Political views of Christopher Hitchens
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Political orientation
First principles
Alexander Linklater has summarized Hitchens' basic intellectual outlook as follows:
One of [Hitchens'] old strongholds [was] the 17th-century contest between king and parliament of the
Marxist youth an intellectual absolutism and a disdain for liberal dilemmas and trade-offs – hence a brutal assault on Isaiah Berlin's genteel liberalism in a 1998 essay. He is incurious about what religious belief feels like, or what meaning it has for millions of people – even though, unlike his co-anti-religionist Richard Dawkins, Hitchens concedes that religious feeling is ineradicable.[5]
British republicanism
Hitchens was a vocal supporter of
Labour Party
In 1965, Hitchens joined the
European Union
Hitchens was a supporter of the European Union. In an appearance on C-SPAN in 1993, Hitchens said, "As of 1992, there is a now a Euro passport that makes you free to travel within the boundaries of... member countries, and I've always liked the idea of European unity, and so I held out for a Euro passport. So I travel as a European."[11]
Speaking at the launch of his brother Peter Hitchens' book, The Abolition of Britain at Conway Hall in London, Hitchens denounced the so-called Eurosceptic movement, describing it as "the British version of fascism". He went on to say, "Scepticism is a title of honour. These people are not sceptical. They're fanatical. They're dogmatic".[12]
Northern Ireland
During a debate with George Galloway in 2005, Hitchens revealed that he was "a lifelong supporter of the reunification of Ireland". Many times, when discussing "the Troubles" in Northern Ireland, Hitchens would refer to their location as simply "Ireland", rather than "Northern Ireland", as for example in an article written for Slate in 2007, discussing the power-sharing and devolved government in Northern Ireland and describing it as "an agreement to divide the spoils of Ireland's six northeastern counties".[13] During the IRA bombing campaigns on Great Britain, which began in the nineteen-seventies, Hitchens claimed that he had "kept two sets of books: I didn't like bombs, I didn't like the partition of Ireland."[14]
Libertarianism and capitalism
In a 2001 interview with
In a 2001 C-SPAN appearance, he told a caller:
If you are a libertarian you may find some nourishment in my book Letters to a Young Contrarian where I say that in the same breath as I-as I mourn the decay of some of my socialist allegiances that deep down I've always been a sympathizer of the libertarian
anti-statist point of view. And one of the things that attracted me to socialism in the beginning was the idea of withering away of the state.[15]
In a 1986 video debate on Socialism vs Capitalism with John Judis VS Harry Binswanger and John Ridpath, Hitchens said:
“…capitalism as a system has coexisted with and in on occasion sponsored
under development. It has also been the great engine of progress, development and innovation in a certain few heartland countries. This means that it must be a system studied as a system and not as an idea. Its claims to be the sponsor of freedom are purely contingent. It's good propaganda but it's not very good political science…” [16]
Objectivism
Hitchens said of Objectivism, "I have always found it quaint, and rather touching, that there is a movement in the US that thinks Americans are not yet selfish enough".[17]
Marxism and socialism
In a 2001 interview with
In 2006, in a town hall meeting in Pennsylvania debating the
He continued to regard Leon Trotsky and Vladimir Lenin as great men,[25][26] and the October Revolution as a necessary event in the modernisation of Russia.[10][18] In 2005, Hitchens praised Lenin's creation of "secular Russia" and his attacks on the Russian Orthodox Church, describing the church's power as "absolute warren of backwardness and evil and superstition".[18]
In
According to Andrew Sullivan, his last words were "Capitalism, downfall."[28]
Views on American presidents
Bill Clinton
Hitchens became increasingly disenchanted by the presidency of Bill Clinton, accusing him of being a rapist, a liar, and war criminal.[29][30] Hitchens said the missile attacks by Clinton on Sudan constituted a war crime.[31] Hitchens criticized Clinton for his pardon of Marc Rich and others who had donated to Clinton,[32] overseeing the execution of Ricky Ray Rector,[33] his relationships with Monica Lewinsky[34] and Gennifer Flowers.[35][36]
George W. Bush
Hitchens supported Ralph Nader in the 2000 US presidential election.[37] He elaborated on his support for Nader in a discussion with Eric Alterman on Bloggingheads.tv, indicating that he was disenchanted with the candidacy of both George W. Bush and Al Gore.[37]
Prior to the
Hitchens supported George W. Bush in the 2004 US presidential election.[14] He made a brief return to The Nation just before the election and wrote that he was "slightly" for Bush; shortly afterwards, Slate polled its staff on their positions on the candidates and mistakenly printed Hitchens' vote as pro-John Kerry. Hitchens shifted his opinion to "neutral", saying: "It's absurd for liberals to talk as if Kristallnacht is impending with Bush, and it's unwise and indecent for Republicans to equate Kerry with capitulation. There's no one to whom he can surrender, is there? I think that the nature of the jihadist enemy will decide things in the end".[43]
Barack Obama
Hitchens supported
Donald Trump
In 1999, Hitchens wrote a profile of future president
The American Revolution
After his disenchantment with socialism, Hitchens increasingly emphasized the centrality of the
Foreign policy
Bosnian War
Hitchens cited the
That war in the early 1990s changed a lot for me. I never thought I would see, in Europe, a full-dress reprise of internment camps, the mass murder of civilians, the reinstiutution [sic] of torture and rape as acts of policy. And I didn't expect so many of my comrades to be indifferent – or even take the side of the fascists. It was a time when many people on the left were saying 'Don't intervene, we'll only make things worse' or, 'Don't intervene, it might destabilise the region. And I thought – destabilisation of fascist regimes is a good thing. Why should the left care about the stability of undemocratic regimes? Wasn't it a good thing to destabilise the regime of
National Socialism. So you had people like Noam Chomsky's co-author Ed Herman go from saying 'Do nothing in the Balkans', to actually supporting Milosevic, the most reactionary force in the region. That's when I began to first find myself on the same side as the neocons. I was signing petitions in favour of action in Bosnia, and I would look down the list of names and I kept finding, there's Richard Perle. There's Paul Wolfowitz. That seemed interesting to me. These people were saying that we had to act. Before, I had avoided them like the plague, especially because of what they said about General Sharon and about Nicaragua. But nobody could say they were interested in oil in the Balkans, or in strategic needs, and the people who tried to say that – like Chomsky – looked ridiculous. So now I was interested.[51]
Hitchens argued that the choice in
In effect, the extremist Catholic and Orthodox forces were colluding in a bloody partition and cleansing of
Kurd" trilateral.)[54]
Kosovo War
Hitchens heavily supported western military intervention in Kosovo. He deplored Slobodan Milosevic's regime since the beginning of the Yugoslav Wars and the atrocities committed in Bosnia and later in Kosovo.[55] Hitchens saw Milosevic and his nationalism as the prime catalyst for the break-up of Yugoslavia.[56] He also highlighted the hypocrisy of Milosevic's regime in their concern about the Serb minorities in Croatia and Bosnia while at the same time suppressing autonomy for the 90% of Albanians in Kosovo.[57][58]
Someone with a good memory of the conversation once told me how
Lord Carrington, then one of the “mediators” of the incipient post-Yugoslavia war, came to the conclusion that Slobodan Milosevic was a highly dangerous man. Well-disposed toward Serbia (as the British establishment has always been), Carrington told the late dictator that he understood Serb concerns about significant Serbian minorities in Bosnia and Croatia. But why did Milosevic also insist on exclusive control over Kosovo, where the Albanian population was approximately 90 percent? “That,” replied Milosevic coldly, “is for historical reasons.” It’s a shame, in retrospect, that it took us so long to diagnose the pathology of Serbia’s combination of arrogance and self-pity, in which what is theirs is theirs and what is anybody else’s is negotiable.[57]
After the war, Hitchens supported Kosovo's independence and criticized the burning of the US Embassy in Belgrade as a response to it:
We used to read this same atavistic proclamation by the hellish light of burning Sarajevo, and now we glimpse it again through the flames of the blazing U.S. Embassy in Belgrade, and by the glare of similar but less dramatic arsons set by Serbs in ski masks in northern Kosovo itself. But it needs to be understood that “Serbia” itself has lost nothing and has nothing to complain about. With the independence of Kosovo, the Yugoslav idea is finally and completely dead, but it was Serbian irredentism that killed the last vestige of that idea, and it is to that account that the whole cost ought to be charged. Forget all the nonsense that you may have heard about Kosovo being “the Jerusalem” of Serbia. It may contain some beautiful and ancient Serbian and Serbian Orthodox cultural sites, but it is much more like Serbia’s West Bank or Gaza, with a sweltering, penned-up, subject population who were for generations treated as if they were human refuse in the land of their own birth. Nobody who has spent any time in the territory, as I did during and after the eviction of the Serb militias, can believe for a single second that any Kosovar would ever again submit to rule from Belgrade. It’s over.[57]
Gulf War
Hitchens deplored and opposed the 1990–91 Gulf War in which the US expelled Iraq from Kuwait after a seven-month invasion and occupation of its neighbor undertaken in an effort to absorb it as its 19th province. He contended that President George H. W. Bush's supposedly principled enthusiasm for the "cause" of "liberating" Kuwait was nothing more than realpolitik. In the continuation of a national policy dating back to Henry Kissinger and Richard Nixon in 1972, the latest "cause was yet another move in the policy of keeping a region divided and embittered, and therefore accessible to the franchisers of weaponry and the owners of black gold".[59]
However, after the war, Hitchens scolded those within the US who had opposed the war by observing that "the peace movement in this country in my opinion acted in a very narrow, isolationist, and almost chauvinistic way. It said that a war was more or less alright with it as long as it could be guaranteed in advance that American casualties could be kept low... I thought that was a dishonourably narrow way of approaching the question. ... When large numbers of Iraqis were turned into soap...and many others, as we've since found out, were bulldozed and buried alive and in other ways done away with and people don't even want to think about the body count ...because they're afraid of what they might find out."[60]
Israeli−Palestinian conflict
Hitchens described
On 14 November 2004, Hitchens noted:
Swiss bank account artist and a populist ranter (Mandela was neither), both an Islamic "martyrdom" blow-hard and a servile opportunist, and a man who managed to establish a dictatorship over his own people before they even had a state (here one simply refuses to mention Mandela in the same breath).[62]
Hitchens had previously collaborated on this issue with Edward Said, publishing the 1988 book Blaming the Victims: Spurious Scholarship and the Palestinian Question.[63]
Hitchens had said of himself, "I am an
A review of his autobiography
In Slate magazine, Hitchens pondered the notion that, instead of curing antisemitism through the creation of a Jewish state, "Zionism has only replaced and repositioned"[61] it, saying: "there are three groups of 6 million Jews. The first 6 million live in what the Zionist movement used to call Palestine. The second 6 million live in the United States. The third 6 million are distributed mainly among Russia, France, Britain, and Argentina. Only the first group lives daily in range of missiles that can be (and are) launched by people who hate Jews." Hitchens argued that instead of supporting Zionism, Jews should help "secularise and reform their own societies", believing that unless one is religious, "what the hell are you doing in the greater Jerusalem area in the first place?" Indeed, Hitchens claimed that the only justification for Zionism given by Jews is a religious one.[68]
Kurdistan
Hitchens was a longtime observer of Saddam Hussein's regime, and publicly called for his removal, albeit only beginning in 1998.[14] This led him to support the establishment of a self-governing state for the Kurds[69] with political autonomy, if not full independence.
During the many years I spent on the Left, the cause of self-determination for Kurdistan was high on the list of principles and priorities – there are many more Kurds than there are Palestinians and they have been staunch fighters for democracy in the region.[70]
He also wore a lapel pin with the flag of Kurdistan on it, to show his solidarity with the Kurds.[71]
War on terror
11 September attacks
In the months following the
War in Afghanistan
Hitchens strongly supported US military actions in
Iraq War
Hitchens employed the term "Islamofascist" and supported the
In the years after the
Hitchens argued the case for the Iraq War in a 2003 collection of essays entitled
Human rights violations at Abu Ghraib and Haditha
Hitchens criticised human rights abuses by US forces in Iraq but argued that conditions had improved considerably compared either to Saddam Hussein's previous regime or to previous US military actions in Vietnam.
In 2005, Hitchens criticised the abuse of prisoners in Abu Ghraib but argued that overall "prison conditions at
In a 5 June 2006 article on the alleged killings of Iraqi civilians by U.S. Marines in
Pre-war American and British Intelligence
In a variety of articles and interviews, Hitchens asserted that British intelligence was correct in
On 19 March 2007, Hitchens asked himself whether Western intelligence sources should have known that Iraq had 'no stockpiles of
The entire record of
Ahmad Chalabi, believed that Iraq had actual or latent programs for the production of WMD. Would it have been preferable to accept Saddam Hussein's word for it and to allow him the chance to re-equip once more once the sanctions had further decayed?[93]
Saddam Hussein
In July 2007, the
Iraq, which has this dynamic combination and much else besides, has not until recently been very much regarded as a power. But with the new discussions in
Basrah last December. It was the first to call for the use of oil as a political weapon against Israel and her backers. It gives strong economic and political support to the 'Rejection Front' Palestinians who oppose Arafat's conciliation and are currently trying to outface the Syrians in Beirut.
He argued that the means through which the
Waterboarding
Hitchens was asked by
Lebanon
Hitchens described Lebanon as "the most
In an article written on Slate, Hitchens stated:
In
state within a state to becoming the master of what was once the most cosmopolitan and democratic country in the Middle East. Meanwhile, a former superpower – no Hercules – is permitting itself to be made a hostage and laughing-stock by a squalid factional fight within the Israeli right wing involving the time and scale of petty land theft by zealots and fanatics. Only a few years from now, this, too, will seem hard to believe, as well as shameful and unpardonable.[98]
Domestic policy
Civil liberties
Abortion
Hitchens stated, "[an] unborn child seems to me to be a real concept. It's not a growth or an appendix. You can't say the rights question doesn't come up. I don't think a woman should be forced to choose, or even can be", and, "as a materialist, I think it has been demonstrated that an embryo is a separate body and entity".[99] Showing a desire to recognise the unborn as a life, he also affirmed a need for the right to abortion, stating, "the second-best fallback solution, which may sometimes be desirable for other reasons, is termination of pregnancy... all thinking people recognise a painful conflict of rights and interest in this question".[100]
Hitchens opposed the overturning of
Capital punishment
Hitchens was a lifelong opponent of capital punishment.[103] In a 2001 interview with Reason, Hitchens recalled that this was the very first issue on which he ever decided to take a stand in his youth. The reason for his opposition to capital punishment was that it gave too much power to the government.[10] He later publicly opposed use of the death penalty for Saddam Hussein,[104] an issue he discussed at length in his November 2006 essay "Don't Hang Saddam" for Slate.[105]
Drug policy
Hitchens has called for the abolition of the "
Gun rights
Hitchens was described by
Sexuality
Hitchens was a supporter of
Hitchens was a
Regulations
Hitchens was known for his dislike of Nanny state policies put in place by New York city mayor Michael Bloomberg.[113][114] On July 9, 2009, Hitchens wrote an article criticizing and mocking New York city regulations including smoking laws, bicycle laws, milk crate laws and other regulations. In the same article Hitchens claimed he had broken the laws he had criticized in the article.[115]
NSA warrantless surveillance
In January 2006, Hitchens joined with four other individuals and four organisations, including the
Voting rights
In March 2005, Hitchens supported further investigation into
Religion
At the New York Public Library in May 2007, Hitchens debated Al Sharpton on the issue of theism and anti-theism, giving rise to a memorable exchange about Mormonism in particular.[120]
In
Above all, we are in need of a renewed
Enlightenment, which will base itself on the proposition that the proper study of mankind is man and woman [referencing Alexander Pope]. This Enlightenment will not need to depend, like its predecessors, on the heroic breakthroughs of a few gifted and exceptionally courageous people. It is within the compass of the average person. The study of literature and poetry, both for its own sake and for the eternal ethical questions with which it deals, can now easily depose the scrutiny of sacred texts that have been found to be corrupt and confected. The pursuit of unfettered scientific inquiry, and the availability of new findings to masses of people by electronic means, will revolutionize our concepts of research and development. Very importantly, the divorce between the sexual life and fear, and the sexual life and disease, and the sexual life and tyranny, can now at last be attempted, on the sole condition that we banish all religions from the discourse. And all this and more is, for the first time in our history, within the reach if not the grasp of everyone.[121]
Hitchens was accused of "
In 2005, Hitchens praised
On 4 April 2009, Hitchens debated Christian philosopher William Lane Craig at Biola University on the topic "Does God Exist?" before both a live and closed circuit audience of over 15,000.[125]
Islamism
Hitchens was deeply shocked by 14 February 1989
Hitchens is often credited with coining the term "Islamofascism", but Hitchens himself denied it, attributing its coinage to Malise Ruthven.[128][129]
In February 2006, Hitchens helped organize a pro-Denmark rally outside the Danish Embassy in Washington, DC, in response to the Jyllands-Posten Muhammad cartoons controversy.[130]
Hitchens has received criticism for his attacks on Islam and has been referred to as Islamophobic.[131][132] Hitchens has called Islamophobia "A stupid term—Islamophobia—has been put into circulation to try and suggest that a foul prejudice lurks behind any misgivings about Islam's infallible "message".[133]
Mormonism
Hitchens was extremely critical of the doctrinal claims of Mormonism[134] and opposed the candidacy of 2012 Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney, a practicing Mormon.[135]
References
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- ^ a b c d e Rhys Southan from the November 2001 issue. "Free Radical". Reason. Retrieved 26 April 2011.
{{cite news}}
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- ^ Hitchens 2007, p. 283.
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- Slate. 27 April 2007. Retrieved 30 September 2014.
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Sources
- Hitchens, Christopher (May 2007). God is not Great: How Religion Poisons Everything. New York: Twelve Books. ISBN 9780446579803.
External links
- Library of Economics and Liberty. Archived from the originalon 2 April 2013. Retrieved 14 July 2013.