Serbianisation

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Serbianisation

Serbian culture, people, and language, either by social integration or by cultural or forced assimilation
.

Medieval period

Populated by Bulgarians and Romanians, the area between the

Timok rivers became part of the Serbian state in 1291/1292 which began the Serbianisation of the region.[2] Albanians that came under the rule of Serb Emperor Stefan Dušan were required by state policy to convert to Orthodoxy and Serbianise their Albanian names.[3] Uglješa Mrnjavčević, a fourteenth-century Serbian despot who ruled much of Macedonia on behalf of Serb Emperor Stefan Uroš V attempted to Serbianise the monastic community of Mount Athos.[4]

19th century

Principality of Serbia

See also:
Torlakian dialect
Map called: „Territories inhabited by Servians”. It forms a supplement to the book: „History of the Servian people, edited by Dimitrije Davidović, and translated into French by Alfred Vigneron, Belgrad 1848.” The map originally appeared in Vienna in 1828 and shows early 19th century Serbian thought on Serbs' ethnic boundaries.

The historical sources demonstrate that before the 19th century and the rise of nationalism in the Ottoman Empire the majority of the ordinary Orthodox Christians on the Balkans had only a vague idea of their ethnic identity. The local South Slavic-speaking peasants were accustomed to defining themselves in terms of their religion, locality, and occupation. After the national states were established, peasantry was indoctrinated through the schools and military conscription, the official Church, and the governmental press. It was through these instruments of the state administration, that a national identity came into real and rapid development.[5]

Some Serbian sources from the mid 19th century, correctly, continued to claim, the areas southeast of

Lake of Ohrid in the South.[7]

The region of today's Eastern Serbia faced a number of changes in regard to the dominant population group in the area,[8] due to constant wars, conquests, plague[9] Great Migrations of the Serbs, and Migrations of Bulgarians during the 17th[10] and the 18th-19th century.[11] It was only after the Serbian revolution and later independence that the Serbian national idea gained monumentum within the area east of Niš.[12][13] According to many authors ca. 1850 the delineation between Serbs and Bulgarians ran north of Niš,[14] although Cyprien Robert claimed that Serbs formed half of the town of Niš population. In the sub-district of Prokuplje, the most numerous ethnic group were the Albanians, while in Vranje, Bulgarians and Albanians were equally distributed alongside minority Serbian population. In Pirot and Leskovac sub-districts, the Bulgarians were the main ethnic group. The Turks lived mainly in the bigger towns,[15] and were later expelled with other Muslim minorities in 1862.[16] In Ottoman usage then the Sanjak of Niš was included in an area designated as "Bulgaristan", i.e. Bulgaria.[17]

Territorial expansion of Serbia (1817–1913)

Serbian elites after the mid of the 19th century, claimed that the Bulgarians located south-east of Niš were

Southern Pomoravlje was included in the Bulgarian Exarchate.[19] Milan Savić still claimed that at this time (1878) Niš and environs were Bulgarian populated.[20] After the war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire (1877–1878), the lands in the regions of Niš, Pirot and Vranje became a part of Serbia. Serbia had successfully homogenized and modernized these new territories and in this way it assimilated the local Bulgarians of the Timok and Morava river valleys toward the end of the nineteenth century.[21] Afterwards Serbia turned its attention to the region of Macedonia.[21]

Kingdom of Serbia

In 1878 Serbia became independent and pressure developed in the state for people from different ethnic groups to Serbianise religious denominations and their personal names.[22] Serbianisation of identity along with ideological and cultural Serbianisation followed.[22] Belgrade was reconstructed as a new capital by the Serb elite that removed elements of the Ottoman era. While Serb commonfolk looked for ways to aid the Serb cause and assist other Serbs still residing in areas ruled by the Muslim Ottoman Empire.[22] Austro-Hungarian Serbs who had integrated within Serbia and promoted Serbianisation opened the country up to cultural and economic influences of Austria-Hungary in the 1880s.[22] The demographics of Niš underwent change whereby Serbs who formed half the urban population prior to 1878 became 80 percent in 1884.[23]

Principality of Montenegro

According to jurist and sociologist

blacksmiths.[24]

Ottoman Macedonia

Representatives from Serbia, such as the statesmen, diplomat and historian Stojan Novaković encouraged a separate Slavic Macedonian identity to counter the strong Bulgarian influence, to separate the local population from the rest of the Bulgarians, and to instill the "Serbian idea".[25] Serbianising directly the local Slavic population through propaganda and education was difficult due to strong Bulgarian sentiments at the time in the region.[25] The spread and promotion of Serbian Macedonianism was seen by Serbs as the first move toward eventually Serbianing the Macedonians.[25] Serbian nationalist-oriented politicians in the 19th century traveled to the area of Ottoman Macedonia and spread national propaganda with intent to build a Serbian national feeling among the local population. One of these nationalist was Miloš Milojević who claimed that Serbia in ancient times has been far bigger, with expansion to more continents.[26]

Vlachs

See also:
Vlach (Ottoman social class), and Vlachs in medieval Serbia

Pre-Ottoman

sedentarization of the Orthodox Vlachs and their gradual fusion into the Serbian rural population reached a high level and was recognized by the Ottoman authorities. In the final phase, the most significant role was played by the newspaper Srbobran in the 1880s and 1890s.[27][28] According to Ivo Banac almost whole civil authority of the former Serbian state Ottomans transfer to the patriarchs of Peć. The millet system that the Serbs transferred to the Habsburg Monarchy was a good instrument for transmitting the Serbian national identity. Patriarchate of Peć and later Metropolitanate of Karlovci Serbianized parts of Balkan Orthodox people such as Bulgars, "Vlachs", Albanians, Romanians and a significant number of Catholic Croats.[29] According to Vjeran Kursar although Catholic and Muslim Vlachs, or other, non-Serbian elements which exist in the western Balkans should not be underestimated still the vast majority of Vlachs in that area were Orthodox Christians and Serbian(ised), often still bilingual. All Slavic or Slavicised Orthodox Christians under the jurisdiction of Patriarchate of Peć ie Serbian patriarchs were eventually identified as Serbs, this process did not finish until modern times.[30][31]

20th century

Interwar Yugoslavia

Following the First World War, the new Kingdom was reliant on patronage from the Serb monarchy that resulted in tendencies of centralisation and Serbianisation that other ethnic communities in the country opposed.[32] In Belgrade a new government was formed after the war that quickly Serbianised the gendarmerie and made non-Serbs in the country view the new Kingdom as an extension of the old Kingdom of Serbia.[33]

Vardar Macedonia

See also: Macedonian Bulgarians
A World War I era ethnographic map of the Balkans by Serbian ethnologist Jovan Cvijić. The western parts of today Bulgaria and northwestern parts of present-day North Macedonia are shown as populated by Serbs. There are depicted also distinct "Slavic Macedonians". However, in this way he promoted the idea that Macedonian Slavs were in fact Southern Serbs.[34]

The region of present-day North Macedonia until 1912 was part of the Ottoman Empire. According to Encyclopædia Britannica 1911 Edition, at the beginning of the 20th century the Slavs constituted the majority of the population in Macedonia. Per Britannica itself the bulk of the Slavs there were regarded as "Bulgarians". Immediately after annexation of Vardar Macedonia to the Kingdom of Serbia, the Macedonian Slavs were faced with the policy of forced serbianisation.[35][36]

We find here, as everywhere else, the ordinary measures of "Serbization" — the closing of schools, disarmament, invitations to schoolmasters to become Servian officials, nomination of "Serbomans", "Grecomans" and Vlachs [referring to Aromanians or Megleno-Romanians], as village headmen, orders to the clergy of obedience to the Servian Archbishop, acts of violence against influential individuals, prohibition of transit, multiplication of requisitions, forged signatures to declarations and patriotic telegrams, the organization of special bands, military executions in the villages and so forth.[37]

— Report of the International Commission on the Balkan Wars.

Those who declared as ethnic Bulgarians were, harassed or deported to Bulgaria.[38] The high clergymen of the Bulgarian Exarchate were also deported.[39] Bulgarian schools were closed and teachers expelled. The population of Macedonia was forced to declare as Serbs. Those who refused were beaten and tortured.[40] Prominent people and teachers from Skopje who refused to declare as Serbs were deported to Bulgaria.[39] International Commission concluded that the Serbian state started in Macedonia wide sociological experiment of "assimilation through terror."[39] All Bulgarian books gave way to Serbian. The government Serbianized personal names and surnames for all official uses. Between 1913 and 1915 all people who spoke a Slavic language in Vardar Macedonia were presented by Serbia as Serbs.[41]

During the

First World War Serbian rule was reinstated over Vardar Macedonia, the local Bulgarian or Macedonian population was not recognised and an attempted Serbianisation occurred.[45][46][47] Yugoslavia aimed to incorporate Macedonia through "assimilation" and "nationalisation" through two main goals.[48] Firstly, to legitimate its control, the state based its claims to Macedonia as an inheritance of the medieval monarch Stefan Dušan or as a promised land given by God to the Serb people.[48] Secondly, the state used the modernist idea of the nation and spread it through schools.[48] Both processes merged as myths, people, symbols and dates originating from Serbian history were also used in the endeavour.[48] During 1920 the Orthodox community of Vardar Macedonia was placed under the Serbian Orthodox Church after payment was made to the Constantinople Patriarchate who sold its control for 800,000 francs in 1919.[45] In Vardar Macedonia, Bulgarian signage and literature was removed and societies were shut down along with the expulsion of Bulgarian teachers and clergy who had returned during the war.[45][49] Names of people were forcefully Serbianised such as Atanasov becoming Atanasović and Stankov as Stanković along with a spate of repression that followed through arrests, internment and detention.[45][41]

Serbian colonisation in Kosovo and Vardar Macedonia between 1920 and 1930. Colonised areas are in thick hatched black lines and colonised settlements are shown as black squares

The Kingdom was also interested to change the ethnic composition of the population in Vardar Macedonia. Yugoslavia commenced a policy of forced Serbianisation through such measures as the Agrarian Reform which was a settlement plan.

Interbellum, the Kingdom has settled 3,670 families (18,384 persons). The colonists were given properties. Also, in the same time, almost all clerks in the area were Serbs. This means that in the period between the two World wars the Kingdom succeeded through the agricultural and the administrative colonizations to create significant Serbian ethnic minority in Vardar Macedonia.[52] Total numbers were 4,200 Serb families with 50,000 Serb gendarmes and troops relocated from Serbia to Vardar Macedonia to advance the Serbianisation of the region and population.[41][50]

Politicians based in Belgrade thought that ideology alongside repression could generate the "correct national" sentiments among local inhabitants.

Bulgarian nationalism.[41][54] The same authorities held conflicting views toward the population, whom they told were Serbian, whereas local inhabitants noticed they were treated unequally in relation to their Serb counterparts.[48] Some state officials let locals know that they viewed them as Bulgarians and used the term bugaraši for people that supported Bulgarians or were not recognised as Serbs.[48] The state considered individuals that supported local autonomy, culture or language as a Bulgaroman and sought their suppression.[55] In Vardar Macedonia Bulgarian newspapers were banned in many areas and mail from Bulgaria remained undelivered within the region due to "a technicality".[56]

As a counteraction to Serb efforts the paramilitary

četniks that resulted in the population being gathered up for forced labour and local leaders killed.[49]

In the 1930s a more homogeneous generation was growing up in Vardar Macedonia, which resisted Serbianisation and increasingly identified itself as Macedonian, but which also made it clear that the Bulgarian idea was no more the only option for them. A sizable part of the local population nonetheless had undergone a transformation as Serbianised Slavs.[58] The government and its widespread massive Serbianisation campaign was unsuccessful in trying to eliminate the traces of an emerging Macedonian national consciousness among the local population.[59][53] The failed assimilation of the region was due to Serb policies that were exploitative and colonial and not directed toward integration.[55] Funds were controlled from Belgrade and the economy was geared toward resource extraction whose raw materials were bought by the government at low prices it determined for itself.[55] The state controlled the local tobacco monopoly and acquired a steady and sizable amount of revenue without investing much in return to raise the living standards of the inhabitants.[60] The government in Belgrade or the wider administration showed little concern toward conditions within the region.[60] A high rate of turnover existed among ministers and officials who mainly showed up prior to elections or to advance their own career and often staff in the local administration from other parts of the country were incompetent and corrupt.[61]

Locals were excluded from involvement in the sociopolitical system, suppression of elites occurred and state security forces instilled an environment of fear among inhabitants.[62] New arrivals to the region were favoured over the local population regarding state employment, loans and agricultural reform and both groups continued to be separate from each other.[55] During the interwar period the Croatian question dominated politics, Macedonia was sidelined and the view of the time was that discontent within the region could be contained through use of repressive measures.[63] Local inhabitants were mistrusted by the political elite of Belgrade whom designated them as being pure Serbs or through terms such as the "classical south".[62] During the interwar period Bulgaria resented the Serbianisation policy in Vardar Macedonia.[56] In World War II, the Bulgarian Army occupied southern Yugoslavia and their troops were welcomed as liberators from Serbianisation by the local Macedonian Slavs.[64][65]

Kosovo

The attempt at the Serbianisation of Kosovo and Albanian reaction toward resisting those efforts has been a factor contributing to conflict among

Obilić, Miloševo after heroes from Serbian epic poetry.[71] Other places such as Ferizović (Alb: Ferizaj) had their name changed to Uroševac.[71]

Albanian land was illegally confiscated and often through expropriations, whereas Serb settlers gained possession of prime land.[69][72] The Albanian population was encouraged to leave the region, as they were perceived to be immigrants in need of repatriation to either Turkey, Albania or expected to assimilate within Yugoslavia.[69][73][71] The state closed Albanian schools in 1918 as part of its efforts toward Serbianising the local Albanian population.[74] Between 1918 and 1923, as a result of state policies 30,000 and 40,000 mainly Muslim Albanians migrated to the Turkish regions of İzmir and Anatolia.[75] Albanian historians state that during the whole interwar period 300,000 Albanians left Yugoslavia due to duress.[75] By 1931 the Serbianisation efforts had failed as Albanians still composed 63% of the Kosovan population.[69] Other parts of the Serbianisation policy in Kosovo included establishing an effective government administration and refusing autonomous Albanian cultural development in the region.[75]

Vojvodina

During the interwar period, the government through its policy subjected ethnic

better source needed
]

Communist Yugoslavia

SR Macedonia

Decision about the Macedonian Alphabet 1 May 1945. Note it is written on Bulgarian typewriter using Й and there are hand-written Ѕ, Ј and Џ, and diacritics added to create Ѓ and Ќ. The rejection of the Ъ, together with the adoption of Ј, Џ, Љ and Њ, led some authors to consider it to be "Serbianization".[77][78][79]

After WWII

Yugoslav Communists recognized the existence of a separate Macedonian nation to quiet the fears of the Slavic population that a new Yugoslavia would continue to follow the policies of forced serbianization. For the Yugoslav authorities to recognize the local Slavs as Bulgarians would be to admit, they should be part of Bulgaria. In fact, the recognition of the Macedonian language and nation aimed to de-bulgarize the local population and to create a national consciousness that would support the identification with Yugoslavia.[82] As result, persons continuing to declare Bulgarian identity were again imprisoned or went into exile, and so Vardar Macedonia was finally de-bulgarised.[83]

Some researchers have described the process of codifying the Macedonian language during 1945–1950 as 'Serbianization'.

bilingualism was stimulated by the subordinated pro-Serbian elites in Yugoslav Macedonia.[88][89] In this way the influence of Serbo-Croatian arose to such a level, that the colloquial speech of the capital Skopje has been described as a "creolized form of Serbian".[89][90] For Bulgarians, Macedonian nationalism represents the result of the Serbification process in the region.[91] Bulgarian scholars and politicians maintain that the Macedonian language was Serbified as it adopted words from the Serbian language in the postwar codification process under Yugoslavia that the Bulgarian government has denounced.[92]

"Western Outlands"

See also: Bulgarians in Serbia

The territories called

WWII. The decades of geographic isolation of other Bulgarians, and the repressions additionally led this community to inability to build its own minority space for many years.[93]

Yugoslav wars

During the 1980s, some Serb intellectuals criticised and the League of Communists and held them responsible for Yugoslavia's political and economic troubles while offering solutions to the "Serbian question" through discussions and explanations of the Serb predicament. One of the narratives that emerged claimed that under communism Serbs had abandoned their old traditions resulting in a loss of Serbian identity and unawareness of Serb interests with looming historical defeat in a process called "de-Serbisation".[94]

Yugoslav army

The Yugoslav army (JNA) prior to the 1990s was a multi-ethnic force consisting of conscripts, regulars, commissioned and non-commissioned officers that for the highest ranks was determined through an ethnic principle of representative proportionality reflected in Yugoslavia's multi-ethnic composition.[95] Serbs overall held most senior, middle and junior ranks.[95] Following 1990-1991 during the later stages of the breakup of Yugoslav federation that descended into war the JNA underwent a process of Serbianisation.[95][96][97] It transformed from being multi-ethnic into a mainly Serb organisation under the Serbian republic's President Slobodan Milošević who held control and command over the force.[98] During the period non-Serb personnel defected to the new armies of the new post-Yugoslav republics and others who felt disillusioned yet were unable to defect resigned.[99] Slovene, Croat, Macedonian and Muslim (Bosniak) officers left the ranks of the Yugoslav army.[100] As the army became dominated more by Serbs a program has instituted to retire non-Serb personnel that resulted in 24 generals remaining out of 150 on the eve of when the JNA was formally disbanded on 19 May 1992.[99] In that time 42 of those generals had been removed by General Božidar Stevanović during his campaign of Serbianisation.[101][102][103] He belonged to a clandestine network called Vojna Linija (Military Line) that backed the Serbianisation of the JNA and Milošević placed Stevanović as head of the air force to accelerate the removal of military personnel deemed unreliable and non-Serb.[102] Following these processes the JNA was impacted due to the realisation that Yugoslavia no longer existed and its priority shifted toward creating the frontiers of a new Serbian state.[99] A campaign to shift the political orientation of the JNA to a Serbian character also occurred.[99]

At the end of May 1992, over 90% of the JNA was composed of Serbs.

Serb military forces in Croatia were also under the control of Belgrade.[108]

On 25–26 August 1993 at a gathering the Supreme Defense Council of retired generals, Milošević's full control over the Yugoslav army was complete as the few remaining traces of the JNA were done away with.[95][103] It was succeeded by the Army of Yugoslavia (Vojska Jugoslavije -VJ).[95] Serbianisation continued during the first few years of the new military force through purges of personnel arising out of a need to ensure the loyalty of the armed forces to Milošević.[105] During the Yugoslav Wars, the Serbianised Yugoslav National Army was involved in the destruction of urban centres such as Sarajevo, Mostar and Vukovar.[109] Territories within Bosnia conquered during the war by Bosnian Serbs were subjected to homogenisation and assimilation through Serbianisation.[110] The processes of Serbianisation of the Yugoslav army resulted in the creation of three Serbian armies under the control of Milošević.[111] Following the conclusion of the Yugoslav Wars of the early 1990s, the Serbianisation process of the Yugoslav army (JNA) was confirmed at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) by witnesses.[112]

Kosovo

In the late 1980s Milošević promoted a Serbian nationalist platform that entailed the re-Serbianisation of two autonomous Yugoslav provinces, Kosovo and Vojvodina.[113][114] On 23 March 1989, the autonomy of Kosovo within the Yugoslav federation was revoked by the government of the Serb Republic and Serbianisation of the province followed.[115] During the 1990s under the government of Milošević the Serbianisation of Kosovo occurred.[116] Laws were passed by the parliament of Serbia that sought to change the power balance in Kosovo relating to the economy, demography and politics.[117] Various measures included prohibiting the official use of Albanian, prevention of Albanian involvement in education, severely limiting the usage of Albanian symbols and efforts to deal with the imbalances of demography between Albanians and Serbs.[116] In the education sector Serbian authorities pressed Albanian schools to follow the Serbian language curriculum and to achieve those aims Albanian teachers in the thousands were replaced with Serbs.[116][117] The government imputed the mass dismissal of Albanian teachers to incompetence in the Serbian language, and that Kosovo educational institutions were centres for resistance and counterrevolution that indoctrinated Albanian students.[116]

Other reforms of the Kosovo education system segregated Albanian and Serb students within schools while funding, teaching staff and educational facilities were allocated for Serbian students and Albanian students received little.[116] An entrance exam in Serbian literature and language became compulsory for students to pass in secondary schools.[118] The Kosovo police force underwent Serbianisation after accusations of maltreatment toward non-Albanian civilians (mainly Serbs and Montenegrins) were made against ethnic Albanian police that resulted in their dismissal.[119] The Kosovo Albanian police force was replaced with Serb special police units of the Serbian Interior Ministry.[119][117] Albanians were against the measures and as such riot police and troops prevented them through force from going to school with some educational facilities being surrounded by tanks to stop attendance by students.[116][119] The Kosovo police force that was newly Serbianised maltreated the Albanian population.[120]

At the

made a declaration of the province's independence, established an alternative government and ministry of education.[122] Demonstrations by Albanians were followed by more dismissals and reprisals in the education sector which led to the establishment of an Albanian parallel education system consisting of previously dismissed teachers giving lessons in private homes.[116] Kosovan Albanian school textbooks of the interwar period of the 1990s referred to the Serbianisation of Kosovo through attempted colonisation and mass expulsion of Albanians by Serbs for a prolonged period of Kosovo's history in the twentieth century.[123] Hospitals had their Albanian nurses and physicians dismissed.[118][117]

Another aspect of Serbianisation in Kosovo was the implementation of a discriminatory language policy.[116] In 1991 public discourse was Serbianised through a campaign by the government such as targeting signs and government organs that became unfamiliar to many monolingual Albanians.[124][125] Kosovo media was Serbianised as 1,300 employees of Radio & TV Pristina were dismissed with television coming under Belgrade control and a propaganda tool for the government.[124][118][126] Albanian language newspapers were shut down and the most popular newspapers placed under the control of the government while other independent papers allowed to exist were under constant pressure from the state.[124] Cultural institutions of Kosovo only showed Serbian productions.[118] Albanian municipal officials and industrial workers were also dismissed from their employment.[117] State sanctioned Serbianisation overall resulted in more than 100,000 Kosovo Albanians losing employment with many made to leave their apartments while their jobs were given to Serbs that migrated into the region.[127][128]

At the time, for Serb nationalists the process of Serbianisation entailed the resettlement of Serbs to Kosovo and limiting the favorable demographic position Albanians held.[124] Originating from the 1930s, the works of Vaso Čubrilović, a Serb nationalist writer became popular in Serbia during the 1990s and their content called for the dislocation of Albanians through mass resettlement.[124] In 1995, a Serb Radical politician Vojislav Šešelj wrote in the publication Velika Srbija (Greater Serbia) a memorandum that outlined the Serbianisation of Kosovo.[129] Šešelj called for violence and expulsion against Albanians and their leadership with aims toward discrediting them within Western public opinion.[129] Following similar themes the parliament of Serbia on 11 January 1995 passed the Decree for Colonisation of Kosovo of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.[124] It outlined government benefits for Serbs who desired to live in Kosovo with loans to build homes or purchase other dwellings and offered free plots of land.[124][117] Few Serbs took up the offer due to the worsening situation in Kosovo at the time.[124]

The government in 1995 resorted to forcefully resettling in Kosovo Serb refugees from Croatia, with most leaving thereafter and few remaining that increased tensions in the area.

Kosovo war began in 1998. In January 1999, the government authorities initiated a planned offensive against Kosovo Albanians that involved the violent liquidation of assets aimed at their displacement and Serbianisation of the region.[131]

Serbian language

Following the breakup of Yugoslavia, the official language Serbo-Croatian broke up into separate official languages and the process in relation to Serbian involved the Serbianisation of its lexicon.[132]

21st century

North Macedonia

The historical event that created the Yugoslav Macedonian republic on 2 August 1944 is viewed differently through political party rivalries.[133] The Social Democrats (SDSM) celebrate it and the VMRO-DPMNE condemn it as part of a Serbification project.[133]

Under the leadership of Nikola Gruevski (2006–2016), the then-governing VMRO-DPMNE would embrace a pro-Serbian policy.[134] In 2015 the former Prime Minister and leader of the VMRO-NP, Ljubčo Georgievski told Radio Free Europe that the authorities had a clear goal: to keep the country closer to Serbia, and at some future stage to join the northern neighbour. According to him a classical pro-Yugoslav policy was being conducted, where confrontation with all the other neighbors was taking place, but the border between Macedonian and Serbian national identity had been erased.[135] "Stop the Serbian assimilation of the Macedonian nation" was the motto of the billboards that were placed then on Skopje streets, through which the Party launched a campaign for preserving the Macedonian national identity. The pro-governmental press claimed that the "Bulgarian" Georgievski organised a new provocation. As a result, the billboards were removed quickly by the authorities.

Other ethnic groups

Voluntary Serbianisation has sometimes been attributed to Romanians in Serbia since the 19th century.[136] The Hungarian minority in north Serbia (Vojvodina) has also been affected by Serbianisation since the aftermath of World War II.[137]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ "The Real Face of Serbian Education in Macedonia". newspaper "Makedonsko Delo", No. 9 (Jan. 10, 1926), Vienna, original in Bulgarian. Retrieved 2007-08-03.
  2. ^ Madgearu & Gordon 2008, p. 33. "An important Romanian concentration existed in the region between the Timok and Morava Rivers.... This region was taken by Serbia in 1291 or 1292 from two Cuman chiefs, Darman and Kudelin, that were first under Hungarian vassalage. Only then did the Serbianization of this region previously peopled by Romanians and Bulgarians begin."
  3. ISBN 9780810858466
    . Serbization.
  4. ISBN 9781443888431
    .
  5. ^ K. Bozeva-Abazi, 2003, The shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian national identities, 1800s-1900s. McGill University, Montreal. Summary.
  6. ^ The Serbian newspaper Srbske Narodne Novine (Year IV, pp. 138 and 141-43, May 4 and 7, 1841), described the towns of Niš, Leskovac, Pirot, and Vranja as lying in Bulgaria, and styles their inhabitants Bulgarians. In a map made by Dimitrije Davidović called „Territories inhabited by Serbians” from 1828 Macedonia, but also the towns Niš, Leskovac, Vranja, Pirot, etc. were situated outside the boundaries of the Serbian nation. The map of Constantine Desjardins (1853), French professor in Serbia represents the realm of the Serbian language. The map was based on Davidović‘s work placing Serbians into the limited area north of Šar Planina.
  7. ^ Ethnic Mapping on the Balkans (1840–1925): a Brief Comparative Summary of Concepts and Methods of Visualization, Demeter, Gábor and al. (2015) In: (Re)Discovering the Sources of Bulgarian and Hungarian History. Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia; Budapest, p. 85.
  8. ^ Ristić, Dejan (Summer 2013). Osnivanje školskog sistema u Nišu i južnoj Srbiji tokom XIX veka [The establishment of the school system in Niš and southern Serbia during the 19th century] (PDF) (MPhil thesis) (in Bosnian). University of Vienna.
  9. ^ Paligorić, Mihajlo T. (1937). Ekonomsko-kulturna istorija Niša: I deo, Niš do Svetskog rata. Niš. pp. 5–8.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  10. ^ Любомир Георгиев. „Българите католици в Трансилвания и Банат (XVIII – първата половина на XIX в.)“, София 2010 г. стр. 21–23.
  11. ISBN 954-322-019-0
    . с. 57–58.
  12. ^ Stevan K. Pavlowitch, Serbia: the history behind the name, 2002 — p. 68.
  13. ^ -{Antic.org}-: Изгорео симбол Ниша
  14. ISBN 9780847688104
    .
  15. ^ According to Boué, who traveled through the region in 1837, Nish was a Bulgarian district and both in the town and in the country Bulgarians formed the great part of the population. Nevertheless, Robert claimed that Serbians formed half of the town population. In the Pirot and Leskovac districts, Bulgarians were the main ethnic group, especially in the villages disseminated on the valleys. In the district of Prekoplie, the main ethnic group was Muslim Albanians. According to Boué, Albanians were placed in the Nish sub-province by the Porte to counterbalance the Christian majority and to prevent periodic Bulgarian rebellions. In Vranje, Bulgarians and Muslim Albanians were equally distributed. Turks lived mainly in the chief towns and formed a small minority in the whole of this sub-province. Bulgarians, Serbians and Muslim Albanians were the main ethnic groups. According to Aubaret the total population in the Nish sub-province was about 355,000. For more see: Engin Deniz Tanır, The Mid-nineteenth Century Ottoman Bulgaria from the Viewpoints of French Travellers (Ph.D. diss, METU, 2005), p. 71.
  16. ^ Özkan, Ayşe. "Kanlıca Konferansı Sonrasında Müslümanların Sırbistan'dan Çıkarılmaları ve Osmanlı Devleti'nin Sırbistan'dan Çekilişi (1862-1867)". Akademik Bakış. 5 (9).
  17. ^ Mark Pinson, Ottoman Bulgaria in the First Tanzimat Period — The Revolts in Nish (1841) and Vidin (1850), p. 103; Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 11, No 2 (May, 1975), pp. 103–146.
  18. ISBN 9780521273237
    .: "...a Balkan alliance, which alarmed both Bulgarians and Turks with its implications of Serbian expansionism as expounded two decades previously, in Garasanin's Nacertanie, the Serbian equivalent of Greek Megali Idea."
  19. ISBN 978-1438110257
    .
  20. ^ Savić, Milan (1981). "Istorii︠a︡ na bŭlgarskii︠a︡ narod". google.bg.
  21. ^
    ISBN 9780230535794
    .
  22. ^
    ISBN 9781848854772
    .
  23. S2CID 144497487
    . "Prior to 1878, the Serbs comprised not more than one half of the population of Nis, the largest city in the region; by 1884 the Serbian share rose to 80 per cent."
  24. ^ Bogišić, Valtazar (1984). Coutumes de droit av Monténegro dans l'Herzegoine et en Albanie. Crnogorska akademija nauka i umjetnost. Cijelo je stanovništvo plemena srpskoga. Govore jednijem i istijem jezikom i svi su pravoslavno istočne vjere. Ponegde među Crnogorcima može se naći po koji Ciganin, koji se obično bave kovačlukom, no su i oni srbizirani.
  25. ^ a b c Marinov 2013a, p. 317.
  26. ISBN 8686601073
  27. ^ Mirko Valentić;(1992) The ethnic roots of the Croatian and Bosnian Serbs pp. 1–21; [1]
  28. ^ Octavian Ciobanu; (2018) The heritage of Western Balkan Vlachs pp. 1–9; [2]
  29. ISBN 0801416752
  30. ^ Vjeran Kursar; (2013) Being an Ottoman Vlach: On Vlach Identity (Ies), Role and Status in Western Parts of the Ottoman Balkans (15th-18th Centuries) p. 124, 127 Journal of the Center for Ottoman Studies - Ankara University, 24, 34; 115–161 [3]
  31. ^ Czamańska Ilona; Vlachs and Slavs in the Middle Ages and Modern Era p. 19; Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej, [4]
  32. ^ Lane 2017, p. 44.
  33. ISBN 9780230214071.[permanent dead link
    ]
  34. ISBN 0847698092
    , p. 236.
  35. ISBN 9781850656630
    .
  36. ISBN 9781134712229
    .
  37. ^ "Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan War". Retrieved 2015-04-12.
  38. Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars
    (p. 52)
  39. ^
    Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars
    (p. 165)
  40. Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars
    (p. 53)
  41. ^ a b c d Papavizas 2015, p. 92.
  42. ^ "An article by Dimiter Vlahov about the persecution of the Bulgarian population in Macedonia". newspaper "Balkanska federatsia", No. 140, 20 August 1930, Vienna, original in Bulgarian. Retrieved 2007-08-03.
  43. S2CID 143667209
    .
  44. ^ "By the Shar Mountain there is also terror and violence". newspaper "Makedonsko Delo", No. 58, 25 January 1928, Vienna, original in Bulgarian. Retrieved 2007-08-03.
  45. ^
    ISBN 9781850652380
    .
  46. ^ Papavizas 2015, pp. 92–93.
  47. doi:10.1111/j.0020-8833.2004.00324.x
    . "Macedonian Slavs are ethnically closest to Bulgarians, and were subjected to Serbianization during the interwar period."
  48. ^ a b c d e f g Boškovska 2017, p. 281.
  49. ^
    ISBN 9781443888493
    .
  50. ^ a b c Livanios 2008, p. 23.
  51. ^ a b c d Iseni 2008, p. 312.
  52. ISBN 9989624518
    .
  53. ^ a b c Boškovska 2017, p. 284.
  54. ^ Livanios 2008, pp. 23–24, 68.
  55. ^ a b c d Boškovska 2017, p. 282.
  56. ^
    ISBN 9780199237685
    . Serbianization.
  57. ^ Tomic Yves, Massacres in Dismembered Yugoslavia, 1941-1945. SciencesPo, 7 June 2010; (https://www.sciencespo.fr/mass-violence-war-massacre-resistance).
  58. ISBN 9781476610191
    .
  59. ^ Perry 1994, p. 197.
  60. ^ a b Boškovska 2017, p. 283.
  61. ^ Boškovska 2017, pp. 283–284.
  62. ^ a b Boškovska 2017, pp. 282–283.
  63. ISBN 9781786730732
    .
  64. doi:10.3406/polit.1994.4255.[permanent dead link
    ]
  65. ISBN 0191528722
    , p. 179.
  66. ^ Bytyçi 2015, p. 14.
  67. ^
    JSTOR 43101606
    . "Les Serbes menèrent une politique d'émigration forcée et de serbisation du Kosovo. Ils voulaient ainsi remplacer une population peu fiable par une autre, plus loyale, sur un territoire dont la position stratégique rendait la possession indispensable pour la sécurité du Royaume."
  68. ISBN 9781847790170
    . "Kosovars have not forgotten the continuous politics of Serbisation of their homeland by administrative measures or violence, dating back to the beginning of the twentieth century."
  69. ^
    ISBN 9781351154666
    .
  70. ^ Iseni 2008, pp. 312–313.
  71. ^
    ISBN 9780745315690
    .
  72. ^ Leurdijk & Zandee 2001, p. 13
  73. ^ Leurdijk & Zandee 2001, p. 14
  74. ISBN 9780822315483
    .
  75. ^
    ISBN 9783039113200
    .
  76. S2CID 155831683
    . "At the same time, the interwar government made no serious attempt to win over the Vojvodinian Hungarians. Instead, they were subjected to a policy of Serbianization"
  77. ^ When Blaze Koneski, the founder of the Macedonian standard language, as a young boy, returned to his Macedonian native village from the Serbian town where he went to school, he was ridiculed for his Serbianized language.Cornelis H. van Schooneveld, Linguarum: Series maior, Issue 20, Mouton., 1966, p. 295.
  78. ISBN 3954770369
    , pp. 367–375.
  79. ^ Kronsteiner, Otto, Zerfall Jugoslawiens und die Zukunft der makedonischen Literatursprache : Der späte Fall von Glottotomie? in: Die slawischen Sprachen (1992) 29, 142–171.
  80. ^ War of words: Washington tackles the Yugoslav conflict, p. 43, at Google Books
  81. ISBN 0-691-04356-6
    , pp. 65–66.
  82. ISBN 0208008217
    , Chapter 9: The encouragement of Macedonian culture.
  83. ISBN 0-8153-4058-3 [5]
  84. ^
    ISBN 0230523889
    , p. 126.
  85. ISBN 3110393689
    , chapter 109.
  86. ^ Stojan Kiselinovski, Historical Roots of the Macedonian Language Codification, Polish Academy of Sciences, 2016, Studia Srodkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne, pp. 133–146.  DOI: 10.4467/2543733XSSB.16.009.6251
  87. ISBN 0312299133
    , p. 430.
  88. ISBN 9780230580084
    , Palgrave Macmillan, 2009, pp. 120-122.
  89. ^
    ISBN 3110220261
    , p. 420.
  90. ISBN 9789027273918
    .
  91. ISBN 9789004250765
    .
  92. ISBN 9789004250765
    .
  93. ^ Alternative Report submitted pursuant to Article 25 Paragraph 1 of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, September 2007. CHRIS - Network of the Committees for Human Rights in Serbia, p. 4.
  94. JSTOR 43234857
    . "The second narrative stated that because the Serbs had renounced their central cultural traditions during the years of communist rule, they started losing their cultural identity, and thus became unaware of their real national interests. As a result, they were facing historical defeat. The process was referred to by using terms like "de-racination", de-nationalisation", or "de-Serbisation".
  95. ^ a b c d e Gow 2003, p. 57.
  96. ^ Gow & Zveržhanovski 2013, p. 37.
  97. ISBN 9783658210335
    .
  98. ^ Gow 2003, pp. 57–58.
  99. ^ a b c d Gow 2003, p. 58.
  100. doi:10.1080/15579336.1998.11770181
    . "with their drive to establish independent states near the end of June 1991 were the beginning of the complete dissolution of the Yugoslav federation. The eruption of war in Croatia prompted a Serbianization of the YNA as Slovene and Croat officers, and later other non-Serb officers (especially Muslims and Macedonians), left its ranks."
  101. ^ Gow 2003, p. 66.
  102. ^ a b Gow & Zveržhanovski 2013, p. 29.
  103. ^ a b Koonings & Kruijt 2002, pp. 302, 305.
  104. ^ a b c d e Gow 2003, p. 59.
  105. ^
    ISBN 9781137276148
    .
  106. ^ a b Gow 2003, p. 60.
  107. ISBN 9781856499798
    .
  108. ^ Gow 2003, pp. 59, 85.
  109. S2CID 2986740
    .
  110. ^ Wallon, Emmanuel (1993). "Ex-Yougoslavie: l'alibi d'impuissance, la logique de l'inertie". Esprit. 193 (7): 90. "Quoiqu'ils n'aient perdu aucune opportunité de les critiquer, ce ne sont donc pas ses dispositions juridiques qui ont empêché les Serbes bosniaques de ratifier le document de Genève. A ce degré d'imprécision, forts de la licence d'interprétation et d'action que leur ont toujours concédée les responsables internationaux, ils étaient déjà assurés de poursuivre leur œuvre d'homogénéisation et d'assi milation. Ainsi que, dans une moindre mesure, la « croatisation » au sud et au centre du pays, la « serbisation » continue dans les territoires conquis, grâce à des méthodes plus discrètes - mais pas toujours moins brutales - que celles appliquées le long des lignes de front et que les Musulmans à leur tour sont condamnés à em prunter pour élargir leurs réduits."
  111. ISBN 9781850656463
    .
  112. S2CID 144603117
    .
  113. ISBN 9781847795700
    .
  114. ^ Marie-Françoise & Galmiche 1993, p. 80. "Belgrade envisagea dès 1986, puis décida en 1989-1990, date où l'autonomie a été annulée par amendement de la Constitution, une serbisation à marche forcé."
  115. ^ Bytyçi 2015, p. 22.
  116. ^ a b c d e f g h i Bellamy 2012, p. 114.
  117. ^
    doi:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2009.00808.x
    . "The Serbian parliament proceeded to pass a series of laws designed to reshape the demographic, economic and political balance of power in Kosovo. In an attempted 'Serbization' programme, tens of thousands of Kosovo Albanian doctors, municipal officials, teachers and industrial workers were sacked from their jobs, while ethnic Serbs were given economic incentives to live in Kosovo. The Serbian government replaced local Albanian police officers with special police units from the Serbian Ministry of the Interior."
  118. ^
    ISBN 9780754615545
    .
  119. ^ a b c Kostovicova 2005, p. 77.
  120. S2CID 143238786
    . "In 1989 Milosevic revoked the autonomous status of Kosovo and seriously marginalized the ethnic Albanian majority by banning the use of their language in schools and government, and allowing the newly Serbianized police force to abuse the Kosovar Albanian citizenry."
  121. ^ Bache & Taylor 2003, p. 288.
  122. S2CID 33341334. Archived from the original
    (PDF) on 2019-02-25.
  123. ISBN 9780415348065
    .
  124. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Bellamy 2012, p. 115.
  125. ISBN 9780230597600
    .
  126. ^ Marie-Françoise, Allain; Galmiche, Xavier (1993). "Guerre ou terreur au Kosovo? Deux façons de mourir..." Esprit. 190 (3/4): 78. "Dans le domaine culturel par exemple, la pro cédure est allée d'une suppression pure et simple des organismes (du quotidien Rilindja, en juillet 1990, de l'Académie des sciences, en octobre 1991, des musées et théâtres), à une serbisation du personnel, décrétée sur la base de l'artifice légal que représente le décret de « mesures temporaires » : tous les employés albanais ont été chassés de la radio, de la télévision (dont aussi bien les rédactions albanaises ont été supprimées en juin 1990), de la bibliothèque, des maisons d'édition."
  127. S2CID 144211313
    . "Serbia's leaders strengthened the state's repressive apparatus and, over the course of the decade, revoked Kosovo's autonomy, fired over 100,000 ethnic Albanians from their posts, and limited political and property rights of Albanians in a process of forced "Serbianization"."
  128. ^ Ramet, Sabrina P. (1996). "The Albanians of Kosovo: The Potential for Destabilization". The Brown Journal of World Affairs. 3 (1): 359.
  129. ^ a b Bytyçi 2015, pp. 131–132. [6]
  130. ISBN 9781136334764
    .
  131. ISBN 9781443876681
    .
  132. doi:10.3917/ethn.012.0287
    .
  133. ^
    doi:10.1525/ae.1997.24.2.415
    .
  134. ISBN 0190877391
    , pp. 115; 162.
  135. ^ Радио Слободна Европа, јануари 23, 2015, Марија Митевска, Србизација на Македонија?
  136. Jagellonian University
    , Cracow
  137. ^ Frederick Bernard Singleton, Twentieth-century Yugoslavia, New York, Columbia University Press, 1976, p. 222
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