User:Al Ameer son/Mu'awiya

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Origins and early life

Mu'awiya's year of birth is uncertain with 597, 603 or 605 cited by the Muslim traditional sources.

Abd Manaf ibn Qusayy.[3][4] Mu'awiya's mother, Hind bint Utba, was also a member of the Banu Abd Shams.[1]

In 624, Muhammad and his followers attempted to intercept a Meccan caravan led by Mu'awiya's father on its return from Syria, prompting Abu Sufyan to call for reinforcements.

Abu Jahl, and led the Meccans to victory against the Muslims at the Battle of Uhud in 625.[1] After his abortive siege of Muhammad in Medina at the Battle of the Trench in 627, he lost his leadership position among the Quraysh.[1]

Mu'awiya and his father may have reached an understanding with Muhammad during the

truce negotiations at Hudaybiyya in 628 and Mu'awiya's widowed sister, Umm Habiba, was wed to Muhammad in 629.[1] When Muhammad entered Mecca in 630, Mu'awiya, his father and his elder brother Yazid embraced Islam.[1] As part of Muhammad's efforts to reconcile with his tribesmen, Mu'awiya was made one of his kātibs (scribes), being one of seventeen literate members of the Quraysh at that time.[1] The family moved to Medina to maintain their new-found influence in the nascent Muslim community.[6]

Governorship of Syria

Early military career and administrative promotions

Map of Syria in the first decades of Islamic rule

After Muhammad died in 632,

Ridda wars (632–633) was Mu'awiya's brother Yazid, whom he later dispatched as one of four commanders in charge of the Muslim conquest of Byzantine Syria in c. 634.[8] The caliph appointed Mu'awiya commander of Yazid's vanguard.[1] Through these appointments Abu Bakr gave the family of Abu Sufyan a stake in the conquest of Syria, where Abu Sufyan already owned property in the vicinity of Damascus, in return for the loyalty of the Banu Abd Shams.[8]

Abu Bakr's successor

Battle of Yarmouk,[9] which paved the way for the conquest of the remainder of Syria.[10] Mu'awiya was among the Arab troops that entered Jerusalem with Caliph Umar in 637.[1] Mu'awiya and Yazid were dispatched by Abu Ubayda to conquer the coastal towns of Sidon, Beirut and Byblos.[11] After Abu Ubayda died in the plague of Amwas in 639, Umar split the command of Syria, appointing Yazid as governor of the military districts of Damascus, Jordan and Palestine, and Iyad ibn Ghanm governor of Homs and the Jazira (Upper Mesopotamia).[1][12] When Yazid succumbed to the plague later that year, Umar appointed Mu'awiya the military and fiscal governor of Damascus, and possibly Jordan as well.[1][13] In 640 or 641, Mu'awiya captured Caesarea, the district capital of Byzantine Palestine, and then captured Ascalon, completing the Muslim conquest of Palestine.[1][14][15] As early as 640/41, Mu'awiya may have led a campaign against Byzantine Cilicia and proceeded to Euchaita, deep in Byzantine territory.[16] In 644, he led a foray against Amorium in Byzantine Anatolia.[17]

Upon the accession of Caliph

Umayr ibn Sa'd al-Ansari was confirmed as governor of the Homs-Jazira district.[1] In late 646 or early 647, Uthman attached the Homs-Jazira district to Mu'awiya's Syrian governorship,[1] greatly increasing the military manpower at his disposal.[18] The successive promotions of Abu Sufyan's sons contradicted Umar's efforts to curtail the influence of the Qurayshite aristocracy in the Muslim state in favor of the early Muslim converts.[12] According to the historian Leone Caetani, this exceptional treatment stemmed from Umar's personal respect of the Umayyads, the branch of the Banu Abd Shams to which Mu'awiya belonged.[13] This is doubted by the historian Wilferd Madelung, who surmises that Umar had little choice, due to the lack of a suitable alternative to Mu'awiya in Syria and the ongoing plague in the region, which precluded the deployment of commanders more preferable to Umar from Medina.[13]

Consolidation of local power

During the reign of Uthman, Mu'awiya formed an alliance with the

Bahdal ibn Unayf, by wedding the latter's daughter Maysun in c. 650.[19][22][26][28] He also married Maysun's paternal cousin, Na'ila bint Umara, for a short period.[29][b]

Mu'awiya's reliance on the native Syrian Arab tribes was compounded by the heavy toll inflicted on the Muslim troops in Syria by the plague of Amwas,

Banu Tayy formed part of Mu'awiya's army in northern Syria.[34][35] To help pay for his troops, Mu'awiya requested and was granted ownership by Uthman of the abundant, income-producing, Byzantine crown lands in Syria, which were previously designated by Umar as communal property for the Muslim army.[36]

Though Syria's rural, Aramaic Christian population remained largely intact,[37] the Muslim conquest had caused a mass flight of Greek Christian urbanites from Damascus, Aleppo, Latakia and Tripoli to Byzantine territory,[32] while those who remained held pro-Byzantine sympathies.[31] According to the historian J. W. Jandora, "Mu'awiya was thus confronted with a population problem".

Persian holdovers from the Sasanian occupation of Byzantine Syria in the early 7th century.[38] Upon Uthman's direction, Mu'awiya settled groups of the nomadic Tamim, Asad and Qays tribes to areas north of the Euphrates in the vicinity of Raqqa.[31][39]

Naval campaigns against Byzantium and conquest of Armenia

Mu'awiya initiated the Arab naval campaigns against the Byzantines in the eastern Mediterranean,

Greek inscriptions in the Cypriot village of Solois citing two raids launched between 648 and 650.[41]

In the histories of the 9th-century Muslim historians

Ubada ibn al-Samit.[41][30] Katwa died on the island and at some point Mu'awiya married her sister Fakhita.[30] In a different narrative, the raid was conducted by Mu'awiya's admiral Abd Allah ibn Qays, who landed at Salamis before occupying the island.[40] In either case, the Cypriots were forced to pay a tribute equal to that which they paid the Byzantines.[40][42] Mu'awiya established a city with a garrison and a mosque to maintain the Caliphate's influence in the island, which became a staging ground for the Arabs and the Byzantines to launch raids against each other's territories.[42] The inhabitants of Cyprus were largely left to their own devices and archaeological evidence indicates uninterrupted prosperity during this period.[43]

After two previous attempts by the Arabs to conquer

Theodosiopolis and deported Rshtuni to Syria, solidifying Arab rule over Armenia.[45]

Dominance of the eastern Mediterranean enabled Mu'awiya's naval forces to raid

Abu'l-A'war.[47]

First Fitna

Mu'awiya's domain was generally immune to the growing discontent prevailing in Medina, Egypt and

Abu Dharr al-Ghifari,[1] who had been sent to Damascus for openly condemning Uthman's enrichment of his kinsmen.[48] He criticized the lavish sums that Mu'awiya invested in building his Damascus residence, the Khadra Palace, prompting the governor to expel him.[48] Uthman's confiscation of crown lands in Iraq and his nepotism[c] drove the Quraysh and the dispossessed elites of Kufa and Egypt to oppose the caliph.[50]

Uthman sent for assistance from Mu'awiya when rebels from Egypt

A'isha, who feared the loss of their own influence and that of their tribe under Ali.[52] The latter defeated the triumvirate near Basra at the Battle of the Camel, which ended in the deaths of al-Zubayr and Talha, both potential contenders for the caliphate, and the retirement of A'isha to Mecca.[53] With his position in Iraq, Egypt and Arabia secure, Ali turned his attention toward Mu'awiya, who, unlike the other provincial governors, had a strong and loyal power base, demanded revenge for the slaying of his kinsman Uthman and could not be easily replaced.[54][53] At this point, Mu'awiya did not yet claim the caliphate and his principal aim was to keep power in Syria.[55]

For seven months from the date of Ali's election there had been no formal relations between the caliph and the governor of Syria.[56] Following Ali's victory in Basra, Mu'awiya's position was vulnerable, his territory wedged between Ali's forces in Iraq and Egypt to the east and west, while the war with the Byzantines was ongoing in the north.[57][55] After failing to gain the defection of Egypt's governor, Qays ibn Sa'd, he resolved to end the Umayyad family's hostility to Amr ibn al-As, the conqueror and former governor of Egypt, whom they accused of involvement in Uthman's death.[58] Mu'awiya and Amr, who was widely respected by the Arab troops of Egypt, made a pact whereby the latter joined the coalition against Ali and Mu'awiya publicly agreed to install Amr as Egypt's lifetime governor should they oust Ali's appointee.[59]

Though he had the firm backing of the Kalb, to shore up the rest of his base in Syria, Mu'awiya was advised by his kinsman

Judhamite chief Natil ibn Qays, by allowing the latter's confiscation of the district's treasury to go unpunished.[62] The efforts bore fruit and demands for war against Ali grew throughout Mu'awiya's domain.[63] Mu'awiya handed Ali's envoy, the veteran commander and chieftain of the Bajila, Jarir ibn Abd Allah, a letter that amounted to a declaration of war against the caliph, whose legitimacy he refused to recognize.[64] Mu'awiya secured his northern frontier with Byzantium by making a truce with the emperor in 657/58, enabling the governor to focus the bulk of his troops on the impending battle with the caliph.[65]

Battle of Siffin and arbitration

See also: Battle of Siffin

The two sides met at Siffin in the first week of June 657 and engaged in days of skirmishes interrupted by a month-long truce on 19 June.[66] During the truce, Mu'awiya dispatched an embassy led by Habib ibn Maslama, who presented Ali with an ultimatum to hand over Uthman's alleged killers, abdicate and allow a shūrā to decide the caliphate.[67] Ali rebuffed Mu'awiya's envoys and on 18 July declared that the Syrians remained obstinate in their refusal to recognize his sovereignty.[68] On the following day, a week of duels between Ali's and Mu'awiya's top commanders ensued.[68] The main battle between the two armies commenced on 26 July.[69] As Ali's troops advanced toward Mu'awiya's tent, the governor ordered his elite troops forward and they bested the Iraqis before the tide turned against the Syrians the next day with the deaths of two of Mu'awiya's leading commanders, Ubayd Allah, the son of Caliph Umar, and Dhu'l-Kala Samayfa, the so-called "king of Himyar".[70] The loss of Ubayd Allah, in particular, was a blow to Mu'awiya's prestige as he had been the sole, non-Umayyad blood connection to the early caliphs to lend Mu'awiya his support at this juncture.[71]

Mu'awiya rejected suggestions from his advisers to engage Ali in a duel and definitively end hostilities.[72] The battle climaxed on the so-called "Night of Clamor" on 28 July, which saw Ali's forces take the advantage in a melée as the death toll mounted on both sides.[73][72][d] This prompted Amr ibn al-As to counsel Mu'awiya the following morning to have a number of his men tie leaves of the Qur'an on their lances in an appeal to the Iraqis to settle the conflict through consultation.[73][74][75] Though this act represented a surrender of sorts as the governor abandoned, at least temporarily, his previous insistence on settling the dispute with Ali militarily and pursuing Uthman's killers into Iraq, it had the effect of sowing discord and uncertainty in Ali's ranks.[74]

The caliph adhered to the will of the majority in his army and accepted the proposal to arbitrate.

Adhruh.[81] Ali seemingly abandoned the arbitration after the first meeting in which Abu Musa—who, unlike Amr, was not particularly attached to his principal's cause[75]—accepted the Syrian side's claim that Uthman was wrongfully killed, a verdict that Ali opposed.[82] The final meeting in Adhruh collapsed and by then Mu'awiya had emerged as a major contender for the caliphate.[83]

Claim to the caliphate and resumption of hostilities

Map of the First Fitna. The areas shaded in green and pink respectively represent the territories under Caliph Ali's and Mu'awiya's control in 658.

Following the breakdown of the arbitration talks, Amr and the Syrian delegates returned to Damascus where they greeted Mu'awiya as amīr al-muʾminīn.[84] In April/May 658, Mu'awiya received a general pledge of allegiance from the Syrians.[51] In response, Ali broke off communications with Mu'awiya, mobilized for war and invoked a curse against Mu'awiya and his close retinue as a ritual in the morning prayers.[84] Mu'awiya reciprocated in kind against Ali and his closest supporters in his own domain.[85]

In July, Mu'awiya dispatched an army under Amr to Egypt after a request for intervention from pro-Uthman mutineers in the province who were being suppressed by the governor, Caliph Abu Bakr's son and Ali's stepson

Hit and Anbar.[89]

In 659/660, Mu'awiya expanded the operations to the

Hadhramawt, he withdrew upon the approach of a Kufan relief force.[96]

News of Busr's actions in Arabia spurred Ali's troops to rally behind his planned campaign against Mu'awiya,

al-Hasan had been nominated as his successor.[99] Al-Hasan abdicated in return for a financial settlement and Mu'awiya entered Kufa in July or September 661 and was recognized as caliph.[51][100] This year is considered by the traditional Muslim sources as "the year of unity" and is generally regarded as the start of Mu'awiya's caliphate.[51][100]

Before and/or after Ali's death, Mu'awiya received oaths of allegiance in one or two formal ceremonies in Jerusalem, the first in late 660/early 661 and the second in July 661.

Golgotha and the Tomb of the Virgin Mary in Gethsemane, both adjacent to the Temple Mount.[103] The Maronite Chronicles also maintain that Mu'awiya "did not wear a crown like other kings in the world".[104]

Caliphate

Domestic rule and administration

There is little information in the Muslim traditional sources about Mu'awiya's rule in Syria, the center of his caliphate.[105][106] He established his court in Damascus and moved the caliphal treasury there from Kufa.[105] He relied on his Syrian tribal soldiery, increasing their pay at the expense of the Iraqi garrisons.[105] The highest stipends were paid on an inheritable basis to 2,000 nobles of the Quda'a and Kinda tribes, the core components of his support base, who were further awarded the privilege of consultation for all major decisions and the rights to veto or propose measures.[26][107] The respective leaders of the Quda'a and the Kinda, the Kalbite chief Ibn Bahdal and the Homs-based Shurahbil, formed part of his Syrian inner circle along with the Qurayshites Abd al-Rahman, son of the distinguished commander Khalid ibn al-Walid, and al-Dahhak ibn Qays.[108]

A Greek inscription crediting Mu'awiya for restoring the Roman-era bath facilities at Hamat Gader in 663, the sole epigraphic attestation of Mu'awiya's rule in Syria, the center of his caliphate

Mu'awiya is credited by the traditional sources for establishing dīwāns (government departments) for correspondences (rasāʾil), chancellery (khātam) and the postal route (barīd).[26] Following an assassination attempt by the Kharijite al-Burak ibn Abd Allah on Mu'awiya while he was praying in the mosque of Damascus in 661, Mu'awiya established a caliphal ḥaras (personal guard) and shurṭa (select troops) and the maqṣūra (reserved area) within mosques.[109][110] The caliph's treasury was largely dependent on the tax revenues of Syria and income from the crown lands that he confiscated in Iraq and Arabia.[26] He also received the customary fifth of the war booty acquired by his commanders during expeditions.[26] In the Jazira, Mu'awiya coped with the tribal influx, which spanned previously established groups such as the Sulaym, newcomers from the Mudar and Rabi'a confederations and civil war refugees from Kufa and Basra, by administratively detaching the military district of Qinnasrin–Jazira from Homs, according to the 8th-century historian Sayf ibn Umar.[111][112] The 9th-century historian al-Baladhuri attributes this change to Mu'awiya's successor Yazid I (r. 680–683).[111]

Syria retained its Byzantine-era bureaucracy, which was staffed by Christians including the head of the tax administration,

Sinnabra palace near the shores of Lake Tiberias.[119] Mu'awiya was also credited with ordering the restoration of Edessa's church after it was ruined in an earthquake in 679.[120] Mu'awiya demonstrated a keen interest in Jerusalem.[121] Though archaeological evidence is lacking, there are indications in medieval literary sources that a rudimentary mosque on the Temple Mount existed as early as Mu'awiya's time or was built by him.[122][e]

Governance in the provinces

Mu'awiya's primary internal challenge was overseeing a Syria-based government which could reunite the politically and socially fractured Caliphate and assert authority over the tribes which formed its armies.[111] He applied indirect rule in the Caliphate's provinces, appointing governors with autonomy spanning full civil and military authority.[124] Though in principle governors were obliged to forward surplus tax revenues to the caliph,[111] in practice most of the surplus was distributed among the provincial garrisons and Damascus received a negligible share.[26][125] During Mu'awiya's caliphate, the governors relied on the ashrāf (tribal chieftains), who served as intermediaries between the authorities and the tribesmen in the garrisons.[111] Rather than the absolute government practiced by Caliph Ali, Mu'awiya's statecraft was likely inspired by his father, who utilized his wealth to establish political alliances.[125] The caliph generally preferred bribing his opponents over direct conflict.[125] In the summation of the historian Hugh Kennedy, Mu'awiya ruled by "making agreements with those who held power in the provinces, by building up the power of those who were prepared to co-operate with him and by attaching as many important and influential figures to his cause as possible".[125]

Iraq and the east

Further information: Ziyad ibn Abihi


Challenges to central authority in general and to Mu'awiya's rule in particular were most acute in Iraq, where divisions were rife between the ashrāf upstarts and the early Muslim elite, which was further divided between Ali's partisans and the Kharijites.

al-Mughira ibn Shu'ba, who possessed considerable administrative and military experience in Iraq and was highly familiar with the region's inhabitants and issues.[127] Under his nearly decade-long administration, al-Mughira maintained peace in the city, overlooked transgressions that did not threaten his rule, allowed the Kufans to keep possession of the lucrative Sasanian crown lands in the Jibal district and, unlike under past administrations, consistently and timely paid the garrison's stipends.[127]

In Basra, Mu'awiya reappointed his Abd Shams kinsman

Fars.[130] Busr had threatened to execute three of Ziyad's young sons in Basra to force his surrender, but Ziyad was ultimately persuaded by al-Mughira, his mentor, to submit to Mu'awiya's authority in 663.[131] In a controversial step that secured the loyalty of the fatherless Ziyad, whom the caliph viewed as the most capable candidate to govern Basra,[129] Mu'awiya adopted him as his paternal half-brother to the protests of his own son Yazid, Ibn Amir and his Umayyad kinsmen in the Hejaz.[131][132]

Sasanian-style silver dirham minted in Mu'awiya's name in Pahlavi script from the Fasa mint of Darabjird, c. 674

Following al-Mughira's death in 670, Mu'awiya allotted Kufa and its dependencies to Ziyad's Basran governorship, making him the caliph's virtual viceroy over the eastern half of the Caliphate.

Thaqif clan, which had long-established ties to the Quraysh and were instrumental in the conquest of Iraq.[106]

Egypt

In Egypt Amr governed as a virtual partner rather than a subordinate of Mu'awiya until his death in 664,

Maslama ibn Mukhallad al-Ansari in 667.[86][113] Maslama remained governor for the duration of Mu'awiya's reign,[113] significantly expanding Fustat and its mosque and boosting the city's importance in 674 by relocating Egypt's main shipyard to the nearby Roda Island from Alexandria due to the latter's vulnerability to Byzantine naval raids.[136]

The Arab presence in Egypt was mostly limited to the central garrison at Fustat and the smaller garrison at Alexandria.

Fayyum to his son Yazid, which compelled the caliph to reverse his order.[138]

Arabia

Although revenge for Uthman's assassination had been the basis upon which Mu'awiya claimed the right to the caliphate, he neither emulated Uthman's empowerment of the Umayyads nor used them to assert his own power.[125][139] With minor exception, members of the clan were not appointed to the wealthy provinces nor the caliph's court, Mu'awiya largely limiting their influence to Medina, the old capital of the Caliphate where most of the Umayyads and the wider Qurayshite former aristocracy remained headquartered.[125][140] The loss of political power left the Umayyads of Medina resentful toward Mu'awiya, who may have become wary of the political ambitions of the much larger Abu al-As branch of the clan—to which Uthman had belonged—under the leadership of Marwan ibn al-Hakam.[141] The caliph attempted to weaken the clan by provoking divisions between them.[142] Among the measures taken was the replacement of Marwan from the governorship of Medina in 668 with another leading Umayyad, Sa'id ibn al-As.[143] The latter was instructed to demolish Marwan's house, but refused and when Marwan was restored in 674, he also refused Mu'awiya's order to demolish Sa'id's home.[143] Mu'awiya dismissed Marwan once more in 678, replacing him with his own nephew, al-Walid ibn Utba.[144] Besides his own clan, Mu'awiya's relations with the Banu Hashim (the clan of the prophet Muhammad and Caliph Ali), the other families of Muhammad's closest companions, the once-prominent Banu Makhzum and the Ansar was generally characterized by hostility or suspicion.[145]

Despite his relocation to Damascus, Mu'awiya remained fond of his original homeland and made known his longing for "the spring in Jeddah [sic], the summer in Ta'if, [and] the winter in Mecca".[146] He purchased several large tracts throughout Arabia and invested considerable sums to develop the lands for agricultural use.[146] According to the Muslim literary tradition, in the plain of Arafat and the barren valley of Mecca he dug numerous wells and canals, constructed dams and dikes to protect the soil from seasonal floods, and built fountains and reservoirs.[146] His efforts saw extensive grain fields and date palm groves to spring up across Mecca's suburbs, which remained in this state until deteriorating during the Abbasid era, which began in 750.[146] In the Yamama in central Arabia, Mu'awiya confiscated from the Banu Hanifa the lands of Hadarim where he employed 4,000 slaves, likely to cultivate its fields.[147] The caliph gained possession of estates in and near Ta'if which, together with the lands of his brothers Anbasa and Utba, formed a considerable cluster of properties.[148] One of the earliest known Arabic inscriptions from Mu'awiya's reign was found at a soil-conservation dam called Sayisad 20 miles east of Ta'if, which credits Mu'awiya for the dam's construction in 677/78 and asks God to give him victory and strength.[149]

War with Byzantium

Map of the Arab–Byzantine wars during Mu'awiya's career

Mu'awiya possessed more personal experience than any other caliph fighting the Byzantines,

Grigor Mamikonian as its commander.[45] Not long after the civil war, Mu'awiya broke the truce with Byzantium,[152] and on a near-annual or bi-annual basis the caliph engaged his Syrian troops in raids across the mountainous Anatolian frontier,[113] the buffer zone between the Empire and the Caliphate.[153] At least until Abd al-Rahman's death in 666, Homs served as the principal marshaling point for the offensives, and afterward Antioch served this purpose as well.[154] The bulk of the troops fighting on the Anatolian and Armenian fronts hailed from the tribal groups that arrived from Arabia during and after the conquest.[28]

Based on the histories of al-Tabari (d. 923) and Agapius of Hierapolis (d. 941), the first raid of Mu'awiya's caliphate occurred in 662/63, during which his forces inflicted a heavy defeat on a Byzantine army with numerous patricians slain.[152] In the next year a raid led by Busr reached Constantinople and in 664/65, Abd al-Rahman raided Koloneia in northeastern Anatolia.[152] In the late 660s, Mu'awiya's forces attacked Antioch of Pisidia or Antioch of Isauria.[152] According to the Muslim traditional sources, the raids peaked between 668/69 and 669/70.[152] In each of those years there occurred six ground campaigns and a major naval campaign, the first by an Egyptian and Medinese fleet and the second by an Egyptian and Syrian fleet.[155] In addition to these offensives, al-Tabari reports that Mu'awiya's son Yazid led a campaign against Constantinople in 669 and Ibn Abd al-Hakam reports that the Egyptian and Syrian navies led respectively by Uqba ibn Amir and Fadhala ibn Ubayd joined the assault.[156] The modern historian Marek Jankowiak asserts that the multitude of campaigns that were reported during these two years represent coordinated efforts by Mu'awiya to conquer the Byzantine capital.[157] Dismissing the conventional view of a many years-long siege of Constantinople in the 670s, which was based on the history of the Byzantine chronicler Theophanes the Confessor (d. 818), Jankowiak asserts that Mu'awiya likely ordered the invasion during an opportunity presented by the rebellion of the Byzantine Armenian general Saborios, who formed a pact with the caliph, in spring 667.[158] The caliph dispatched an army under Fadhala ibn Ubayd, but before it could be joined by the Armenians, Saborios died.[158] Mu'awiya then sent reinforcements led by Yazid who led the Arab army's invasion in the summer.[158] An Arab fleet reached the Sea of Marmara by autumn, while Yazid and Fadhala, having raided Chalcedon through the winter, besieged Constantinople in spring 668, but due to famine and disease, lifted the siege in late June.[159] The Arabs continued their campaigns in Constantinople's vicinity before withdrawing to Syria most likely in late 669.[159]

Following the death of Emperor Constans II in July 668, Mu'awiya oversaw an increasingly aggressive policy of naval warfare against the Byzantines.[51] He continued his past efforts to resettle and fortify the Syrian port cities.[51] Due to the reticence of Arab tribesmen to inhabit the coastlands, in 663 Mu'awiya moved Persian civilians and personnel that he had previously settled in the Syrian interior into Acre and Tyre, and transferred elite Persian soldiers from Kufa and Basra to the garrison at Antioch.[31][38] A few years later, Mu'awiya settled Apamea with 5,000 Slavs who had defected from the Byzantines during one of his forces' Anatolian campaigns.[31] In 669, Mu'awiya's navy raided as far as Sicily.[51] In 670, the wide-scale fortification of Alexandria was completed.[51]

While the histories of al-Tabari and al-Baladhuri report that Mu'awiya's forces captured Rhodes in 672–674 and colonized the island for seven years before withdrawing during the reign of Yazid I, the modern historian Clifford Edmund Bosworth casts doubt on these events and holds that the island was only raided by Mu'awiya's lieutenant Junada ibn Abi Umayya al-Azdi in 679/80.[160] Under Emperor Constantine IV (r. 668–685), the Byzantines began a counteroffensive against the Caliphate, first raiding Egypt in 672 or 673,[161] while in winter 673, Mu'awiya's admiral Abd Allah ibn Qays led a large fleet that raided Smyrna and the coasts of Cilicia and Lycia.[162] The Byzantines landed a major victory against an Arab army and fleet led by Sufyan ibn Awf, possibly at Sillyon, in 673/74.[163] The next year, Abd Allah ibn Qays and Fadhala landed in Crete and in 675/76, a Byzantine fleet assaulted Maraqiya, killing the governor of Homs.[161] In 677, 678 or 679 Mu'awiya sued for peace with Constantine IV, possibly as a result of the destruction of his fleet or the Byzantines' deployment of the Mardaites in the Syrian littoral during that time.[164] A thirty-year treaty was concluded, obliging the Caliphate to pay an annual tribute of 3,000 gold coins, 50 horses and 50 slaves, and withdraw their troops from the forward bases they had occupied on the Byzantine coast.[165] Though the Muslims did not achieve any permanent territorial gains in Anatolia during Mu'awiya's career, the frequent raids provided Mu'awiya's Syrian troops with war spoils and tribute, which helped ensure their continued allegiance, and sharpened their combat skills.[166] Moreover, Mu'awiya's prestige was boosted and the Byzantines were precluded from any concerted campaigns against Syria.[167]

Conquest of central North Africa

A statue of Uqba ibn Nafi, the Arab conqueror of North Africa and founder of Kairouan in 670, during Mu'awiya's reign. Uqba served as Mu'awiya's lieutenant governor over North Africa until the caliph dismissed him in 673.

The expeditions against

Gabes and temporarily captured Bizerte before withdrawing to Egypt.[169] The following year Mu'awiya dispatched Fadhala and Ruwayfi ibn Thabit to raid the commercially valuable island of Jerba.[169] Meanwhile, in 662 or 667, Uqba ibn Nafi, a Qurayshite commander who had played a key role in the Arabs' capture of Barqa in 641, reasserted Muslim influence in the Fezzan region, capturing the Zawila oasis and the Garamantes capital of Germa.[170] He may have raided as far south as Kawar in modern-day Niger.[170]

The struggle over the succession of Constantine IV drew Byzantine focus away from the African front.

Ghadamis, Gafsa and the Jarid.[170][172] In the last region he established a permanent Arab garrison town called Kairouan a relatively safe distance from Carthage and the coastal areas, which had remained under Byzantine control, to serve as a base for further expeditions.[173] It also aided Muslim conversion efforts among the Berber tribes that dominated the surrounding countryside.[173]

Mu'awiya dismissed Uqba in 673, likely out of concern that he would form an independent power base in the lucrative regions that he conquered.[173] The new Arab province, Ifriqiya (modern-day Tunisia), remained subordinate to the governor of Egypt, who sent his mawlā (non-Arab, Muslim freedman) Abu al-Muhajir Dinar to replace Uqba, who was arrested and transferred to Mu'awiya's custody in Damascus.[173] Abu al-Muhajir continued the westward campaigns as far as Tlemcen and defeated the Awraba Berber chief Kasila, who subsequently embraced Islam and joined his forces.[173] In 678, a treaty between the Arabs and the Byzantines ceded Byzacena to the Caliphate, while forcing the Arabs to withdraw from the northern parts of the province.[171] After Mu'awiya's death, his successor Yazid reappointed Uqba, Kasila defected and a Byzantine–Berber alliance ended Arab control over Ifriqiya,[173] which was not reestablished until the reign of Caliph Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (r. 685–705).

Nomination of Yazid as successor

In a move unprecedented in Islamic politics, Mu'awiya nominated his own son, Yazid, as his successor.

Al-Mas'udi (896–956) and al-Tabari do not mention such provincial delegations other than a Basran embassy led by Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad in 678/79 or 679/80, respectively, which recognized Yazid.[187]

According to Hinds, in addition to Yazid's nobility, age and sound judgement, "most important of all was the fact that he represented a continuation of the link with Kalb and so a continuation of the Kalb-led [tribal] confederacy on which Sufyanid power ultimately rested".[26] In nominating Yazid, the son of the Kalbite Maysun, Mu'awiya bypassed his older son Abd Allah from his Qurayshite wife Fakhita.[188] Though support from the Kalb and the broader Quda'a group was guaranteed, Mu'awiya exhorted Yazid to widen his tribal support base in Syria. As the Qaysites were the predominant element in the northern frontier armies, Mu'awiya's appointment of Yazid to lead the war efforts with Byzantium may have served to foster Qaysite support for his nomination.[189] Mu'awiya's efforts to that end were not entirely successful as reflected in a line by a Qaysite poet: "we will never pay allegiance to the son of a Kalbi woman [i.e. Yazid]".[190][191]

In Medina, Mu'awiya's distant kinsmen Marwan ibn al-Hakam, Sa'id ibn al-As and Ibn Amir accepted Mu'awiya's succession order, albeit disapprovingly.[192] Most opponents of Mu'awiya's order in Iraq and among the Umayyads and Quraysh of the Hejaz were ultimately threatened or bribed into acceptance.[166] The remaining principle opposition emanated from Husayn ibn Ali, Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr, Abd Allah ibn Umar and Abd al-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr, all prominent Medina-based sons of earlier caliphs or close companions of Muhammad.[193] As they possessed the nearest claims to the caliphate, Mu'awiya was determined to obtain their recognition.[194][195] Before his death, Mu'awiya ordered certain measures be taken against them, entrusting these tasks to his loyalists al-Dahhak ibn Qays and Muslim ibn Uqba, according to Awana ibn al-Hakam (d. 764).[196]

Death

Mu'awiya died of an illness in Damascus in Rajab 60

Bab al-Saghir gate of the city and the funeral prayers were led by al-Dahhak ibn Qays, who mourned Mu'awiya as the "stick of the Arabs and the blade of the Arabs, by means of whom God, Almighty and Great, cut off strife, whom He made sovereign over mankind, by means of whom he conquered countries, but now he has died".[202]

Mu'awiya's grave was a visitation site as late as the 10th century.

Al-Mas'udi (d. 956) holds that a mausoleum was built over the grave and was open to visitors on Mondays and Thursdays. Ibn Taghribirdi asserts that Ahmad ibn Tulun, the autonomous 9th-century ruler of Egypt and Syria, erected a structure on the grave in 883/84 and employed members of the public to regularly recite the Qur'an and light candles around the tomb.[203]

Legacy and assessment

“Muʿāwiya […] stands out in the archaeological record as the first Muslim ruler whose name appears on coins” - Jeremy Johns.[204]

Notes

  1. Himyarites, who had played a prominent role in the Muslim conquest.[13]
  2. Nu'man ibn Bashir al-Ansari.[30]
  3. Marwan ibn al-Hakam in his internal decision-making.[49]
  4. ^ The consensus in the Muslim traditional sources holds that Caliph Ali's Iraqi forces gained the advantage during the battle prompting the Syrians to appeal for a settlement by arbitration. This is contested by a number of non-Muslim historians, including Martin Hinds, according to whom the Syrians were victorious, an assertion supported by Umayyad court poetry.[51]
  5. ^ The Christian pilgrim Arculf visited Jerusalem between 679 and 681 and noted that a makeshift Muslim prayer house built of beams and clay with a capacity for 3,000 worshipers had been erected on the Temple Mount, while a Jewish midrash confirms that Mu'awiya rebuilt the Temple Mount's walls. The mid-10th-century Arabic chronicler al-Mutahhar ibn Tahir al-Maqdisi explicitly states that Mu'awiya built a mosque on the site.[123]
  6. ^ The claim that Mu'awiya had Abd al-Rahman ibn Khalid poisoned by his Christian doctor Ibn Uthal is found in the medieval Islamic histories of al-Mada'ini, al-Tabari, al-Baladhuri and Mus'ab al-Zubayri, among others[177][178] and is accepted by historian Wilferd Madelung,[179] while historians Martin Hinds and Julius Wellhausen consider Mu'awiya's role in the affair as an allegation of the Muslim traditional sources.[178][180] The Orientalists Michael Jan de Goeje and Henri Lammens dismiss the claim;[181][182] the former called it an "absurdity" and "incredible" that Mu'awiya "would have deprived himself of one of his best men" and the more likely scenario was that Abd al-Rahman had been ill and Mu'awiya attempted to have him treated by Ibn Uthal, who was unsuccessful. De Goeje further doubts the credibility of the reports as they originated in Medina, the home of his Banu Makhzum clan, rather than Homs where Abd al-Rahman had died.[181]

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Bibliography

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