronouncing a consonant and a glide (as in English). A 2012 comparative study of palatal phonemes in Russian, palatalized phonemes in Bulgarian and CjV clusters in English has deduced that the phonetic and auditory properties of Bulgarian palatals are similar to those in Russian and deviate substantially from the English consonant + glide sequences and that Bulgarian and Russian listeners did not need to wait for formant transitions to identify a consonant as palatal/palatalized unlike English listeners.[47]
Historical development of Bulgarian consonantism
By the
Historical phonetician Anna-Maria Totomanova has expressed a slightly divergent opinion: the four hard/palatal contrastive pairs were again /
Eventually, /ʃ/, /ʒ/ and /t͡ʃ/ hardened permanently, /d͡z/ disappeared from the phonemic inventory, and ⟨дж⟩ (/d͡ʒ/) was borrowed from Ottoman Turkish as only hard. But before that, two phenomena led to the palatalization of more consonants: a second iotation and the dissolution of the yat vowel. As a result of the contraction and closure of the syllable in the Middle Bulgarian period, unstressed /i/ in many cases turned into the semivowel /j/ or attached to a consonant, palatalising it. Thus, Old Bulgarian свиниꙗ [sviˈnija] ('swine') contracted into свиня [sviˈɲa] and братиꙗ [ˈbratija] ('brothers') into братя [ˈbratʲɐ].[51]
In many dialects, the resulting palatalised т' (/tʲ/) and д' (/dʲ/) turned into palatalised к' (/c/) and г' (/ɟ/).[52] These were subsequently eliminated from CSB as dialecticisms, e.g., цвет'e [ˈt͡svɛtʲɛ] ('flower')→ цвек'е ['t͡svɛkʲɛ] → Ø. The form accepted in the literary language was instead the unpalatalised цвете [ˈt͡svɛtɛ] based on the Old Bulgarian form.
The dissolution of the yat happened somewhat later, towards the end of the Middle Bulgarian period and had different effects on the various dialects. In most of the East, yat in a stressed syllable softened the preceding consonant and turned into /a/. In the West, however, it led to /ɛ/ in both stressed and unstressed syllables producing no palatalisation anywhere.[53] This was one of the main factors that led to the markedly different patterns of palatalisation in Western and Eastern Bulgarian dialects, i.e., strong palatalisation of only 5 consonants in the West vs. moderate palatalisation of almost all consonants in the East.
Development of phonological theory before 1945
The first Bulgarian grammar to mention phonetics is Ivan Bogorov's First Bulgarian Grammar, where he identified 22 consonants, however, including among them ⟨щ⟩ (ʃt), ⟨ъ⟩ and ⟨ь⟩ (no phonemic status at word end).[54] The first Bulgarian man of letters to correctly identify the 21 consonants in Bulgarian was Ivan Momchilov, in 1868.[55] According to Momchilov, Bulgarian consonants could sound hard or soft, entirely depending on the vowel accompanying them.[56]
Phonetics only started developing seriously after
"If we disregard individual cases of old, stronger palatalization, which may be found in Eastern and Western dialects alike, Contemporary Standard Bulgarian has developed a very distinctive "semi-palatalization", which is often neglected."
This was a result of the attempts to unify the extremely divergent patterns of Eastern and Western palatalization into a common standard in the 1800s and early 1900s, which eventually led to its general elimination from the standard language. Examples include the complete elimination of end-word palatals in a number of words ending in ⟨р'⟩ (/rʲ/), ⟨н'⟩ (/ɲ/), ⟨л'⟩ (/ʎ/) and ⟨т'⟩ (/tʲ/), e.g., writing and saying кон [ˈkɔn] ('horse') instead of конь ['kɔɲ], път ['pɤt] ('road') instead of пъть [pɤtʲ]), etc.; the adoption of the hard suffix -не instead of -нье for verbal nouns, i.e., писане [pisɐˈnɛ] instead of писанье [pisɐ'ɲɛ] ('writing'); labelling palatalization before front vowels as dialectal: (поле [poˈlɛ] instead of полье [pо'ʎɛ] ('field'), тиква [tikˈvɐ] instead of тьиква [tʲikˈvɐ] ('pumpkin')), etc.[61] Thus, the only sanctioned palatalisation in CSB is in syllable-initial position before central and back vowels, i.e., in front of /a/, /ɤ/, /ɔ/ and /u
The opinions of Bulgarian linguistics were also shared by a number of foreign Slavicists. French linguist Léon Beaulieux has stated that Bulgarian is characterised by its tendency to eliminate all palatal consonants.[62] Czech linguist Horalek claimed as early as the 1940s that palatalisation in standard Bulgarian was on its way to disappear through decomposition and the development of a specific /j/ glide and that words such as бял (white) & дядо (grandfather) were pronounced [bjaɫ] & [ˈdjado] (i.e., CjV) or even [biaɫ] & [ˈdiado] just as often as they were pronounced [bʲaɫ] and [ˈdʲado].[63]
Bulgarian consonantism according to IPA (22-consonant model)
A graphic representation of the Bulgarian consonant systems according to the International Phonetic Association (22 consonants) follows below:[17]
Place of articulation Type of consonant
|
Labial | Dental / Alveolar | Postalveolar | Dorsal | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Voiced | Voiceless | Voiced | Voiceless | Voiced | Voiceless | Voiced | Voiceless | |
Nasal | m [ɱ]2 | n3
|
[ŋ]4 | |||||
Stop
|
b | p | d
|
t
|
ɡ | k | ||
Affricate
|
(d͡z)5 | t͡s | d͡ʒ | t͡ʃ | ||||
Fricative
|
v | f | z | s | ʒ | ʃ | [ɣ]6 | x7 |
Approximant
|
(w)8 | j | ||||||
Trill | r
|
|||||||
Lateral | ɫ9
|
As
A number of foreign linguists have rejected the 39-consonant model based on an analysis of the distribution and degree of "softening" of Bulgarian "palatals" and the number of speakers pronouncing ⟨bj⟩, ⟨dj⟩ or ⟨fj⟩ instead of ⟨bʲ⟩, ⟨dʲ⟩ or ⟨fʲ⟩. These have included Austrian researcher Merlingen (1957),[79] Americans Carleton Hodge (1957)[80] and Joseph van Campen and Jacob Ornstein (1959),[81] Romanian linguist Alexandru Rosetti, who qualified the degree of palatalization of Bulgarian consonants as "a softening" (1967),[82] Swiss Max Mangold (1988),[83] Korean Slavist Gwon-Jin Choi, who has argued about the decomposition of Bulgarian palatalism (into C + j) (1994),[4][39] as well as phoneticians Ternes and Vladimirova-Buhtz, who have most recently suggested C-j-V notation of palatals, as their limited distribution proved they were allophones rather than phonemes (1999).[17]
A comparison of the distribution of palatalized consonants in Bulgarian and other Slavic languages and of the number of palatals in each major Slavic languages is of key importance for understanding the issue:
Bulgarian
| ||
Position |
Distribution |
Example
|
Before back vowels | лют [lʲu̟t] (spicy) | |
Before front vowels | – | |
Before sonorants | – | |
Before other consonants | – | |
At word end | – |
Serbo-Croatian
| ||
Position |
Distribution |
Example
|
Before back vowels | ljut [ʎûːt] (angry) | |
Before front vowels | polje [pôʎe] (field) | |
Before sonorants | daljnji [dâːʎɲiː] (far) | |
Before other consonants | biljka [bîːʎka] (plant) | |
At word end | kralj [krâːʎ] (king) |
Russian
| ||
Position |
Distribution |
Example
|
Before back vowels | люк [lʲuk] (hatch) | |
Before front vowels | поле [ˈpolʲe] (field) | |
Before sonorants | сильно [ˈsʲilʲnə] (strongly) | |
Before other consonants | полька [ˈpolʲkə] (polka) | |
At word end | печаль [pʲɪˈt͡ɕælʲ] (grief) |
All other palatalized consonants in Bulgarian have the same distribution:
Position | Consonant | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
p | pʲ | b | bʲ | m | mʲ | f | fʲ | v | vʲ | t | tʲ | d | dʲ | s | sʲ | z | zʲ | t͡s | t͡sʲ | d͡z | d͡zʲ | n | ɲ | r | rʲ | ʃ | ʒ | t͡ʃ | d͡ʒ | j | l/ɫ | ʎ | k | kʲ | g | gʲ | x | xʲ | |
Before back vowels | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Before front vowels | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Before sonorants | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Before other consonants | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
At word end |
Language | Consonant | ||||||||||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
pʲ | bʲ | mʲ | fʲ | vʲ | tʲ | dʲ | sʲ | zʲ | t͡sʲ | d͡zʲ | ɲ | rʲ | ɕ | ʑ | t͡ɕ | d͡ʑ | j | ʎ | c | ɟ | ç | ɣʲ | |
Russian | |||||||||||||||||||||||
Belarussian |
|||||||||||||||||||||||
Ukrainian | |||||||||||||||||||||||
Polish | |||||||||||||||||||||||
Czech | |||||||||||||||||||||||
Slovak | |||||||||||||||||||||||
Slovenian |
|||||||||||||||||||||||
Serbo-Croatian |
|||||||||||||||||||||||
Bulgarian (22-consonant model) | |||||||||||||||||||||||
Bulgarian (39-consonant model) |
It is argued that it is highly unlikely for modern Bulgarian to have developed 18 palatalized consonants (incl. /j/) from the 9 or 10 that existed in Old Bulgarian (/ʃ/, /ʒ/, /t͡ʃ/, /t͡sʲ/, /d͡zʲ/, /j/, /ɳ/, /ʎ/, /rʲ/ and /sʲ/), considering that four of those had already hardened or disappeared (/ʃ/, /ʒ/, /t͡ʃ/, /d͡zʲ/).[89] Townsend and Janda have argued that such a development is at odds with the general development in all South Slavic languages, which had suppressed the development of palatals very early.[90] If Bulgarian indeed had 18 palatal phonemes, it would be as palatal a language as Russian and Belarussian, which runs counter to auditory experience.
Bulgarian consonantism according to Trubetzkoy (39-consonant model)
A graphic representation of the Bulgarian consonant system according to the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences and based on Trubetzkoy's ideas follows below (39 consonants):[46]
Place of articulation Type of consonant
|
Labial | Dental / Alveolar10 | Postalveolar | Palatal | Velar | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Hard | Soft | Hard | Soft | Hard | Soft | Hard | Soft | Hard | Soft | |
Nasal | m [ɱ]2 | mʲ | n3
|
ɳ̩ | [ŋ]4 | |||||
Stop
|
p b | pʲ bʲ | d
|
tʲ dʲ | c ɟ | k ɡ | ||||
Affricate
|
t͡s (d͡z)5 | t͡sʲ (d͡zʲ)11 | t͡ʃ d͡ʒ | |||||||
Fricative
|
f v | fʲ vʲ | s z | sʲ zʲ | ʃ ʒ | x7 [ɣ]6 | (xʲ)11 | |||
Approximant
|
(w)8 | j | ||||||||
Trill | r
|
rʲ | ||||||||
Lateral | ɫ9
|
ʎ |
The 39-consonant model is inextricably linked to Russian linguist
Both
Stoykov eventually conceded, and after the most distinguished Bulgarian phonetician of the totalitarian period, Димитър Тилков , also agreed to the inclusion ("as they were envisaged by the system"), the 39-consonant system was set in stone.[98] Tilkov designated /d͡zʲ/ and /ç/ as "potential phonemes", adding ф' (/fʲ/) to them in 1982, as it existed in only a handful of words, all of them borrowings (e.g., фюрер [ˈfʲurɛr] ('Führer')).[99] The “potential phoneme”approach has not enjoyed much support abroad, where most authors generally omit not only /d͡zʲ/ and /ç/, but also /d͡z/.[100][101][102]
While the consonant model was lauded in the Soviet Union by the likes of, e.g., Yuriy Maslov, acceptance in the West, except for Klagstad, has been lukewarm. Most of those who have opted to go with it rather than with the alternative model routinely call into question parts of it or make caveats. The most prolific Bulgarian phonologist and grammarian in the English-speaking world, Ernest Scatton, notes (1993): According to Voegelin (1965):[104]
Hodge and Bidwell treat the palatalized consonants not as separate unit phonemes (as given in the inventory above) but as clusters of consonants + /j/, which occur only before non-front vowels. There is more agreement among the sources in the treatment of /l', n', k', g'/ as palatalized phonemes than in the treatment of the other palatalized phonemes.
Palatalization
Palatalization refers to a type of consonant articulation, where a secondary palatal movement similar to that for /
However, the only articulatory study of palatalized consonants in Bulgarian, conducted by
However, in
The articulation of /
Moreover, a study of the perception of hard and palatlized consonants conducted by Tilkov in 1983 has indicated that with the exception of palatalized velars (/c/, /ɟ/, /ç/), Bulgarian listeners needed to hear the transition to the vowel to correctly identify a consonant as soft.[117] All this has raised the question whether Bulgarian palatals have indeed lost their secondary articulatory gesture and have decomposed into CjV sequences, as claimed by Danchev, Ignatova-Tzoneva, Choi, etc.
A 2012 perception study of palatalized consonants in Bulgarian compared with a language where palatalization is indisputed (Russian) and a language where such consonants are undoubtedly articulated as CjV clusters (English) concluded that unlike English listeners, Russian and Bulgarian listeners could identify a palatal(ized) consonant without waiting for the transition to the following vowel.[118] The study also found similarities in the phonetic shape of palatal(ized) consonants in Bulgarian and Russian and marked differences between those in the two languages and English, disproving the hypothesis for the decomposition of palatalization put forward by Horalek, Ignatova-Tzoneva, Choi, etc.[118] Nevertheless, based on the phonological distribution of Bulgarian palatals, which was similar to that in English and completely different from that in Russian, the author argued in favour of CjV notation.[118]
Palatalization of *tj/*gt/*kt and *dj in Bulgarian
While the results of the three Slavic palatalizations are generally the same across all or most Slavic languages, the palatalization of *tj (and the related *gti and *kti) and *dj in Late Common Slavic led to vastly divergent result in each individual Slavic language.
Proto-Slavic | Old Church Slavonic | Bulgarian | Macedonian | Serbo-Croatian | Slovenian
|
Slovak | Czech | Polish | Russian |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
*dʲ medja ('boundary') |
жд ([ʒd]) |
жд ([ʒd]) |
ѓ (/ɟ/) |
ђ (/d͡ʑ/) |
j (/j/) |
dz (/d͡z/) |
z (/z/) |
dz (/d͡z/) |
ж (/ʐ/)
|
межда |
межда |
меѓа |
међа |
meja |
medza |
mez |
miedza |
межа
| |
*tʲ světja ('candle') |
щ ([ʃt]) |
щ ([ʃt]) |
ќ (/c/) |
ћ (/t͡ɕ/) |
č (/t͡ʃ/) |
c (/t͡s/) |
c (/t͡s/) |
c (/t͡s/) |
ч (/t͡ɕ/)
|
свѣща |
свещ |
свеќа |
свећа |
sveča |
svieca |
svíce |
świeca |
свеча
| |
*gti mogti ('might') |
щ ([ʃt]) |
щ ([ʃt]) |
ќ (/c/) |
ћ (/t͡ɕ/) |
č (/t͡ʃ/) |
c (/t͡s/) |
c (/t͡s/) |
c (/t͡s/) |
ч (/t͡ɕ/)
|
мощъ |
мощ |
моќ |
моћ |
moč |
moc |
moc |
moc |
моч
| |
*kti nokti ('night') |
щ ([ʃt]) |
щ ([ʃt]) |
ќ (/c/) |
ћ (/t͡ɕ/) |
č (/t͡ʃ/) |
c (/t͡s/) |
c (/t͡s/) |
c (/t͡s/) |
ч (/t͡ɕ/)
|
нощъ |
нощ |
ноќ |
ноћ |
noč |
noc |
noc |
noc |
ноч
|
Bulgarian *tj/*kti/*gti and *dj reflexes ⟨щ⟩ ([ʃt]) and ⟨жд⟩ ([ʒd]), which are exactly the same as in Old Church Slavonic, and the near-open articulation [æ] of the
For example, in the
The development of ⟨ʃt⟩ > /
Phonation
Phonation is a primary distinctive feature for
If the existence of separate palatalised consonant phonemes (39-consonant model) is accepted, 6 more contrastive obstruent pairs are added: /pʲ/↔/bʲ/, /fʲ/↔/vʲ/, /tʲ/↔/dʲ/, /sʲ/↔/zʲ/, /tsʲ/↔/dzʲ/,/ɟ/↔/c/, for a total of 14.
Voicing, devoicing, assimilation, sandhi, ellision
Like all other Slavic languages apart from
CSB also features regressive assimilation in consonant clusters. Thus, voiced obstruents devoice if they are followed by a voiceless obstruent (e.g., изток is pronounced ['istok]) ('East')), and voiceless obstruents voice if they are followed by a voiced obstruent (e.g., сграда is pronounced ['zgradɐ] ('building')).[129]
Assimilation also occurs across word boundaries (in the form of sandhi), for example, от гората is pronounced [odgo'ratɐ] ('from the forest'), while над полето becomes [natpo'lɛto] ('above the field').[130]
The consonants /
Distribution of voiced and voiceless consonants in Bulgarian
Position | Consonant | |||||||||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
b | p | v | f | d | t | z | s | d͡za | t͡s | ʒ | ʃ | d͡ʒ | t͡ʃ | g | k | x | m | l | n | r | j | |
Position I: Before central and back vowels (/a/, /ɤ/, /ɔ/, /u/) | ||||||||||||||||||||||
Position II: Before front vowels (/ɛ/, (/i/) | ||||||||||||||||||||||
Position III: Before sonorants (/ l /) |
||||||||||||||||||||||
Position IV: Before /v/ | ||||||||||||||||||||||
Position V: At word end | ||||||||||||||||||||||
Position VI: Before voiceless consonants | ||||||||||||||||||||||
Position VII: Before voiced consonants |
Consonant classification based on place and manner of articulation
Place of articulation
The consonants:
- п (/bilabial;
- ф (/labiodental;
- т (/dental;
- р (/l/) are alveolar;
- ш (/postalveolar;
- й (/palatal; and
- к (/
The palatalized allophones of
- п (/p/), б (/b/), м (/m/), ф (/f/) and в (/v/) are pronounced by many Bulgarians as sequences of C+j.;[134]
- {{Script|Cyrs|т (/);
- р (/alveo-palatal; and
- к (/palatum instead of the velum.[134]
Manner of articulation
- /);
- /);
- /);
- n/)
- r/)
- l/)
Word stress
Stress is not usually marked in written text. In cases where the stress must be indicated, a grave accent is placed on the vowel of the stressed syllable.13
Bulgarian
- nouns – мъ̀ж /mɤʃ/ ('man'), мъжъ̀т /mɐˈʒɤt/ ('the man'), мъжѐ /mɐˈʒɛ/ ('men'), мъжѐте /mɐˈʒɛtɛ/ ('the men')
- verbs – отѝвам /oˈtivɐm/ ('I am going'), отидѝ /otiˈdi/ ('go!')
Bulgarian stress is also distinctive: the following examples are only differentiated by stress (see the different vowels):
- nouns
- въ̀лна /ˈvɤɫnɐ/ ('wool'), вълна̀ /vɐɫˈna/ ('wave')
- па̀ра /ˈparɐ/ ('steam'), пара̀ /pɐˈra/ ('coin')
- verbs
- когато до̀йде /koˈɡato ˈdɔjdɛ/ ('when he comes'), когато дойдѐ /koˈɡato dojˈdɛ/ (when he came')
- взрѝвен /ˈvzrivɛn/ ('explosive'), взривѐн /vzriˈvɛn/ ('exploded')14
Stress usually isn't signified in written text, even in the above examples, if the context makes the meaning clear. However, the grave accent may be written if confusion is likely. 15
The stress is often written in order to signify a dialectal deviation from the standard pronunciation:
- каза̀ ми /kɐˈza mi/ ('he told me'), instead of каза ми /ˈkazɐ mi/
- иска̀ да дойде /iˈska dɐ dɔjdɛ/ ('he wanted to come'), instead of искаше да дойде /ˈiskɐʃɛ dɐ dɔjdɛ/)16
̀
" after the targeted stressed vowel if editing HTML source code. See "Accute accent" diacritic character in Unicode, Unicode character "Cyrillic small letter i with grave" and Unicode character "Cyrillic capital letter i with grave" for the exact Unicode characters that utilize the grave accent. Retrieved 2010-06-21.^14 Note that the last example is only spelled the same in the masculine. In the feminine, neuter and the plural, it is spelled differently—e.g. vzrìvna ('explosive' fem.), vzrivèna ('exploded' fem.), etc.
^15 However, the grave accent is obligatorily used to disambiguate between the two non-stressed words—* и ('and'), ѝ ('to her'). Since many computer programs do not allow for accents on Cyrillic letters, "й" is sometimes seen instead of "ѝ".
^16
References
- ^ Mihaylov, Miroslav (2021). Фонетика на съвременния български книжовен език [Phonetics and Phonology of Contemporary Standard Bulgarian]. pp. 48–54.
- ^ a b van Campen & Ornstein (1959), pp. 266–270.
- ^ a b Ignatova-Tzoneva (2008), pp. 7–12.
- ^ a b c Choi (1994), pp. 10–14.
- ^ Sabev (2013), Note 1: [In other accounts of the Bulgarian sound system a set of the so-called "soft" (i.e. palatal or palatalised) consonants is also included: /pʲ/, /bʲ/, /tʲ/, /dʲ/, /c/ (=kʲ ), /ɟ/ (=gʲ ), /tsʲ/, /dzʲ/, /mʲ/, /ɲ/ (=nʲ ), /rʲ/, /fʲ/, /vʲ/, /sʲ/, /zʲ/, /ç/ (=xʲ ), /ʎ/ (=lʲ )]. [dzʲ] and [ç] do not occur in native words, though they do in foreign names: Дзян [dzʲan] 'Jian', Хюс/Хюз [çus] 'Hughes'. However, the phonemic status of the "soft" consonants is questionable. Before front vowels they should be regarded as allophones of the corresponding "hard" (i.e. non-palatal or non-palatalised) consonant phonemes, since the palatalisation here is occurs naturally, to facilitate articulation. Before non-front vowels these can be interpreted as combinations of C + /j/.].
- ^ a b Sabev (2013), Note 1.
- ^ a b Ternes & Vladimirova-Buhtz (1999), pp. 56.
- ^ a b c d Teodorov-Balan (1940), p. 84.
- ^ a b Mangold (1988), pp. 102.
- ^ a b Danchev (2001), pp. 132–134.
- ^ a b Trubetzkoy (1971), pp. 239–240.
- ^ Stoykov, Stoyko (1961). Увод във фонетиката на българския език [Introduction to Bulgarian Phonetics]. Sofia: Издателство „Наука и изкуство”.
- ^ Andreychin (1950), pp. 492.
- ^ Stoykov, Stoyko (1942). Български книжовен изговор: Опитно изследване [Bulgarian Literary Pronunciation: Field Study]. Sofia: State Printing House. p. 11.
Едни от езиковедите, излизайки предимно от слуховия им характер (акустичния ефект), ги смятат за отделни самостойни звукове наред с останалите меки и твърди съгласни, а други, излизайки предимно от учленителните им особености, ги смятат за съчетание (комбинация) от твърда съгласна и [ й ], образувано от две едновременни, но отделни и независими едно от друго учленителни движения – едно движение на устните или на предния език за съответната твърда лабиална или алвеолна съгласна, а друго движение на средния език върху твърдото небце за съгласната [й]. Трябва да се подчертае, че между меките (палаталните) и смекчените (палатализуваните) съгласни няма резки учленителни и слухови граници, та затова понякога е доста трудно да се определи точно една съгласна дали е мека или е смекчена
[Judging primarily by their auditory nature (acoustic effect), some linguists regard them as standalone sounds, right next to the other hard and soft consonants, while others, starting primarily from their articulatory properties, consider them to be a combination of a hard consonant and [j] formed by two simultaneous, yet separate and full independent articulatory movements—one of the lips or the tip of the tongue to form the corresponding hard labial or alveolar consonant and the other one by the middle part of tongue raising itself towards the palate to form the consonant [j]. It needs to be emphasised that soft (palatal) and softened (palatalised) consonants are not divided by strict articulatory or auditory lines, which sometimes makes it difficult to determine whether a specific consonant is soft or just softened] - ^ Andreychin, Lyubomir (1942). Основна българска граматика [Basic Bulgarian Grammar]. Sofia: Hemus. pp. 26, 33.
Когато мястото на образуване на една съгласна се премести или разшири малко към средата на небцето и на езика (при запазване на другите учленителни особености), нейният изговор получава особен оттенък, който наричаме мек: л – ль, н – нь, т – ть, к – кь и пр.
[When a consonant's place of articulation moves or somewhat widens towards the middle of the palate and tongue (while all other articulation characteristics remain unchanged, this articulation is given a particular nuance that we refer to as 'soft': l – lʲ, n – nʲ, т – тʲ, к – кʲ and so on] - ^ Tilkov, Dimitar; Boyadzhiev, Todor (1977). Българска фонетика [Bulgarian Phonetics]. p. 126.
- ^ a b c d e f Ternes & Vladimirova-Buhtz (1999), pp. 55–56.
- ^ a b Townsend & Janda (1996), pp. 286–287.
- ^ Dokovova et al. (2019), pp. 2720.
- ^ Andreeva, Barry & Koreman (2013), pp. 2.
- ^ Tilkov, Dimitar; Boyadzhiev, Todor (1977). Българска фонетика [Bulgarian Phonetics] (in Bulgarian). Sofia: Наука и Изкуство. p. 201.
- ^ Zhobov (2004:44–45)
- ^ Andreeva, Barry & Koreman (2013).
- ^ Dokovova et al. (2019).
- ^ a b c Sabev, Mitko (2015). Reduction of unstressed central and back vowels in Contemporary Standard Bulgarian. 18th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences. Glasgow.
- ^ Andreeva, Barry & Koreman (2013), pp. 3.
- ^ Padareva-Ilieva & Mitsova (2014), pp. 47–48.
- ^ Padareva-Ilieva & Mitsova (2014), pp. 48.
- ^ Padareva-Ilieva & Mitsova (2014), pp. 54.
- ^ Padareva-Ilieva & Mitsova (2014), pp. 55.
- ^ Ignatova-Tzoneva (2019), pp. 54–55.
- ^ Tilkov (1982), pp. 124–125.
- ^ Popov, Dimitar (1942). Българска граматика [Bulgarian Grammar]. Plovdiv: Hristo G. Danov. p. 33.
- ^ Ignatova-Tzoneva & Baeva (2009), pp. 21.
- ^ a b Danchev (2001), pp. 133.
- ^ Ignatova-Tzoneva & Baeva (2009), pp. 19–21.
- ^ Mirchev (1963), pp. 133.
- ^ Mladenov, Stefan (1979). История на българския език. Превод и редакция от проф. д-р Иван Дуриданов от оригиналното немско издание от 1929 г. [History of the Bulgarian language. Translation and Editing of the 1929 Original German Edition by Professor Ivan Duridanov] (in Bulgarian). p. 139.
- ^ a b Choi (1999).
- ^ van Campen & Ornstein (1959), pp. 265, Quote: [(Stoyko Stoykov:[sic) I observed the same thing in the speech of my informants SS, GS, VV, PB. In their pronunciation there exists a hesitation (lack of a fixed norm) in the articulation of t', d', n' in words such as letja, bdja, njama and the like, by listening attentively, one can note several pronunciations: [le'təjə], ['bdəjə], ['nəjamə], le'tjə], ['bdjə], ['njamə], [le'tʲə], ['bdʲə], ['nʲamə]. I also established this fact in my work with artificial palates.].
- ^ Ignatova-Tzoneva (2019), pp. 30.
- ^ Tilkov, Dimitar (1983). Диференциалният признак палаталност на съгласните – Изследвания върху българския език [The Distinctive Feature of Consonant Palatalisation – Studies of the Bulgarian Language]. Sofia: Наука и изкуство. p. 142.
Общата основа, създадена от преходните процеси при реализация на палаталните съгласни и на [й], е предпоставка за откъсване на признака палаталност от сбора на признаците на палаталната фонема и да се включи в сбора на диференциалните признаци на фонемата [й]. Това често се случва в речта на говорител, за когото палаталните фонеми не са познати във фонологичната система на езика или на диалекта, който той практикува. В такъв случай съчетанията от диференциални признаци на една фонема се разкъсват и се обособяват в две различни фонеми, т.е. говорителят обособява като фонема това, което за фонемата в непознатата нему система не е нищо друго освен един от диференциалните признаци. Така например говорителите от Западна България, които не познават палаталните съгласни, имат тенденция да откъсват признака палаталност от консонантните фонеми и да го обособяват в по-голяма или в по-малка степен като самостоятелен йотов изговор: б*ал, н*ама, с*анка и др.
[The common basis created by the transitional processes of articulation of palatal consonants and /j/ may detach the palatalisation feature from the sum total of features of the palatal phoneme and instead add it to the sum total of the distinctive properties of the phoneme /j/. This often happens in speakers whose language or dialect lacks palatal phonemes. In this case, the distinctive features of the phoneme break down, splitting into two separate phonemes, i.e., the speakers create a new phoneme based on one of the differential features of the phoneme in that unfamiliar system. Thus, for example, speakers in Western Bulgaria, who are not familiar with palatal consonants, tend to disconnect the palatalisation feature from the consonant phonemes, resulting, to a greater or smaller extent, in iotated speech: ['bjat], ['njamɐ], ['sjaŋkɐ].] - ^ Danchev (2001), pp. 133–134.
- ^ Ignatova-Tzoneva (2018), pp. 11.
- ^ Trubetzkoy (1971), pp. 240.
- ^ a b Tilkov (1982), pp. 110.
- ^ Pritchard (2012), pp. 2–6.
- ^ a b Haralampiev (2001), pp. 79.
- ^ Totomanova (2014), pp. 8.
- ^ Scatton & Huntley (1993), pp. 127.
- ^ Totomanova (2014), pp. 67.
- ^ Totomanova (2014), pp. 68–69.
- ^ Totomanova (2014), pp. 76–92.
- ^ Bogorov (1848), pp. 4.
- ^ Momchilov (1868), pp. 6.
- ^ Momchilov (1868), pp. 145.
- ^ Kalkandzhiev, Petar (1936). Българска граматика [Bulgarian Grammar]. Plovdiv: Hristo G. Danov. p. 31.
Меки съгласки са – ж, ш, й, ч, дж; твърди – всички останали; тази делитба обаче в днешния български език е излишна, защото всяка съгласка може да бъде повече или по-малко смекчена, ако се следва от някоя мека самогласка
[Our palatal consonants are ⟨ж⟩ (/ʒ/), ⟨ш⟩ (/ʃ/), ⟨й⟩ (/j/), ⟨ч⟩ (/t͡ʃ/) & ⟨дж⟩ (/d͡ʒ/), while the rest of consonants are hard. Nevertheless, such a division in Contemporary Bulgarian is unnecessary, since every consonant may be palatalised to a greater or smaller extent, if followed by a soft vowel] - ^ Popov, Dimitar (1942). Българска граматика [Bulgarian Grammar]. Plovdiv: Hristo G. Danov. p. 33.
В новобългарски звуковете са по-твърди, отколкото в старобългарски. Гласните звукове затвърдели повече в западните говори, а съгласните - в източните. Книжовният език държи среднина
[Sounds in New Bulgarian are harder than those in Old Bulgarian. Vowels have hardened more in the Western dialects, while consonants in the Eastern ones. The literary language balances in the middle.] - ^ Andreychin, Lyubomir (1942). Основна българска граматика [Basic Bulgarian Grammar]. Sofia: Hemus. pp. 26, 33.
Когато мястото на образуване на една съгласна се премести или разшири малко към средата на небцето и на езика (при запазване на другите учленителни особености), нейният изговор получава особен оттенък, който наричаме мек: л – ль, н – нь, т – ть, к – кь и пр.
[When a consonant's place of articulation moves or somewhat widens towards the middle of the palate and tongue (while all other articulation characteristics remain unchanged, this articulation is given a particular nuance that we refer to as 'soft': l – lʲ, n – nʲ, т – тʲ, к – кʲ and so on] - ^ Mladenov, Stefan (1979). История на българския език. Превод и редакция от проф. д-р Иван Дуриданов от оригиналното немско издание от 1929 г. [History of the Bulgarian language. Translation and Editing of the 1929 Original German Edition by Professor Ivan Duridanov] (in Bulgarian). p. 139.
Без да се гледа на единичните случаи със стара, по-силна палатализация, която може да се срещне както в източни, така и в западни български говори, в новобългарски се е развила една твърде характерна "полупалатализация", която често бива занемарявана.
- ^ Kalkandziev, Vasil; Kalkanzdziev, Kalkandzieva (22 June 2018). Българският университет и науката [The Bulgarian University and Science]. Vol. I The College in Sofia. pp. 189–190.
- ^ Beaulieux, Léon (1934). Quelques caracteristiques de l'évolution du bulgare moderne [Certain Characteristics of the Evolution of Modern Bulgarian] (in French).
- ^ Horalek, K. (1950). "K otazce palatalnich suhlas v bulharstine" [On the Question of Palatal Consonants in Bulgarian]. Slavia (in Czech) (XX): 57–60.
- ^ a b Sabev (2013), Note 6.
- ^ a b Sabev (2013), Note 7.
- ^ a b Sabev (2013), Note 8.
- ^ Scatton & Huntley (1993), pp. 191 Quote: [Besides foreign proper names, /ʒ/ occurs in a small number of non-literary, dialectal words, which, if used in the literary language, regularly replace /ʒ/ with /z/: дзифт/dzift ~ зифт/zift ('tar')].
- ^ a b Ternes & Vladimirova-Buhtz (1999), pp. 55.
- ^ a b Sabev (2013), Note 9.
- ^ a b Zhobov (2004:65–66)
- ^ Ternes & Vladimirova-Buhtz (1999), pp. 57.
- ^ Mihaylov, Miroslav (2021). Фонетика на съвременния български книжовен език [Phonetics and Phonology of Contemporary Standard Bulgarian]. p. 53.
Според Бл. Шклифов наличието на лабиални меки съгласни е антропофонетичен абсурд. Не е възможно човек да учленява едновременно един звук с устните си, и същевременно на палатума, с цел да го превърне в мек. Това означава, че не е възможно да има меки ⟨б'⟩, ⟨п'⟩, ⟨в'⟩, ⟨ф'⟩ и ⟨м'⟩
[According to Blagoy Shklifov. the existence of soft labial consonants is anthrophonetic nonsense. It is impossible to simultaneously articulate a sound using both your lips and then your palate in order to make it palatal. This precludes any, even potential existence of palatal ⟨bʲ⟩, ⟨pʲ⟩, ⟨vʲ⟩, ⟨fʲ⟩ and ⟨mʲ⟩] - ^ Ignatova-Tzoneva (2018), pp. 1–10.
- ^ Mirchev (1963), pp. 133, Quote: [В системата на съгласните в българския език (19 of them) не са настанали някакви промени в количествено отношение. Всички съгласни, които се срещат в старобългарския език, остават характерни и за съвременния език [Bulgarian consonantism has not undergone any changes in relation to the number of consonants. All consonants found in Old Bulgarian are also found in Contemporary Standard Bulgarian].
- ^ Pashov, Petar (1964). Означаване на мекостта на съгласните в българския език и някои свързани с това правописни въпроси [Palatalisation Marking of Bulgarian Consonants and Certain Related Ortography Issues]. Български език и литература (in Bulgarian) (6): 6–10.
- ^ Nikolov, Bozhil. "Etude de phonétique et dе phonologie contrastive (Domaines franсais et bulgare" [Обучение по контрастивна фонетика и фонология]. Годишник на Софийския университет, Факултет по западни филологии. LXІV (2): 3–72.
... меките срички се състоят от непалатализирана съгласна + й + задна гласна
[... soft syllables consist of a non-palatalised consonant + j + back vowel] - ^ Sawicka, Irena; Boyadzhiev, Todor (1988). Българо-полска съпоставителна граматика [Contrastive Grammar of Polish and Bulgaria]. Vol. 1. Sofia: Bulgarian Academy of Sciences.
- ^ Simeonov, Boris (1984). Към въпроса за броя на фонемите и техния състав в съвременния български език [On the Issue of the Number of Phonemes in and the Phonetic Inventory of Contemporary Standard Bulgarian]. Съвременна България. Доклади от III--та комплексна международна конференция по славистика. 5. Sofia: 52, 55.
- ^ Merlingen (1957), pp. 494–500.
- ^ van Campen & Ornstein (1959), pp. 267, Quote: [Hodge writes that while the speech of his informants shows "some palatalization of the C", the sequences in question are 'phonetically /Cy/ clusters].
- ^ van Campen & Ornstein (1959), pp. 264–270.
- ^ Rosetti, Alexandru (1967). "A propos des consonnes palatales, palatalisées et mouillées et de leur statut phonologique en roumain" [On Palatal, Palatalized and Wet Consonants and Their Phonological Status in Romanian]. Phonologie der Gegenwart. Graz - Vienna - Cologne: 59–67.
- ^ Mangold (1988), pp. 102, Quote: [According to our inventory, the Bulgarian language has 6 vowels and 22 semivowels, for a total of 28 phonemes].
- ^ Ignatova-Tzoneva & Baeva (2009), pp. 18–19.
- ^ Ignatova-Tzoneva (2019), pp. 57–58.
- ^ Ignatova-Tzoneva (2019), pp. 45–46.
- ^ Scatton & Huntley (1993), pp. 457–458, 829–830, 891, 687–688.
- ^ Shklifov (1995), pp. 12.
- ^ Townsend & Janda (1996), pp. 287.
- ^ Scatton & Huntley (1993), pp. 191, Quote: [Besides foreign proper names, /ʒ/ occurs in a small number of non-literary, dialectal words, which, if used in the literary language, regularly replace /ʒ/ with /z/: дзифт/dzift ~ зифт/zift ('tar')].
- ^ Sabev (2013), Note 3.
- ^ a b Scatton & Huntley (1993), pp. 191.
- ^ Trubetzkoy (1971), pp. 324.
- ^ Roman Jakobson: My Futurist Years, New York 1992, p. 86
- ISSN 1312-0875.
- ^ Stoykov, Stoyko (1951). Палаталните съгласни в българския книжовен език. [Palatal Consonants in Literary Bulgarian]. Известия на Института за български език. I: 5–63.
- ^ Tilkov, Dimitar (1976). Фонологичната стойност на х' и дз' в книжовния български език [The Phonological value of /d͡zʲ/ and /ç/ in Contemporary Standard Bulgarian]. Български език (1–2 ed.). Sofia: 112.
- ^ Tilkov (1982), pp. 120.
- ^ Scatton (1984:17)
- ^ Klagstad Jr. (1958)
- ^ Joshi & Aaron (2006:275)
- ^ Scatton & Huntley (1993), pp. 190.
- ^ a b Voegelin & Voegelin (1965), pp. 141.
- ^ Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996), pp. 363–365.
- ^ Stoykov (1966), pp. 92–132.
- ^ Stoykov (1966), pp. 97, 111.
- ^ Stoykov (1966), pp. 108, 127.
- ^ Pritchard (2012), pp. 14–15.
- ^ Stoykov (1966), pp. 96–100, 128–131, 111–113.
- ^ Stoykov (1966), pp. 98, 113.
- ^ Scatton (1984), pp. 34.
- ^ Pritchard (2012), pp. 15–16, 210–211.
- ^ a b Stoykov (1966), pp. 104–105, 117–119, 122–125.
- ^ a b Townsend & Janda (1996), pp. 286.
- ^ Simeonov, Boris (1984). Към въпроса за броя на фонемите и техния състав в съвременния български език [On the Issue of the Number of Phonemes in and the Phonetic Inventory of Contemporary Standard Bulgarian]. Съвременна България. Доклади от III--та комплексна международна конференция по славистика. 5. Sofia: 55.
- ^ Tilkov, Dimitar (1983). Акустичен състав и дистрибуция на палаталните съгласни в книжовния български език – Изследвания върху българския език [Acoustic Composition and Distribution of Palatal Consonants in Contemporary Standard Bulgarian – Studies of the Bulgarian Language]. Sofia: Наука и изкуство. pp. 94–99.
- ^ a b c Pritchard (2012), pp. 2–3.
- ^ Townsend & Janda (1996), pp. 89–90.
- ^ a b c Duridanov (1991), pp. 37, 64.
- ^ Nikolov (2020), pp. 18–19.
- ^ Selishchev (1933), pp. 40.
- ^ Duridanov (1991), pp. 65.
- ^ Selishchev, Afanasii. Очерки по македонской диалектологии [Essays on Macedonian dialectology]. Kazan. pp. 127–146.
- ^ Mirchev (1963), pp. 155.
- ^ Georgiev, Vladimir (1985). Възникването на палаталните съгласни кʼ и гʼ от шт и жд в югозападните български говори, Проблеми на българския език [Emergence of Palatal /k'/ and /g'/ from [sht] and [zhd] in the Southwestern Bulgarian Dialects. Issues Relating to the Bulgarian Language]. p. 43.
- ^ Mihaylov, Miroslav (2021). Фонетика на съвременния български книжовен език [Phonetics and Phonology of Contemporary Standard Bulgarian]. p. 47.
- ^ Scatton & Huntley (1993), pp. 196.
- ^ Stoykov (1966), pp. 165–166.
- ^ Stoykov (1966), pp. 167.
- ^ Ignatova-Tzoneva (2019), pp. 90.
- ^ Ignatova-Tzoneva (2019), pp. 73.
- ^ a b Sabev, The Sound System of Standard Bulgarian
- ^ a b Scatton & Huntley (1993), pp. 190–191.
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