Francesco Crispi
Minister of Foreign Affairs | |
---|---|
In office 29 July 1887 – 6 February 1891 | |
Prime Minister | Himself |
Preceded by | Agostino Depretis |
Succeeded by | Antonio Starabba |
Member of the Chamber of Deputies | |
In office 18 February 1861 – 2 March 1897 | |
Constituency | Castelvetrano (1861–1870) Tricarico (1870–1880) Palermo (1880–1897) |
Personal details | |
Born | Ribera, Kingdom of the Two Sicilies | 4 October 1818
Died | 11 August 1901 Naples, Kingdom of Italy | (aged 82)
Nationality | Italian |
Political party | Historical Left (1848–1883; 1886–1901) Dissident Left (1883–1886) |
Spouses | Rosina D'Angelo
(m. 1837; died 1839)Rosalia Montmasson
(m. 1854; div. 1878)Lina Barbagallo (m. 1878) |
Relations | Giuseppe Crispi (Uncle) |
Children | 3 |
Parent | Tommaso Crispi (Father) |
Alma mater | University of Palermo |
Profession | |
Francesco Crispi (4 October 1818 – 11 August 1901) was an Italian patriot and statesman. He was among the main protagonists of the
Originally an Italian patriot and democrat liberal, Crispi went on to become a bellicose
Early life
Crispi's paternal family came originally from the small agricultural community of
At the age of five, he was sent to a family in Villafranca, where he could receive an education. In 1829, at 11 years old, he attended a seminary in Palermo, where he studied classical subjects. The rector of the institute was Giuseppe Crispi, his uncle. Crispi attended the seminary until 1834 or 1835, when his father, after becoming mayor of Ribera, encountered major difficulties in health and finances.[13]
In the same period, Crispi became a close friend of the poet and doctor Vincenzo Navarro, whose friendship marked his initiation to the Romanticism. In 1835 he studied law and literature at the University of Palermo receiving a law degree in 1837; in the same year, he fell in love with Rosina D'Angelo, the daughter of a goldsmith. Despite his father's ban, Crispi married Rosina in 1837, when she was already pregnant. In May Crispi became the father of his first daughter, Giuseppa, who was named after his grandmother.[14] It was a brief marriage: Rosina died on 29 July 1839, the day after giving birth to her second son, Tommaso; the child lived only a few hours and in December, also Giuseppa died.[15]
Between 1838 and 1839, Crispi founded his own newspaper, L'Oreteo, from the name of the Sicilian river
In 1845 Crispi took up a judgeship in Naples,[17] where he distinguished himself for his liberal and revolutionary ideas.[18]
1848 Sicilian uprising
On 20 December 1847, Crispi was sent to Palermo along with Salvatore Castiglia, a diplomat and patriot, to prepare the revolution against the Bourbon monarchy and King Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies.[19]
The revolution started on 12 January 1848, and therefore was the very first of the numerous revolutions to occur that year. Three revolutions had previously occurred on the island of Sicily starting from 1800 against Bourbon rule. The uprising was substantially organized from, and centred in, Palermo. The popular nature of the revolt is evident in the fact that posters and notices were being handed out a full three days before the substantive acts of the revolution occurred on 12 January 1848. The timing was deliberately planned, by Crispi and the other revolutionaries, to coincide with the birthday of Ferdinand II.
The Sicilian nobles were immediately able to resuscitate the constitution of 1812, which included the principles of representative democracy and the centrality of Parliament in the government of the state.
The constitution was quite advanced for its time in liberal democratic terms, as was the proposal of an Italian confederation of states. Crispi was appointed a member of the provisional Sicilian Parliament and responsible for the Defence Committee; during his tenure, he supported the separatist movement that wanted to break ties with Naples.
Thus Sicily survived as a quasi-independent state for sixteen months, with the Bourbon army taking back full control of the island on 15 May 1849 by force. The effective head of state during this period was Ruggero Settimo. On capitulating to the Bourbons, Settimo escaped to Malta where he was received with the full honours of a head of state. Unlike many, Crispi was not granted amnesty and was forced to flee the country.[20]
Exile
After leaving Sicily, Crispi took refuge in Marseille, France, where he met the woman who would become his second wife, Rose Montmasson, born five years after him in Haute-Savoie (which at that time belonged to the Kingdom of Sardinia) in a family of farmers.[21]
In 1849, he moved to Turin, the capital of the Kingdom of Sardinia, where he worked as a journalist. During this period he became a friend of Giuseppe Mazzini, a republican politician, journalist and activist. In 1853 Crispi was implicated in the Mazzini conspiracy and was arrested by the Piedmontese policy and sent to Malta. Here, on 27 December 1854, he married Rose Montmasson.
Then he moved to London where he became a revolutionary conspirator and continued his close friendship with Mazzini, involving himself in the exile politics of the national movement, abandoning Sicilian separatism.[22]
On 10 January 1856, he moved to Paris, where he continued his work as a journalist. On 22 August, he was informed that his father had died and that three years earlier also his mother had died, but that news had been hidden by his father who did not want to increase his sorrows.[23]
Assassination attempt on Napoleon III
On the evening of 14 January 1858, as the Emperor
Orsini himself was wounded on the right temple and stunned. He tended his wounds and returned to his lodgings, where police found him the next day.
Of the five conspirators, only one remained unidentified. In 1908 (seven years after Crispi's death) one of them, Charles DeRudio, claimed to have seen, half an hour before the attack, a man approaching and talking with Orsini, and recognized him as Crispi.[24] But no evidence has ever been found regarding Crispi's role in the attack. Anyway on 7 August 1858, he was expelled from France.[25]
In Sicily with Garibaldi
Expedition of the Thousand
In June 1859 Crispi returned to Italy after publishing a letter repudiating the aggrandizement of
He helped persuade
The sea venture was the only desired action that was jointly decided by the "four fathers of the nation"
The various groups participated in the expedition for a variety of reasons: for Garibaldi, it was to achieve a united Italy; for the Sicilian bourgeoisie, an independent Sicily as part of the kingdom of Italy, and for the mass farmers, land distribution and the end of oppression.
Garibaldi dictatorship
After the fall of Palermo, Crispi was appointed First Secretary of State in the provisional government; shortly a struggle began between Garibaldi's government and the emissaries of Cavour on the question of timing of the annexation of Sicily by Italy. It established a Sicilian Army and a fleet of the Dictatorship Government of Sicily.[28]
The pace of Garibaldi's victories had worried Cavour, who in early July sent to the provisional government a proposal of immediate annexation of Sicily to Piedmont. Garibaldi, however, refused vehemently to allow such a move until the end of the war. Cavour's envoy, Giuseppe La Farina, was arrested and expelled from the island. He was replaced by the more malleable Agostino Depretis, who gained Garibaldi's trust and was appointed as pro-dictator.[29]
During the dictatorial government of Garibaldi, Crispi secured the resignation of the pro-dictator Depretis, and continued his fierce opposition to Cavour.[26]
In
On 3 October 1860, to seal an alliance with King Victor Emmanuel II, Garibaldi appointed pro-dictator of Naples, Giorgio Pallavicino, a supporter of the House of Savoy. Pallavicino immediately stated that Crispi was unable and inappropriate to hold the office of Secretary of State.[30]
Meanwhile, Cavour stated that Southern Italy would not accept anything but the unconditional annexation to the Kingdom of Sardinia by plebiscite. Crispi, who still had the hope to continue the revolution to rescue Rome and Venice, strongly opposed this solution, proposing to elect a parliamentary assembly. This proposal was also supported by the federalist Carlo Cattaneo. Garibaldi announced that the decision would have been taken by the two pro-dictators of Sicily and Naples, Antonio Mordini and Giorgio Pallavicino, who both opted for the plebiscite. On 13 October Crispi resigned from the government of Garibaldi.[31]
Member of the Parliament
The general election of 1861 took place on 27 January, even before the formal birth of the Kingdom of Italy, which took place on 17 March. Francesco Crispi was elected as a member of the Historical Left, in the constituency of Castelvetrano; he would retain his seat in all successive legislatures until the end of his life.[17]
Crispi acquired the reputation of being the most aggressive and most impetuous member of his parliamentary group. He denounced the Right for "diplomatising the revolution".[32] Personal ambition and restlessness made him difficult to cooperate with and he earned himself the nickname of Il Solitario (The Loner).[32] In 1864, he finally deserted Mazzini and announced he was a monarchist, because as he put it in a letter to Mazzini: "The monarchy unites us; the republic would divide us."[17][32]
In 1866 he refused to enter
President of the Chamber of Deputies
After the general election in 1876, in which the Left gained almost 70% of votes, Crispi was elected President of the Chamber of Deputies.[33]
During the autumn of 1877, as President of the Chamber, he went to
Minister of the Interior
In December 1877 he replaced
On 9 January 1878, the death of
On 7 February 1878, the death of Pope
Bigamy scandal and political isolation
The statesmanlike qualities displayed on this occasion were insufficient to avert the storm of indignation of Crispi's opponents when he was accused of bigamy. When he remarried, a woman he had married in 1853 was still living. But a court ruled that Crispi's 1853 marriage on Malta was invalid because it was contracted while another woman he had married yet earlier was also still alive. By the time of his third marriage, his first wife had died and his marriage to his second wife was legally invalid. Therefore, his marriage to his third wife was ruled valid and not bigamous. He was nevertheless compelled to resign office after only three months in March 1878, bringing down the whole government with him.[32]
For nine years Crispi remained politically under a cloud, leading the "progressive" opposition. In 1881 Crispi was among the main supporters of the
Pentarchy
In 1883 the leaders of the Left, Agostino Depretis, and the Right,
The party supported
After the
First term as Prime Minister
On 29 July 1887, Francesco Crispi was sworn in as the new prime minister. He was the first one from
True to his initial progressive leanings he moved ahead with stalled reforms, abolishing the death penalty, revoking anti-strike laws, limiting police powers, and reforming the penal code and the administration of justice with the help of his Minister of Justice Giuseppe Zanardelli, reorganising charities and passing public health laws and legislation to protect emigrants that worked abroad. He sought popular support for the state with a programme of orderly development at home and expansion abroad.[42][43]
Internal policy
One of the most important acts was the reform regarding the central administration of the State, with which Crispi strengthened the role of the Prime Minister. The bill aimed to separate the roles of the government from those of parliament, trying to untie the first by the political games of the second. The first point of the law was to give the cabinet the right to decide on the number and functions of the ministries. The prospect was also to keep the King (as well as provide the
In 1889 Crispi's government promoted a reform of the magistracy and promulgated a
Another important reform was that of local government, or comuni, which was approved by the Chamber in July 1888, in just three weeks. The new reform almost doubled the local electorate, incrementing the suffrage. But the most controversial part of the law was related to the mayors, who were previously appointed by the government, and who would now be elected by the electors, in the municipalities with more than 10,000 inhabitants and in all the provincial capitals. The law also introduced the office of the prefect. The reform was approved by the Senate in December 1888 and entered into force in February 1889.[46]
On 22 December 1888, the Freemason Crispi enacted the first Italian law for the national healthcare system including the
Foreign policy
As prime minister in the 1880s and 1890s Crispi pursued an aggressive foreign policy to strengthen Italy's beleaguered institutions. He saw France as the permanent enemy and he counted heavily on British support. Britain was on good terms with France and refused to help, leaving Crispi perplexed and ultimately disillusioned about what he had felt was a special friendship between the two countries.[52] He turned to imperialism in Africa, especially against the independent kingdom of Ethiopia, and the Ottoman province of Tripolitania (in present-day Libya).[53]
Relations with Germany
One of his first acts as premier was a visit to the German chancellor Otto von Bismarck, whom he desired to consult upon the working of the Triple Alliance.[26]
Basing his foreign policy upon the alliance, as supplemented by the naval entente with Great Britain negotiated by his predecessor,
Colonial policy
Francesco Crispi was a patriot and an Italian nationalist, and his desire to make Italy a colonial power led to conflicts with France, which rejected Italian claims to Tunisia and opposed Italian expansion elsewhere in Africa.[42]
Under Crispi's rule, Italy signed the
Albanian question
Balkan geopolitics and security concerns drove Italy to
Resignation
The
However, the decisive event was a document published by the new Minister of Finance Bernardino Grimaldi, who revealed that the planned deficit was higher than expected; after that, the government lost its majority with 186 votes against and 123 in favour. Prime Minister Crispi resigned on 6 February 1891.
After the premiership
After the fall of Crispi's government, Umberto I gave the task of forming the new cabinet to the Marquis
After that, King Umberto I appointed Giolitti as the new prime minister. The first Giolitti cabinet, however, relied on a slender majority and in December 1892 the Prime Minister was involved in a major scandal.
Banca Romana scandal
The Banca Romana scandal surfaced in January 1893 in Italy over the bankruptcy of the Banca Romana,[62] one of the six national banks authorised at the time to issue currency. The scandal was the first of many Italian corruption scandals, and, like the others, it discredited the whole political system.
The bank had loaned large sums to property developers but was left with huge liabilities when the real estate bubble collapsed in 1887, but feared that publicity might undermine public confidence and suppressed the report.[63]
Even Umberto I was involved in the scandal and Crispi's reputation emerged greatly strengthened: he could overthrow Giolitti's government at any time or impair the reputation of the King. Giolitti and his allies defended themselves by trying to collect compromising news against Crispi, but the judicial inquiry into the Banca Romana left the latter essentially harmless.
Return to power and second term
In December 1893 the impotence of the Giolitti cabinet to restore public order, menaced by disturbances in Sicily and the Banca Romana scandal, gave rise to a general demand that Crispi should return to power.[26]
Fasci Siciliani
The
The Fasci gained the support of the poorest and most exploited classes of the island by channelling their frustration and discontent into a coherent programme based on the establishment of new rights. Consisting of a jumble of traditionalist sentiment, religiosity, and socialist consciousness, the movement reached its apex in the summer of 1893, when new conditions were presented to the landowners and mine owners of Sicily concerning the renewal of sharecropping and rental contracts.Upon the rejection of these conditions, there was an outburst of strikes that rapidly spread throughout the island, and was marked by violent social conflict, almost rising to the point of insurrection. The leaders of the movement were not able to keep the situation from getting out of control. The proprietors and landowners asked the government to intervene. Giovanni Giolitti tried to put a halt to the manifestations and protests of the Fasci Siciliani, his measures were relatively mild. On 24 November, Giolitti officially resigned as prime minister. In the three weeks of uncertainty before Crispi formed a government on 15 December 1893, the rapid spread of violence drove many local authorities to defy Giolitti's ban on the use of firearms.
In December 1893, 92 peasants lost their lives in clashes with the police and army. Government buildings were burned along with flour mills and bakeries that refused to lower their prices when taxes were lowered or abolished.[65][66]
On 3 January 1894, Crispi declared a
The repression of the Fasci turned into outright persecution. The government arrested not just the leaders of the movement, but masses of poor farmers, students, professionals, sympathizers of the Fasci, and even those simply suspected of having sympathized with the movement at some point in time, in many cases without any evidence for the accusations. After the declaration of a state of emergency, condemnations were issued for the paltriest of reasons. Many rioters were incarcerated for having shouted things such as "Viva l'anarchia" or "down with the King". At Palermo, in April and May 1894, the trials against the central committee of the Fasci took place and this was the final blow that signalled the death knell of the movement of the Fasci Siciliani.[70]
Financial crisis and assassination attempt
Crispi steadily supported the energetic remedies adopted by his Minister of Finance Sidney Sonnino to save Italian credit, which had been severely shaken by the financial crisis of 1892–1893 and the Banca Romana scandal. Sonnino's proposals were harshly criticized both by members of the Left and the Right, causing his resignation on 4 June 1894; on the following day Crispi resigned too, but the King gave him again the task to form a new government.
On 16 June 1894, the anarchist
The whole parliament expressed solidarity with the Prime Minister who saw his position considerably strengthened. This favoured the approval of the Sonnino law. The reform saved Italy from the crisis and started the way for economic recovery.[clarification needed]
Giolitti and Cavallotti's accusations
In 1894 he was threatened with expulsion from the
At the end of 1894, his long-time rival Giovanni Giolitti tried to discredit Crispi by submitting to parliament a few documents that were supposed to ruin it. It was actually some old papers attesting loans contracted by Crispi and his wife with the Banca Romana.
Moreover, Crispi's uncompromising suppression of disorder, and his refusal to abandon either the Triple Alliance or the Eritrean colony, or to forsake his Minister of the Treasury, Sidney Sonnino, caused a breach with the radical leader Felice Cavallotti. Cavallotti began a campaign of defamation against him.[26] Cavallotti himself proposed to establish a commission, which should investigate the relations between Crispi and Banca Romana.
On 15 December the commission published its report and this caused some riots in the Chamber. Crispi, in defence of the institutions, submitted to the King a decree to dissolve parliament. On 13 January 1895 Umberto I dissolved the parliament and Giolitti, who was under trial for the bank scandal, was forced to move to Berlin, because his parliamentary immunity expired, and the risk of being arrested.
Giolitti and Cavallotti's attacks were soon renewed more fiercely than ever. They produced little effect and the general election of 1895 gave Crispi a huge majority of 334 seats out of 508.[74] On 25 June 1895, Crispi refused a request to allow a parliamentary inquiry into his role in the Banca Romana scandal, saying as a prime minister he felt he was "invulnerable" because he had "served Italy for 53 years".[75] Despite his majority, Crispi preferred to rule via royal decree instead of getting legislation passed by parliament, leading to concerns about authoritarianism.[75]
Italo-Ethiopian War and resignation
During his second term, Crispi continued his colonial expansionist policy in East Africa. King Umberto I commented that "Crispi wants to occupy everywhere, even China and Japan".[76] Crispi was strongly supported by the king, who alluding to his personal dislike of him, stated "Crispi is a pig, but a necessary pig", who despite his corruption, had to stay in power for "the national interest, which is the only thing that matters".[77] Crispi took a very belligerent line on foreign policy as he, during a three-month period in 1895, talked quite openly about attacking France, sent a naval squadron to the eastern Mediterranean to prepare for a possible war with the Ottoman Empire in order to seize Albania, wanted to send an expeditionary force to seize a city in China, and planned to send a force to South Africa to forcibly mediate the dispute between Great Britain and the Transvaal Republic.[78] Crispi, who favoured a militant anti-French line, wanted to revise the Triple Alliance as the preamble to the Triple Alliance spoke of preserving peace in Europe while "for Italy, it must be the opposite; for us, the Triple Alliance must mean war!"[78] Those who knew him by this stage of his life considered Crispi to be almost mindlessly bellicose as he broke off diplomatic relations with Portugal over a supposed slight, saying he deserved more respect from this "entirely unimportant country" ruled over by a "minuscule monarchy".[78]
The main event which occurred during his premiership was the First Italo-Ethiopian War, which originated from a disputed treaty which, the Italians claimed, turned Ethiopia into an Italian protectorate. Much to their surprise, they found that Ethiopian ruler Menelik II, rather than opposed by some of his traditional enemies, was supported by them, and so the Italian army, invading Ethiopia from Italian Eritrea in 1893, faced a more united front than they expected. In addition, Ethiopia was supported by Russia with military advisers, army training, and the sale of weapons. France supported Ethiopia diplomatically in order to prevent Italy from becoming a colonial competitor.[79][80]
Full-scale war broke out in 1895, with Italian troops under the command of General
On 22 February 1896, Umberto dismissed General Baratieri as commander of the Italian expeditionary force, ordering him to remain in command until his successor arrived. On 25 February Crispi sent a telegram to Baratieri veiledly accusing him of cowardice and incompetence by engaging in small skirmishes and avoiding decisive battles ("[yours] is not so much a war, but the military version of consumptive disease"), and ended with demanding he took decisive action "whatever the cost to save the honour of the army and the prestige of the monarchy".[82] In response to Crispi's telegram, on the evening of 29 February Baratieri met with his brigadier generals and with their support decided to ignore his own doubts and attacked a much larger Ethiopian force on 1 March 1896 near Adwa.[82] In the Battle of Adwa the Ethiopian army dealt the heavily outnumbered Italians a decisive loss and forced their retreat back into Eritrea. General Baratieri took no responsibility for the defeat, blaming his men, saying they were cowards who had let him down at Adwa.[82] By contrast, the British military observer stated the ordinary Italian soldiers at Adwa "were as good as fighting material as can be found in Europe", but they had been let down by their officers who had shown no leadership abilities whatsoever.[82]
The casualty rate suffered by Italian forces at the Battle of Adwa was greater than any other major European battle of the 19th century, beyond even the
Downfall and death
The ensuing Antonio di Rudini cabinet lent itself to Cavallotti's campaign, and at the end of 1897, the judicial authorities applied to the Chamber of Deputies for permission to prosecute Crispi for embezzlement. A parliamentary commission of inquiry discovered only that Crispi, on assuming office in 1893, had found the secret service coffers empty, and had borrowed money from a state bank to fund it, repaying it with the monthly instalments granted in regular course by the treasury. The commission, considering this proceeding irregular, proposed, and the Chamber adopted, a vote of censure, but refused to authorize a prosecution.[88]
Crispi resigned his seat in parliament, but was re-elected by an overwhelming majority in April 1898 by his Palermo constituents. For some time he took little part in active politics, chiefly on account of his growing blindness. A successful operation for cataract restored his eyesight in June 1900, and notwithstanding his 81 years, he resumed to some extent his former political activity.[89]
Soon afterwards, however, his health began to give way and he died in Naples on 11 August 1901;[90] according to many witnesses, his last words were: "Before closing my eyes to life, I would have the supreme comfort of knowing that our homeland is beloved and defended by all its sons".[91]
Legacy
Crispi was a colourful and intensely patriotic character. He was a man of enormous energy but with a violent temper. His whole life, public and private, was turbulent, dramatic and marked by a succession of bitter personal hostilities.[32] According to some Crispi's "fiery pride, almost insane touchiness and indifference to sound methods of government" were due to his Albanian inheritance.[4] Although he began life as a revolutionary and democratic figure, his premiership was authoritarian and he showed disdain for Italian liberals. He was born as a firebrand and died as a firefighter.[92] At the end of the 19th century, Crispi was the dominant figure of Italian politics for a decade. He was saluted by Giuseppe Verdi as 'the great patriot'. He was a more scrupulous statesman than Cavour, a more realistic conspirator than Mazzini, and a more astute figure than Garibaldi. His death resulted in lengthier obituaries in Europe's press than for any Italian politician since Cavour.[1]
As prime minister in the 1880s and 1890s, Crispi was internationally famous and often mentioned along with world statesmen such as
Historian R.J.B. Bosworth says that Crispi:
- pursued policies whose openly aggressive character would not be equaled until the days of the Fascist regime. Crispi increased military expenditure, talked cheerfully of a European conflagration, and alarmed his German or British friends with this suggestions of preventative attacks on his enemies. His policies were ruinous, both for Italy's trade with France, and, more humiliatingly, for colonial ambitions in East Africa. Crispi's lust for territory there was thwarted when on 1 March 1896, the armies of Ethiopian Emperor Menelik routed Italian forces at Adowa ... In what has been defined as an unparalleled disaster for a modern army. Crispi, whose private life (he was perhaps a trigamist) and personal finances...were objects of perennial scandal, went into dishonorable retirement.[94]
Authored books
- Francesco Crispi (1890). Crispi per un antico parlamentare. E. Perino. p. 5.
Francesco inauthor:Crispi
. - Francesco Crispi, Giuseppe Mazzini (1865). Repubblica e monarchia. V. Vercellino. p. 3.
Francesco inauthor:Crispi
. - Francesco Crispi (1862). Ricorso del Collegio di Maria di Mezzojuso in provincia di Palermo al ... Tip. del Diritto diretta da C. Bianchi.
- Francesco Crispi (1890). Cronistoria Frammenti. Unione cooperativa editrice. p. 3.
Francesco inauthor:Crispi
.
Notes
- ^ a b c d e Nation-building in 19th-century Italy: the case of Francesco Crispi, Christopher Duggan, History Today, 1 February 2002
- ^ Elizabeth Brett White (1917). The Foreign Policy of Francesco Crispi. PhD dissertation U of Wisconsin--Madison. p. 75.
- ^ a b c The Randolph Churchill of Italy, by David Gilmour, The Spectator, 1 June 2002 (Review of Francesco Crispi, 1818-1901: From Nation to Nationalism, by Christopher Duggan)
- ^ a b Wright, Conflict on the Nile, p. 61
- ^ (in Italian) Crispi, Francesco, Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani – Volume 30 (1984)
- ^ a b c Gilmour, The Pursuit of Italy
- ^ Stillman, Francesco Crispi, p. 23
- ^ "Crispi, Francesco in "Dizionario di Storia"". www.treccani.it (in Italian).
Nato da una famiglia Arbėreshė (cioè degli albanesi d'Italia)
- ^ Skendi 1967, p. 216. "Crispi... In accepting the honor, he wired to the congress that as "an Albanian by blood and heart" -he was an Italo-Albanian from Sicily"
- ^ Lavagnini, Bruno (1967). Grecia 1859 nel Diario di Francesco Crispi: In appendice: Cavour sulla Grecia 1860 e altri scritti (in Italian). Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. p. 18.
- From the original: Crispi, Francesco (1890). Scritti e discorsi politici di Francesco di Francesco Crispi (1849-1890) (in Italian). Unione cooperativa editrice. p. 255.
Giovanissimo, ardevo di vedere la Grecia, questa madre antica, alla quale devo in parte la mia origine.
- From the original: Crispi, Francesco (1890). Scritti e discorsi politici di Francesco di Francesco Crispi (1849-1890) (in Italian). Unione cooperativa editrice. p. 255.
- ^ S2CID 162939686.
- ^ Skendi 1967, p. 83.
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 8, 10–11, 14–15
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 17–19, 21-23
- ^ Chiara Maria Pulvirenti, Francesco Crispi, Regione Siciliana Archived 22 July 2011 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 26–27, 32
- ^ a b c d Sarti, Italy: a reference guide from the Renaissance to the present, pp. 222–23
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 36, 40, 44
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pages 55,57
- ^ a b c Crispi and the Archpriest, The New York Times, 10 June 1894
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pages 85, 86
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 138–140, 143
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 151–152, 160
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 165–167
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 169–170
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Chisholm 1911, p. 467.
- Christopher Duggan(2000). Creare la nazione. Vita di Francesco Crispi. Laterza.
- ^ Ships of the Dictatorship Government of Sicily in 1860
- ^ Agostino Depretis in Dizionario Biografico – Treccani
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 246–249
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 249–252, 256
- ^ a b c d e Seton-Watson, Italy from liberalism to fascism, p. 47
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 434–435
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 445–446
- ^ Skendi 1967, p. 48.
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 447–448
- ^ Christopher Duggan; 448–452
- ^ Christopher Duggan; p. 457
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 496–499
- ^ "Giuseppe Zanardelli – Biografia". Archived from the original on 6 June 2012. Retrieved 11 February 2017.
- ^ "La politica di Crispi". Archived from the original on 11 February 2017. Retrieved 11 February 2017.
- ^ a b Sarti, Italy: a reference guide from the Renaissance to the present, pp. 43–44
- ^ a b Seton-Watson, Italy from liberalism to fascism, p. 131
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 612–613
- ^ Lacche, Luigi. "A Criminal Code for the Unification of Italy: the Zanardelli Code (1889) – The genesis, The debate, The legal project". Sequência. 2014, n.68. pp. 37–57.
- ^ Christopher Duggan; pp. 660–662
- ^ "Ordinamento dell'amministrazione sanitaria del Regno" [Law n° 5849 of 22 December 1888]. Gazzetta Ufficiale del Regno d'Italia (in Italian) (301). Rome: 5802. 24 December 1888. Archived from the original on 8 March 2018. (article 50)
- ^ a b Aldo Alessandro Mola [in Italian] (8 March 2020). "Nacque per l'incubo del colera la prima legge sanitaria d'Italia (1888)".
- ^ Kohn, Encyclopedia of Plague and Pestilence, p. 170
- ^ Snowden, Naples in the time of cholera, 1884-1911, p. 104
- ^ Aldo G. Ricci; Luisa Montevecchi (209). Francesco Crispi: costruire lo Stato per dare forma alla Nazione (PDF) (in Italian). pp. VII, 61. Archived (PDF) from the original on 6 October 2020.
{{cite book}}
:|website=
ignored (help) - ^ Christopher Duggan, "Francesco Crispi's relationship with Britain: from admiration to disillusionment." Modern Italy 16.4 (2011): 427-436.
- ^ Gianni Chicco, "Crispi and the Question of the Tripolitanian Borders 1887-1888." East European Quarterly 16.2 (1982): 137-49.
- ^ Mack Smith, Italy and Its Monarchy, p.92
- ^ Mack Smith, Italy and Its Monarchy, p.107
- ^ Mack Smith, Italy and Its Monarchy, p.134
- ^ Skendi 1967, p. 240.
- ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 83–85, 175.
- ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 215–216.
- ^ Skendi 1967, p. 258.
- ISBN 9781400847761.
- ^ Italy Has Her Scandal; Ex-Premier Crispi Said To Be Involved, The New York Times, 27 January 1893
- ^ Seton-Watson, Italy from liberalism to fascism, pp. 154–56
- ^ Fascio (plural: fasci) literally means "faggot" (as in a bundle of sticks), but also "league", and was used in the late 19th century to refer to political groups of many different (and sometimes opposing) orientations.
- ^ Shot Down by the Soldiers; Four of the Mob Killed in an Anti-Tax Riot in Sicily, The New York Times, 27 December 1893
- ^ Sicily Under Mob Control; A Series of Antitax Riots in The Island, The New York Times 3 January 1894
- ^ The Italian Government Alarmed; More Troops Called Out for Service in Sicily, The New York Times, 4 January 1894
- ^ Martial Law Proclaimed In Sicily; Stern Measures Resorted To to Quiet the Anti-Tax Troubles, The New York Times, 5 January 1894
- ^ a b Seton-Watson, Italy from liberalism to fascism, pp. 165–67
- ^ Sicilian Rioters Sentenced, The New York Times, 31 May 1894
- ^ Premier Crispi's Escape; Two Shots Fired At Him In The Streets Of Rome, The New York Times, 17 June 1894
- ^ Crispi to be Expelled by Freemasons, The New York Times, 10 October 1894
- ^ "Crispi, a Freemason of deist convictions who had opposed the Law of Guarantees, had warned Bismarck and Léon Gambetta of the international danger of the Papacy in 1876, and had sacked Torlonia as late as 1887, gradually emerged as the leader of the effort to form an alliance with Catholics in defence of the established order." Secular Italy and Catholicism: 1848–1915, by John Rao, in Models and Images of Catholicism in Italian and Italian American Life Forum Italicum of the Center for Italian Studies at S.U.N.Y. Stony Brook, 2004, pp. 195–230 2004
- ISBN 978-3-8329-5609-7
- ^ a b Mack Smith, Denis Italy and Its Monarchy. 1989. p.116.
- ^ Mack Smith, Denis Italy and Its Monarchy. 1989. p.113.
- ^ Mack Smith, Denis Italy and Its Monarchy. 1989. p.115.
- ^ a b c Mack Smith, Denis Italy and Its Monarchy. 1989. p.119.
- ISBN 9780521102513.
- ^ "Menelik II". Gale. Retrieved 30 August 2016.
- ^ a b c d e Mack Smith, Denis Italy and Its Monarchy. 1989. p.114.
- ^ a b c d e f Mack Smith, Denis Italy and Its Monarchy. 1989. p.121.
- ^ Vandervort, Bruce. Wars of Imperial Conquest in Africa, 1830–1914. 1998, page 164.
- ^ Vandervort, Wars of Imperial Conquest in Africa, 1830–1914, pp. 162–64
- ^ Italy's African Fiasco, The New York Times, 5 July 1896
- ^ Mack Smith, Denis Italy and Its Monarchy. 1989. p.122.
- ^ Mack Smith, Denis Italy and Its Monarchy. 1989. p.124-125.
- ^ Chisholm 1911, pp. 467–468.
- ^ Chisholm 1911, p. 468.
- ^ Ex-Premier Crispi Dead; Potent Factor in Italian Politics Expires After Long Illness, The New York Times, 12 August 1901
- ^ "Casa natale di Crispi". Archived from the original on 11 February 2009. Retrieved 12 February 2017.
- ^ (in Italian) Crispi, una vita spericolata fuggendo dalla sua Ribera, La Repubblica, 13 December 2012
- ^ a b Kallis, Aristotle Fascist Ideology, London: Routledge, 2000 p.32-33.
- ^ Bosworth, Italy and the Wider World, p. 29
- public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Crispi, Francesco". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 7 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 467–468. This article incorporates text from a publication now in the
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