User:Orser67/CarterFP
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76th Governor of Georgia
39th President of the United States
Policies
Appointments
Tenure
Presidential campaigns Post-presidency
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The foreign policy of the Jimmy Carter administration was characterized by a relatively high emphasis on
Human rights
Carter initially departed from the long-held policy of containment toward the Soviet Union. In its place, Carter promoted a foreign policy that put human rights at the forefront. This was a break from the policies of several predecessors, in which human rights abuses were often overlooked if they were committed by a government that was allied, or purported to be allied, with the United States.[1]
He nominated
Many in his own administration were opposed to these initiatives, however, and the more assertive human rights policy of the Carter years was blunted by the discord that ensued between, on one hand, Derian and State Department Policy Planning Director Anthony Lake, who endorsed human rights considerations as an enhancement of U.S. diplomatic effectiveness abroad, and National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski, who held Cold War considerations as paramount.[2] These policy disputes reached their most contentious point during the 1979 fall of Pol Pot's genocidal regime of Democratic Kampuchea following the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia, when Brzezinski prevailed in having the administration refuse to recognize the new Cambodian government due to its support by the Soviet Union.[2] Carter was also criticized by the feminist author and activist Andrea Dworkin for ignoring issues of women's rights in Saudi Arabia.[4]
Carter convinced Congress to repeal the Byrd amendment, thus effectively re-imposing sanctions on white-ruled Rhodesia (later
Arab–Israeli conflict/Camp David Accords
Carter's Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski paid close attention to the Arab–Israeli conflict. Diplomatic communications between Israel and Egypt increased significantly after the Yom Kippur War and the Carter administration felt that the time was right for comprehensive solution to the conflict.
In mid-1978, Carter became quite concerned as there were only a few months left before the Egyptian-Israeli Disengagement Treaty expired. As a result, Carter sent a special envoy to the
On September 12, 1978, President Carter suggested dividing the negotiations over the peace treaty into two frameworks: framework #1 and framework #2. Framework #1 would address the West Bank and Gaza. Framework #2 would deal with Sinai.
The first framework dealt with the Palestinian territories (the West Bank and Gaza). The first point stated that the election of a self-governing authority would be allowed to provide full autonomy to the inhabitants of the West Bank and Gaza. This government would be elected by the Palestinians and would only look after municipal affairs. The second step would be to grant Palestinians autonomy mainly on those municipal matters. Five years down the road after having gone through steps one and two, the status of Palestine could then be negotiated. Framework No. 1 was not very well received; the Palestinians and Jordanians were furious. They objected to the fact that Begin and Sadat were deciding on their ultimate destiny without consulting them or their leaders. Framework No. 1 for that reason was not going to work; it was essentially a dead end.[12]
The second framework dealt with the Sinai Peninsula. This framework consisted of two points:
1. The two parties, Egypt and Israel, should negotiate a treaty over a period of six months based on the principle of Egyptian sovereignty over Sinai and the withdrawal of Israel from that region. 2. This treaty would be followed and included in it would be the establishment of diplomatic, political, economic, and cultural relations between Egypt and Israel.
President Carter admitted that "there's still great difficulties that remain and many hard issues to be settled."[13] This would be a peace that would establish normal relations between the two states. This was the basis of the two frameworks, but it had yet to be approved.[12]
The reaction to this proposal in the Arab world was very negative. In November 1978, there was an emergency meeting held by the Arab League in Damascus. Once again, Egypt was the main subject of the meeting, and they condemned the proposed treaty that Egypt was going to sign. Sadat was also attacked by the Arab press for breaking ranks with the Arab League and having betrayed the Arab world. Discussions pertaining to the future peace treaty took place in both countries. Israel insisted in its negotiations that the Israel-Egypt treaty should supersede all of Egypt's other treaties, including those signed with the Arab League and Arab states. Israel also wanted access to the oil discovered in the Sinai region. President Carter interjected and informed the Israelis that the U.S. would supply Israel with whatever oil it needed for the next 15 years if Egypt at any point decided not to supply oil to Israel.[14]
While framework #1 was already approved by the Israeli Government, the second framework also needed approval. The Israeli Cabinet accepted the second framework of the treaty. The Israeli Parliament also approved the second framework with a comfortable majority. Alternatively, the Egyptian Government was arguing about a number of things. They did not like the fact that this proposed treaty was going to supersede all other treaties. Egyptians were also disappointed that they were unable to link the Sinai question to the Palestinian question.
On March 26, 1979, Egypt and Israel signed a peace treaty in Washington, D.C.[12] Carter's role in getting the treaty was essential. Aaron David Miller interviewed many officials for his book The Much Too Promised Land (2008) and concluded the following: "No matter whom I spoke to — Americans, Egyptians, or Israelis — most everyone said the same thing: no Carter, no peace treaty."[15]
Panama Canal Treaties
Hoping to ease tensions with Latin American countries, Carter negotiated the
Strategic Arms Limitations Talks (SALT)
Ford and Nixon had sought to reach agreement on another round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT II), which reduced the number of nuclear weapons possessed by both the United States and the Soviet Union. Carter hoped to extend these talks, but he also criticized the Soviet Union's record with regard to human rights, partly because he believed the public would not support negotiations with the Soviets if the president seemed too willing to accommodate the Soviets.[18] Carter and Soviet Leader Leonid Brezhnev reached an agreement in June 1979 regarding SALT II, but Carter's waning popularity and the opposition of Republicans and neoconservative Democrats made ratification difficult.[19] The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan ended any hope of ratifying SALT II.[20]
Afghanistan
Communists under the leadership of
Carter was surprised by the invasion, as the consensus of the U.S. intelligence community during 1978 and 1979—reiterated as late as September 29, 1979—was that "Moscow would not intervene in force even if it appeared likely that the Khalq government was about to collapse." Indeed, Carter's diary entries from November 1979 until the Soviet invasion in late December contain only two short references to Afghanistan, and are instead preoccupied with the ongoing hostage crisis in Iran.
In the aftermath of the invasion, Carter was determined to respond vigorously to what he considered a dangerous provocation. In a televised speech, he announced sanctions on the Soviet Union, promised renewed aid to Pakistan, and committed the U.S. to the Persian Gulf's defense.[24][25] The U.S. military commitment to the Persian Gulf became known as the Carter Doctrine.[27] Carter also called for a boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow, which raised a bitter controversy.[28] British prime minister Margaret Thatcher enthusiastically backed Carter's tough stance, although British intelligence believed "the CIA was being too alarmist about the Soviet threat to Pakistan".[24] The thrust of U.S. policy for the duration of the war was determined by Carter in early 1980: Carter initiated a program to arm the mujahideen through Pakistan's ISI and secured a pledge from Saudi Arabia to match U.S. funding for this purpose. U.S. support for the mujahideen accelerated under Carter's successor, Ronald Reagan, at a final cost to U.S. taxpayers of some $3 billion. The Soviets were unable to quell the insurgency and withdrew from Afghanistan in 1989, precipitating the dissolution of the Soviet Union itself.[24] However, the decision to route U.S. aid through Pakistan led to massive fraud, as weapons sent to Karachi were frequently sold on the local market rather than delivered to the Afghan rebels; Karachi soon "became one of the most violent cities in the world". Pakistan also controlled which rebels received assistance: Of the seven mujahideen groups supported by Zia's government, four espoused Islamic fundamentalist beliefs—and these fundamentalists received most of the funding.[22] Despite this, Carter has expressed no regrets over his decision to support what he still considers the "freedom fighters" in Afghanistan.[24]
Iranian Revolution and hostage crisis
The main conflict between human rights and U.S. interests came in Carter's dealings with the
When the
Although he was initially given the opportunity to reside in the U.S. for a period, the Shah opted to stay in the region. Following the revolution however Carter refused him entry to the United States, even on grounds of medical emergency. Upon learning of his illness, on October 22, 1979, Carter finally granted him entry and temporary asylum for the duration of his cancer treatment. The Shah left the U.S. for Panama on December 15, 1979. In response to the Shah's entry into the U.S., Iranian militants seized the American embassy in Tehran in November, taking 52 Americans hostage.[33] The Iranians demanded:
- The return of the Shah to Iran for trial.
- The return of the Shah's wealth to the Iranian people.
- An admission of guilt by the United States for its past actions in Iran, plus an apology.
- A promise from the United States not to interfere in Iran's affairs in the future.
Though later that year the Shah left the U.S. and died in
After the hostages were taken, Carter issued, on November 14, 1979, Executive Order 12170 – Blocking Iranian Government property,[34] which was used to freeze the bank accounts of the Iranian government in U.S. banks, totaling about $8 billion U.S. at the time. This was to be used as a bargaining chip for the release of the hostages.
In the days before President
Iran–Iraq War
Following the
Iranian leaders, including Khomeini and his successor
On April 9, the Defense Intelligence Agency received information from a source considered reliable, predicting that "the situation is presently more critical than previously reported" and postulating a 50% chance Iraq would invade Iran. An April 11 CIA analysis is more blunt: "Evidence indicates that Iraq had probably planned to initiate a major military move against Iran with the aim of toppling the Khomeini regime"—and had "sought to engage the Kuwaitis to act as intermediary in obtaining United States approval and support for Iraqi military action against Iran."[37][49] Carter himself has confirmed that fear the U.S. hostages would be executed if Iraq attacked was one reason he approved a failed rescue mission on April 24. In light of these alerts, the claims of senior Carter administration officials involved with Iran—including White, Naas, Precht, and head of the National Security Council (NSC)'s Iran desk Gary Sick—that they were surprised by the invasion require some explanation. In all likelihood, these warnings went unheeded because "those who doubted they amounted to compelling evidence won the argument. In effect, they were right. Only in early July did U.S. observers note the movement of Iraqi assets out of garrison with war-related 'basic loads' of ammunition" and it was not until September 17 that the CIA indicated "the intensification of border clashes between Iran and Iraq has reached a point where a serious conflict is now a distinct possibility." Even then, as recounted by State Department official W. Nathaniel Howell, U.S. officials remained unsure what to make of Saddam's intentions: "We all followed Saddam's actions and rhetoric closely but most people I knew tended to believe he was posturing." When the invasion came on September 22, "it was unclear whether Saddam had simply fallen into a rage following a smaller skirmish." White recalled: "The outbreak of war did, in fact, come as a surprise to most of us because a decent portion of Iraq's ground forces were still in garrison. The hasty movement of the remaining units up to the front immediately after the beginning of major hostilities was the activity that tended to nudge me toward the abrupt scenario in which Saddam ordered the attack before all military preparations had been completed."[37][50] Thus, in the view of Chris Emery, "it is unlikely that the United States was ever in possession of clear evidence of Saddam's intention to invade Iran. Although the Carter administration drastically underestimated the scale of Saddam's plans, the disorganized and apparently impetuous nature of the invasion, with much of the Iraqi army still in garrison, and occurring in the context of border skirmishes and aggressive propaganda, muddied the waters for U.S. observers."[37]
Once the war began, the Carter administration's policy was broadly neutral and included several actions that favored Iran, although these could also be seen as aimed primarily at preventing a wider war. While many U.S. officials were initially optimistic that limited Iraqi gains would force Iran to agree to an arms-for-hostages deal (this proved unnecessary because Iran purchased adequate arms and equipment from
In Emery's judgement, claims that the
Cuba
The Mariel boatlift was a mass emigration of Cubans who departed from Cuba's Mariel Harbor for the United States, authorized by U.S. president Jimmy Carter, between April 15 and October 31, 1980. The event was precipitated by a sharp downturn in the Cuban economy which led to internal tensions on the island and a bid by up to 10,000 Cubans to gain asylum in the Peruvian embassy. The Cuban government subsequently announced that anyone who wanted to leave could do so, and an exodus by boat started shortly afterward. The exodus was organized by Cuban-Americans with the agreement of Cuban president Fidel Castro. The exodus started to have negative political implications for U.S. president Jimmy Carter when it was discovered that a number of the exiles had been released from Cuban jails and mental health facilities. The Mariel boatlift was ended by mutual agreement between the two governments involved in October 1980. By that point, as many as 125,000 Cubans had made the journey to Florida. About fifty percent of the Mariel immigrants decided to reside in Miami permanently and this resulted in a seven percent increase in workers in the Miami labor market and a twenty percent increase in the Cuban working population.[53] Castro publicly stated "I have flushed the toilets of Cuba on the United States."[54]
South Korea
During his first month in office, Carter cut the defense budget by $6 billion. One of his first acts was to order the unilateral removal of all nuclear weapons from South Korea and announce his intention to cut back the number of US troops stationed there. Other military men confined intense criticism of the withdrawal to private conversations or testimony before congressional committees, but in 1977 Major General John K. Singlaub, chief of staff of U.S. forces in South Korea, publicly criticized Carter's decision to lower the U.S. troop level there. On March 21, 1977, Carter relieved him of duty, saying his publicly stated sentiments were "inconsistent with announced national security policy".[55][56] Carter planned to remove all U.S. troops from South Korea by 1982, with the exception of 14,000 U.S. Air Force personnel and logistics specialists, but after cutting only 3,600 men, he was forced by intense Congressional pressure as well as strong opposition from the military generals to abandon the effort in 1978.[57]
People's Republic of China
- See also Sino-American relations
Carter continued the policy of Richard Nixon to normalize relations with the People's Republic of China. National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and China expert Michel Oksenberg who was serving on the National Security Council, traveled to Beijing in early 1978, where they worked with Leonard Woodcock, head of the liaison office there, to lay the groundwork for granting the People's Republic of China full diplomatic and trade relations. In the Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations dated January 1, 1979, the United States transferred diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing. The U.S. reiterated the Shanghai Communiqué's acknowledgment of the Chinese position that there is only one China and that Taiwan is a part of China; Beijing acknowledged that the American people would continue to carry on commercial, cultural, and other unofficial contacts with the people of Taiwan. The U.S. unofficially recognized Taiwan through the Taiwan Relations Act.
Indonesian occupation of East Timor
The Carter administration resumed and dramatically increased arms sales to the Indonesian
The Suharto regime
By 1977, the Indonesian government's occupation drained its army of the resources supplied by Ford. The next year, the Carter administration sold $112 million in arms to the Suharto government. American arms sales to the Suharto regime averaged about $60 million annually during Carter's term, more than double the figure of Ford's yearly sales.
In a 2007 interview with Amy Goodman, Carter discussed the actions of his administration regarding East Timor: "I have to say that I was not, you know, as thoroughly briefed about what was going on in East Timor as I should have been. I was more concerned about other parts of the world then."[62]
Rapid Deployment Forces
On October 1, 1979, Carter announced before a television audience the existence of the
List of international trips
Carter made 12 international trips to 25 nations during his presidency.[64]
Dates | Country | Locations | Details | |
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1 | May 5–11, 1977 | United Kingdom | London, Newcastle |
Attended the 3rd G7 summit. Also met with the prime ministers of Greece, Belgium, Turkey, Norway, the Netherlands and Luxembourg, and with the President of Portugal. Addressed NATO Ministers meeting. |
May 9, 1977 | Switzerland | Geneva | Official visit. Met with President Kurt Furgler. Also met with Syrian President Hafez al-Assad. | |
2 | December 29–31, 1977 | Poland | Warsaw | Official visit. Met with First Secretary Edward Gierek. |
December 31, 1977 – January 1, 1978 | Iran | Tehran | Official visit. Met with Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and King Hussein of Jordan. | |
January 1–3, 1978 | India | New Delhi, Daulatpur Nasirabad[65] | Met with President Neelam Sanjiva Reddy and Prime Minister Morarji Desai. Addressed Parliament of India. | |
January 3–4, 1978 | Saudi Arabia | Riyadh | Met with King Khalid and Crown Prince Fahd. | |
January 4, 1978 | Egypt | Aswan | Met with President Anwar Sadat and German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt. | |
January 4–6, 1978 | France | Paris, Versailles
|
Met with President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing and Prime Minister Raymond Barre. | |
January 6, 1978 | Belgium | Brussels | Met with King Baudouin and Prime Minister Leo Tindemans. Attended meetings of the Commission of the European Communities and the North Atlantic Council. | |
3 | March 28–29, 1978 | Venezuela | Caracas | Met with President Congress and signed maritime boundary agreement.
|
March 29–31, 1978 | Brazil | Brasília Rio de Janeiro |
Official visit. Met with President Ernesto Geisel and addressed National Congress. | |
March 31 – April 3, 1978 | Nigeria | Lagos | State visit. Met with President Olusegun Obasanjo. | |
April 3, 1978 | Liberia | Monrovia | Met with President William R. Tolbert, Jr. .
| |
4 | June 16–17, 1978 | Panama | Panama City | Invited by President Demetrio B. Lakas and General Omar Torrijos to sign protocol confirming exchange of documents ratifying Panama Canal treaties. Also met informally with Venezuelan President Carlos Andrés Pérez, Colombian President Alfonso López Michelsen, Mexican President José López Portillo, Costa Rican Rodrigo Carazo Odio and Jamaican Prime Minister Michael Manley of Jamaica. |
5 | July 14–15, 1978 | West Germany | Bonn, Wiesbaden-Erbenheim, Frankfurt |
State visit. Met with President Walter Scheel and Chancellor Helmut Schmidt. Addressed U.S. and German military personnel. |
July 15, 1978 | West Germany | West Berlin | Spoke at the Berlin Airlift Memorial. | |
July 16–17, 1978 | West Germany | Bonn | Attended the 4th G7 summit. | |
6 | January 4–9, 1979 | France | Basse-Terre, Guadeloupe | Met informally with President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt and British Prime Minister James Callaghan. |
7 | February 14–16, 1979 | Mexico | Mexico City | State visit. Met with President José López Portillo. Addressed the Mexican Congress. |
8 | March 7–9, 1979 | Egypt | Cairo, Alexandria, Giza |
State visit. Met with President Anwar Sadat. Addressed People's Assembly of Egypt .
|
March 10–13, 1979 | Israel | Tel Aviv, Jerusalem |
State visit. Met with President Yitzhak Navon and Prime Minister Menachem Begin. Addressed the Knesset. | |
March 13, 1979 | Egypt | Cairo | Met with President Anwar Sadat. | |
9 | June 14–18, 1979 | Austria | Vienna | State visit. Met with President Rudolf Kirchschläger and Chancellor Bruno Kreisky. Met with Soviet General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev to sign SALT II Treaty. |
10 | June 25–29, 1979 | Japan | Tokyo, Shimoda |
Attended the 5th G7 summit. State visit. Met with Emperor Hirohito and Prime Minister Masayoshi Ōhira. |
June 29 – July 1, 1979 | South Korea | Seoul | State visit. Met with President Park Chung-hee and Prime Minister Choi Kyu-hah .
| |
11 | June 19–24, 1980 | Italy | Rome, Venice |
Attended the 6th G7 summit. State Visit. Met with President Sandro Pertini. |
June 21, 1980 | Vatican City | Apostolic Palace | Audience with Pope John Paul II. | |
June 24–25, 1980 | Yugoslavia | Belgrade | Official visit. Met with President Cvijetin Mijatović. | |
June 25–26, 1980 | Spain | Madrid | Official visit. Met with King Adolfo Suárez .
| |
June 26–30, 1980 | Portugal | Lisbon | Official visit. Met with President Francisco de Sá Carneiro .
| |
12 | July 9–10, 1980 | Japan | Tokyo | Official visit. Attended memorial services for former Prime Minister Masayoshi Ōhira. Met with Emperor Hirohito, Bangla President Ziaur Rahman, Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser, Thai Prime Minister Prem Tinsulanonda and Chinese Premier Hua Guofeng. |
References
- ISBN 9780719031885.
- ^ ISBN 978-0801448157.[page needed]
- ^ American Foreign Relations: A history. Wadsworth, 2010.
- ^ "A Feminist Looks at Saudi Arabia". nostatusquo.com. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
- ^ Nancy Mitchell, Jimmy Carter in Africa: Race and the Cold War (Chicago: Stanford University Press, 2016)
- ^ Andy DeRoche, Kenneth Kaunda, the United States and Southern Africa (London: Bloomsbury, 2016)
- ^ "Visits to the U.S. by Foreign Heads of State and Government—1977". United States Department of State. Accessed on February 22, 2010.
- ^ Crawford Young and Thomas Turner, The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State, p. 389
- ^ Jeffrey M. Elliot and Mervyn M. Dymally, Voices of Zaire: Rhetoric or Reality, p. 88
- ^ Bickerton and Klausner, pp. 188–190.
- ^ Bickerton and Klausner, pp. 190–193.
- ^ a b c Bickerton and Klausner, pp. 190–193; 198–200.
- ^ 1978 Year in Review: The Camp David Summit-http://www.upi.com/Audio/Year_in_Review/Events-of-1978/The-Camp-David-Summit/12309251197005-3/
- ^ Bickerton and Klausner, pp. 192–193.
- ^ Aaron David Miller, The Much Too Promised Land (Bantam Books, 2008), page 159.
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 69-70
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 74-76
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 57-58
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 57-58
- ^ Zelizer, p. 103
- ^ ISBN 9780307546982.
- ^ ISBN 9781845112578.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-4422-0830-8.
- ^ ISBN 978-0815725954.
- ^ ISBN 9781416543367. When asked whether he expected that the revelations in his memoir (combined with an apocryphal quote attributed to Brzezinski) would inspire "a mind-bending number of conspiracy theories which adamantly—and wrongly—accuse the Carter Administration of luring the Soviets into Afghanistan", Gates replied: "No, because there was no basis in fact for an allegation the administration tried to draw the Soviets into Afghanistan militarily." See Gates, email communication with John Bernell White, Jr., October 15, 2011, as cited in White, John Bernell (May 2012). "The Strategic Mind Of Zbigniew Brzezinski: How A Native Pole Used Afghanistan To Protect His Homeland". pp. 45–46, 82. Retrieved 2017-10-10.
- ^ ISBN 9781594200076.
Contemporary memos—particularly those written in the first days after the Soviet invasion—make clear that while Brzezinski was determined to confront the Soviets in Afghanistan through covert action, he was also very worried the Soviets would prevail. ... Given this evidence and the enormous political and security costs that the invasion imposed on the Carter administration, any claim that Brzezinski lured the Soviets into Afghanistan warrants deep skepticism.
- ^ Zelizer, p. 103
- ISBN 978-1-84593-355-5.
- ^ ISBN 9780743295925.
- ^ Gerhard Peters; John T. Woolley. "Jimmy Carter: "Tehran, Iran Remarks of the President and Mohammad Reza Palavi, Shahanshah of Iran at the Welcoming Ceremony.," December 31, 1977". The American Presidency Project. University of California - Santa Barbara.
- ^ Gerhard Peters; John T. Woolley. "Jimmy Carter: "Tehran, Iran Toasts of the President and the Shah at a State Dinner.," December 31, 1977". The American Presidency Project. University of California - Santa Barbara.
- ^ a b "Cyrus R. Vance |". chriswallisblog.wordpress.com. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
- ISBN 978-0-618-38273-6.
- ^ "https://www.archives.gov/federal-register/executive-orders/1979.html".
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- Iranian Hostage Crisis
- ^ "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/executive_orders.php?year=1981".
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: External link in
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- ^ ISBN 9780415685245.
- S2CID 144299252.
- S2CID 144299252.
- ^ ISBN 9780415685245.
- ^ S2CID 144299252.
- S2CID 144299252.
- S2CID 144299252.
- ISBN 978-1-4422-0830-8.
- ^ "Excerpts From Iraqi Document on Meeting With U.S. Envoy". The New York Times. 1990-09-23. Retrieved 2017-05-12.
- ^ ISBN 9780313386107.
- ISBN 978-1-4422-0830-8.
- PBS Frontline. 2000. Retrieved 2017-05-01.
- ^ Strategic Warning Staff (1980-04-11). "Possible Iranian–Iraqi Conflict" (Document). p. 3.
{{cite document}}
: Cite document requires|publisher=
(help) Available online here. Retrieved 2017-10-05. - ^ This hypothesis was later confirmed by the Iraqi archives. See Gibson, Bryan R. (2010-11-02). "Re-Writing History: The Iran-Iraq war 30 years later". The Majalla: The Leading Arab Magazine. Retrieved 2016-09-27.
These transcripts and documents show that Iraqi generals were ordered to invade Iran only days before the actual invasion took place. Caught completely unaware, the generals had only limited resources and could only execute the war as far as their logistical tethers would allow.
- ^ "Fmr. President Jimmy Carter on "Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid," Iraq, Greeting the Shah of Iran at the White House, Selling Weapons to Indonesia During the Occupation of East Timor, and More". Democracy Now!. 2007-09-10. Retrieved 2016-09-27.
- ISBN 978-1-4422-0830-8.
- ^ Mariel boatlift
- ^ "Judge rules Obama's aunt can stay in U.S." http://news.blogs.cnn.com.
{{cite web}}
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(help)|website=
- ^ "Carter / Singlaub NBC Evening News for Thursday May 19, 1977". Vanderbilt Television News Archive. Vanderbilt University. May 19, 1977. Retrieved July 5, 2008.
- ^ "General on the Carpet". Time. May 30, 1977. Retrieved July 5, 2008.
- ^ "Korea: The Case For Disengagement". cato.org. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
- ^ Sharma, Sunil. "200,000 Skeletons in Richard Holbrooke's Closet". Dissident Voice. Retrieved July 19, 2014.
- ^ "Report: U.S. Arms Transfers to Indonesia 1975-1997 - World Policy Institute - Research Project". World Policy Institute. Retrieved July 19, 2014.
- ^ Berrigan, Frida. "Indonesia at the Crossroads: U.S. Weapons Sales and Military Training". World Policy Institute. Retrieved July 19, 2014.
- ^ Powell, Sian. "UN Verdict on East Timor". Global Policy Forum. Retrieved July 19, 2014.
- ^ "Fmr. President Jimmy Carter on "Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid", Iraq, Greeting the Shah of Iran at the White House, Selling Weapons to Indonesia During the Occupation of East Timor, and More". Democracy Now!. September 10, 2007. Retrieved July 19, 2014.
- ^ "The Rapid Deployment Force: The Few, the Futile, the Expendable | Cato Institute". cato.org. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
- ^ "Travels of President Jimmy Carter". U.S. Department of State Office of the Historian.
- ^ Joseph, Joel (November 4, 2010). "How Daulatpur Nasirabad became Carterpuri". The Times of India. Retrieved October 21, 2013.
Daulatpur Nasirabad in Gurgaon was a sleepy nondescript village on the outskirts of Delhi but it found a prominent place on the global map after Carter paid a visit to this village...This village has since then been renamed Carterpuri.
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Further reading
- Bickerton, Ian J.; Carla L. Klausner (2007). A history of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Pearson Prentice Hall.
- Congressional Quarterly. Congress and the Nation V: 1977–1980 (1981) in-depth detail on all major issues; 1240pp
- Dumbrell, John. (1995). The Carter Presidency: A Re-evaluation (2nd ed.). Manchester University Press. ISBN 0-7190-4693-9.
- Fink, Gary M.; and Hugh Davis Graham (eds.) (1998). The Carter Presidency: Policy Choices in the Post-New Deal Era (University Press of Kansas)
- ISBN 0-465-04195-7.
- Kaufman, Diane, and Scott Kaufman. Historical Dictionary of the Carter Era (Scarecrow, 2013) 301 pp
- Kaufman, Burton I. (1993). The Presidency of James Earl Carter, Jr. (University Press of Kansas)
- Keefer, Edward C. (2017) Harold Brown: Offsetting the Soviet Military Challenge, 1977—1981 (Washington: Historical Office of the Secretary of Defense, 2017), xxii, 815 pp.), about Harold Brown (Secretary of Defense)
- Rosenbaum, Herbert D.; Ugrinsky, Alexej (eds.) (1994). The Presidency and Domestic Policies of Jimmy Carter (Greenwood Press)
- Zelizer, Julian (2010). Jimmy Carter. Times Books. ISBN 978-0-8050-8957-8.