Việt Nam Quốc Dân Đảng
Vietnamese Nationalist Party Việt Nam Quốc Dân Đảng | |
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Abbreviation | VNQDĐ |
Leader | |
Founder | Nguyễn Thái Học |
Founded | December 25, 1927 |
Dissolved | April 30, 1975 | (currently operating in exile)
Headquarters |
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Newspaper | Tiếng dân (People's Voice)[1] Vietnam |
Ideology | |
Political position | Centre-left to centre-right[3] |
Colors | Red, blue, white |
Anthem | "Cờ sao trắng " "The White Star Flag" |
Party flag | |
Website | |
vietquoc vietquoc | |
Part of a series on |
Three Principles of the People |
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The Việt Nam Quốc Dân Đảng (Vietnamese:
From 1928, the VNQDĐ attracted attention through its assassinations of French officials and Vietnamese collaborators. A turning point came in February 1929 with the
In late 1929, the party was weakened by an internal split. Under increasing French pressure, the VNQDĐ leadership switched tactics, replacing a strategy of isolated clandestine attacks against individuals with a plan to expel the French in a single blow with a large-scale popular uprising. After stockpiling home-made weapons, the VNQDĐ launched the Yên Bái mutiny on February 10, 1930, with the aim of sparking a widespread revolt. VNQDĐ forces combined with disaffected Vietnamese troops, who mutinied against the French colonial army. The mutiny was quickly put down, with heavy French retribution. Học and other leading figures were captured and executed and the VNQDĐ never regained its political strength in the country.
Some remaining factions sought peaceful means of struggle, while other groups fled across the border to Kuomintang bases in the
Origins
French involvement in Vietnam started in the late 18th century when the Catholic priest
In late 1925, a small group of young
Harassment and censorship imposed by the French colonial authorities led to the commercial failure of the Nam Dong Thu Xa. By the autumn of 1927, the group's priorities turned towards more direct political action, in a bid to appeal to more radical elements in the north. Membership grew to around 200, distributed among 18 cells in 14 provinces across northern and central Vietnam.[8]
At the time, nationalist sentiment had been on the increase in Vietnam. The French colonial authorities were bringing more Vietnamese into the administration, and there was a small but growing proportion who were exposed to western education. As a result, they became aware of French ideals such as Liberté, égalité, fraternité, republicanism and democracy, which sharply contrasted to the racial inequality and stratified system of the colonial elite ruling the masses in Vietnam. There was also an increasing awareness of the political writings of Montesquieu and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, which stoked a desire for civil and political rights, combined with the knowledge of the Japanese victory over Russia in 1905, which gave people confidence that Asians could defeat western powers.[9]
Formation
The Việt Nam Quốc Dân Đảng (VNQDĐ) was formed at a meeting in Hanoi on December 25, 1927, with Nguyen Thai Hoc as the party's first leader.[8] It was Vietnam's first home-grown revolutionary party, established three years before the Indochinese Communist Party.[4] The party advocated democratic socialism, but at the outset there was considerable debate over its other fundamental objectives.[16] Many wanted it to promote worldwide revolution, rather than limiting itself to campaigning for an independent Vietnamese republic; but there were fears that this would lead to accusations of communism, putting off potential Vietnamese supporters who yearned above all for independence.[8] In a bid for moderation, the final statement was a compromise that read:
The aim and
general line of the party is to make a national revolution, to use military force to overthrow the feudal colonial system, to set up a democratic republic of Vietnam. At the same time we will help all oppressed nationalities in the work of struggling to achieve independence, in particular such neighboring countries as Laos and Cambodia.[8]
A manifesto released in February 1930 showed that the VNQDĐ heavily based its rhetoric on appealing to resentment against the system of racial inequality and the French imposition of capitalism.[17] It appealed to the populace to rise up against colonisation and the poor treatment of Vietnamese people. It assailed the French for restricting the Vietnamese people's ability to study, discuss policy and associate, and what it perceived as exploitative capitalist policies that enriched French enterprises while leaving Vietnamese people unhealthy. It criticised the colonial administration, which it saw as corrupt and encouraging low-level Vietnamese bureaucrats to mistreat their compatriots, and said that the ouster to French rule was necessary to stop the "elimination process" against the Vietnamese race.[17]
In order to attain its primary aim of independence, the VNQDĐ had three principles by which it intended to operate. The first was nationalism, under which people of all ethnic groups in Vietnam were to be citizens of a sovereign nation. Secondly, democracy was to give citizens the right to vote, impeach elected officials, ratify and abolish laws. The third and final principle was to implement socialist controls on the economy, and restricting capitalism through nationalisation, guaranteed minimum working conditions and land reform. This was ultimately aimed towards reducing income inequality.[18] There had been a debate over the socioeconomic bent of the party when it was formed, with some advocating communism and others private property, but the position reached was not dissimilar from an existing Vietnamese social norm where villagers often owned land communally although social hierarchies still existed.[18] Although the socioeconomic side of the VNQDĐ agenda was not as heavily promoted at a high political level as the other two principles, there was a strong push at grassroots level to implement more socialist systems.[19]
Although the VNQDĐ modelled itself on
Most party members were teachers, young people who had been exposed to a western education and political theory, employees of the French colonial government, Confucian-oriented village notables, or non-commissioned officers in the colonial army. In particular, they sought to cultivate support among
Initial activities
Financial problems compounded the VNQDĐ's difficulties. Money was needed to set up a commercial enterprise, a cover for the revolutionaries to meet and plot, and for raising funds.[21] For this purpose, a hotel-restaurant named the Vietnam Hotel was opened in September 1928. The French colonial authorities were aware of the real purpose of the business, and put it under surveillance without taking further preliminary action.[21] The first notable reorganisation of the VNQDĐ was in December, when Nguyen Khac Nhu replaced Hoc as chairman. Three proto-governmental organs were created, to form the legislative, executive and judicial arms of government. The records of the French secret service estimated that by early 1929, the VNQDĐ consisted of approximately 1,500 members in 120 cells, mostly in areas around the Red River Delta.[21] The intelligence reported that most members were students, minor merchants or low-level bureaucrats in the French administration. The report stated that there were landlords and wealthy peasants among the members, but that few were of scholar-gentry (mandarin) rank.[21] According to the historian Cecil B. Currey, "The VNQDĐ's lower-class origins made it, in many ways, closer to the labouring poor than were the Communists, many of whom…[were] from established middle-class families."[25] At the time, the two other notable nationalist organisations were the communists and the New Vietnam Revolutionary Party, and although they had different visions of a post-independence nation, both competed with the VNQDĐ in attracting the support of the small, educated, urban class. In the late-1920s, around half of the communists were from bourgeoise backgrounds.[26]
Beginning in 1928, the VNQDĐ attracted substantial Vietnamese support, provoking increased attention from the French colonial administration. This came after a VNQDĐ death squad killed several French officials and Vietnamese collaborators who had a reputation for cruelty towards the Vietnamese populace.[4]
Assassination of Bazin
The assassination of Hanoi-based French labour recruiter Hervé Bazin on February 9, 1929, was a turning point that marked the beginning of the VNQDĐ's decline. A graduate of the École Coloniale in Paris, Bazin directed the recruitment of Vietnamese labourers to work on colonial plantations. Recruiting techniques often included beating or coercion, because the foremen who did the recruiting received a commission for each enlisted worker.[27] On the plantations, living conditions were poor and the remuneration was low, leading to widespread indignation. In response, Vietnamese hatred of Bazin led to thoughts of an assassination.[27] A group of workers approached the VNQDĐ with a proposal to kill Bazin.[27] The sources disagree on whether the party adopted a policy of sanctioning the assassination.[20] One account is that Hoc felt that assassinations were pointless because they would only prompt a crackdown by the French Sûreté, thereby weakening the party.[27] He felt that it was better to strengthen the party until the time was ripe to overthrow the French, viewing Bazin as a mere twig on the tree of the colonial apparatus.[27] Another view is that the senior VNQDĐ leaders felt that killing Bazin was necessary so that the party would appear to be relevant to workers involved in industry or commerce, given that the communists had begun to target this demographic for their recruitment drives.[20]
The first account says that, turned down by the VNQDĐ leadership, one of the assassination's proponents—it is unclear whether or not he was a party member—created his own plot.[27] With an accomplice, he shot and killed Bazin on February 9, 1929, as the Frenchman left his mistress's house. The French attributed the attack to the VNQDĐ and reacted by apprehending all the party members they could find: between three and four hundred men were rounded up, including 36 government clerks, 13 French government officials, 36 schoolteachers, 39 merchants, 37 landowners and 40 military personnel. The subsequent trials resulted in 78 men being convicted and sentenced to jail terms ranging between five and twenty years. The arrests severely depleted the VNQDĐ leadership: most of the Central Committee were captured, though Hoc and Nhu were among the few who escaped from a raid on their hideout at the Vietnam Hotel.[27]
Internal split and change in strategy
In 1929, the VNQDĐ split when a faction led by Nguyen The Nghiep began to disobey party orders and was therefore expelled from the Central Committee. Some sources claim that Nghiep had formed a breakaway party and had begun secret contacts with French authorities.[28]
Perturbed by those who betrayed fellow members to the French and the problems this behaviour caused, Hoc convened a meeting to tighten regulations in mid-1929 at the village of Lac Dao, along the Gia Lam-Haiphong railway.[28] This was also the occasion for a shift in strategy: Hoc argued for a general uprising, citing rising discontent among Vietnamese soldiers in the colonial army. More moderate party leaders believed this move to be premature, and cautioned against it, but Hoc's stature meant he prevailed in shifting the party's orientation towards violent struggle.[28] One of the arguments presented for large-scale violence was that the French response to the Bazin assassination meant that the party's strength could decline in the long term.[29] The plan was to provoke a series of uprisings at military posts around the Red River Delta in early 1930, where VNQDĐ forces would join Vietnamese soldiers in an attack on the two major northern cities of Hanoi and Haiphong. The leaders agreed to restrict their uprisings to Tonkin, because the party was weak elsewhere.[28]
For the remainder of 1929, the party prepared for the revolt. They located and manufactured weapons, storing them in hidden depots. The preparation was hindered by French police, particularly the seizure of arms caches.[30] Recruitment campaigns and grassroots activist drives were put in place, even though the VNQDĐ were realistic and understood that their assault was unlikely to succeed. The village elders were used to mobilise neighbours into the political movement. Their logic was "Even if victory is not achieved, we will fully mature as human beings with our [heroic] efforts".[31]
Yên Bái mutiny
At around 01:30 on Monday, February 10, 1930, approximately 40 troops belonging to the 2nd Battalion of the Fourth Régiment de Tirailleurs Tonkinois stationed at Yên Bái, reinforced by around 60 civilian members of the VNQDĐ, attacked their 29 French officers and warrant officers.[32] The rebels had intended to split into three groups: the first group was to infiltrate the infantry, kill French NCOs in their beds and raise support among Vietnamese troops; the second, supported by the VNQDĐ civilians, was to break into the post headquarters; and the third group would enter the officers' quarters.[33] The French were caught off guard; five were killed and three seriously wounded. The mutineers isolated a few more French officers from their men, even managing to raise the VNQDĐ flag above one of the buildings. About two hours later, however, it became apparent that the badly coordinated uprising had failed, and the remaining 550 Vietnamese soldiers helped quell the rebellion rather than participate in it. The insurrectionists had failed to liquidate the Garde indigène town post and could not convince the frightened townspeople to join them in a general revolt. At 07:30, a French Indochinese counterattack scattered the mutineers; two hours later, order was re-established in Yên Bái.[32][33]
That same evening, two further insurrectionary attempts failed in the
On February 10, a VNQDĐ member injured a policeman at a Hanoi checkpoint; at night, Arts students threw bombs at government buildings, which they regarded as part of the repressive power of the colonial state.
A series of trials were held to prosecute those arrested during the uprising. The largest number of death penalties was handed down by the first Criminal Commission, which convened at Yen Bay. Among the 87 people found guilty at Yen Bay, 46 were servicemen. Some argued in their own defence that they had been "surprised and forced to take part in the insurrection".[35] Of the 87 convicted, 39 were sentenced to death, five to deportation, 33 to life sentences of forced labour, nine to 20 years imprisonment, and one to five years of forced labour. Of those condemned to death, 24 were civilians and 15 were servicemen.[35] Presidential pardons reduced the number of death penalties from 39 to 13. Học and Chinh were among the 13 who were executed on June 17, 1930.[35] The condemned men cried "Viet Nam!" as the guillotine fell.[36] Học wrote a final plea to the French, in a letter that claimed that he had always wanted to cooperate with French authorities, but that their intransigence had forced him to revolt. Học contended that France could only stay in Indochina if they dropped their "brutal" policies, and became more amiable towards the Vietnamese.[37] The VNQDĐ leader called for universal education, training in commerce and industry, and an end to the corrupt practices of the French-installed mandarins.[37]
Exile in Yunnan
Following Yen Bay, the VNQDĐ became more diffuse, with many factions effectively acting virtually autonomously of one another.[38] Le Huu Canh—who had tried to stall the failed mutiny—attempted to reunite what remained of the party under the banner of peaceful reform. Other factions, however, remained faithful to Học's legacy, recreating the movement in the Hanoi-Haiphong area. A failed assassination attempt on Governor-General Pasquier led to French crackdowns in 1931 and 1932. The survivors escaped to Yunnan in southern China, where some of Nghiep's supporters were still active.[37] The Yunnan VNQDĐ was in fact a section of the Chinese Kuomintang, who protected its members from the Chinese government while funds were raised by robbery and extortion along the Sino-Vietnamese border. This eventually led to a Chinese government crackdown, but VNQDĐ members continued to train at the Yunnan Military School; some enlisted in the nationalist Chinese army while others learned to manufacture weapons and munitions in the Yunnan arsenal.[36]
Nghiep was briefly jailed by Yunnan authorities, but continued to run the party from his cell. Upon his release in 1933, Nghiep consolidated the party with similar groups in the area, including some followers of
The VNQDĐ was gradually overshadowed as the leading Vietnamese independence organisation by Ho's Indochinese Communist Party (ICP).[41] In 1940, Ho arrived in Yunnan, which was a hotbed of both ICP and VNQDĐ activity. He initiated collaboration between the ICP and other nationalists such as the VNQDĐ. At the time, World War II had broken out and Japan had conquered most of eastern China and replaced the French in Vietnam. Ho moved east to the neighbouring province of Guangxi, where Chinese military leaders had been attempting to organise Vietnamese nationalists against the Japanese. The VNQDĐ had been active in Guangxi and some of their members had joined the KMT army.[42] Under the umbrella of KMT activities, a broad alliance of nationalists emerged. With Ho at the forefront, the Viet Nam Doc Lap Dong Minh Hoi (Vietnamese Independence League, usually known as the Viet Minh) was formed and based in the town of Chinghsi.[42] The pro-VNQDĐ nationalist Ho Ngoc Lam, a KMT army officer and former disciple of Phan Boi Chau,[43] was named as the deputy of Phạm Văn Đồng, later to be Ho's Prime Minister. The front was later broadened and renamed the Viet Nam Giai Phong Dong Minh (Vietnam Liberation League).[42] It was an uneasy situation, as another VNQDĐ leader, Truong Boi Cong, a graduate of a KMT military academy, wanted to challenge the communists for pre-eminence,[43] while Vũ Hồng Khanh led a virulently anti-communist VNQDĐ faction.[44] The Viet Nam Revolutionary League was a union of various Vietnamese nationalist groups, run by the pro Chinese VNQDĐ. Chinese KMT General Zhang Fakui created the league to further Chinese influence in Indochina, against the French and Japanese. Its stated goal was for unity with China under the Three Principles of the People, created by KMT founder Dr. Sun and opposition to Vietnamese and French Imperialists.[45][46] The Revolutionary League was controlled by Nguyen Hai Than, who was born in China and could not speak Vietnamese. General Zhang shrewdly blocked the Communists of Vietnam, and Ho Chi Minh from entering the league, as his main goal was Chinese influence in Indochina.[47] The KMT utilized these Vietnamese nationalists during World War II against Japanese forces.[48] At one stage, the communists made an appeal for other Vietnamese anti-colonialists to join forces, but condemned Khanh as an "opportunist" and "fake revolutionary" in their letter.[49] The cooperation in the border area lasted for only a few months before VNQDĐ officials complained to the local KMT officials that the communists, led by Dong and Võ Nguyên Giáp, were attempting to dominate the league.[42] This prompted the local authorities to shut down the front's activities.[42]
Post World War II
In March 1945, the VNQDĐ received a boost, when
On August 15, 1945, Japanese forces in Vietnam surrendered to the
Ho's
After the seizure of power, hundreds of VNQDĐ members returned from China, only to be killed at the border by the Vietminh.
The VNQDĐ then established their national headquarters in Hanoi, and began to publish newspapers, expounding their policies and explaining their ideology.[60] The OSS agent Archimedes Patti, who was based in Kunming and northern Vietnam, reported that the VNQDĐ were "hopelessly disoriented politically" and felt that they had no idea of how to run a government. He speculated that the VNQDĐ were driven by "desires for personal power and economic gain".[60] Giap accused them of being "bandits".[60] Military and newspaper attacks between the groups occurred regularly, but a power-sharing agreement was put in place until the elections occurred in order to end the attacks and strengthen national unity to further the goal of independence.[61] The communists also allowed the VNQDĐ to continue printing material.[62]
However, the agreement was ineffective in the meantime. The VNQDĐ kidnapped Giap and the Propaganda Minister Tran Huy Lieu and held them for three weeks until Ho agreed to remove Giáp and Lieu from the cabinet. As a result, the VNQDĐ's Vũ Hồng Khanh became defence minister, with Giap as his deputy.[61] What the VNQDĐ and other non-communist nationalists thought to be an equitable power-sharing agreement turned out to be a ruse. Every non-communist minister had a communist deputy, and if the former refused to approve a decree, the Vietminh official would do so.[61] Many ministers were excluded from knowing the details of their portfolio; Khanh was forbidden to see any military statistics and some were forbidden to attend cabinet meetings. In one case, the Minister of Social Works became a factory worker because he was forced to remain politically idle.[63] Meanwhile, Giáp was able to stymie the activities of VNQDĐ officials of higher rank in the coalition government. Aside from shutting down the ability of the VNQDĐ officials to disseminate information, he often ordered his men to start riots and street brawls at public VNQDĐ events.[63]
Ho scheduled elections for December 23, but he made a deal with the VNQDĐ and the Dong Minh Hoi, which assured them of 50 and 20 seats in the new national assembly respectively, regardless of the poll results. This only temporarily placated the VNQDĐ, which continued its skirmishes against the Vietminh. Eventually, Chinese pressure on the VNQDĐ and the Dong Minh Hoi saw them accept a coalition government, in which Tam served as foreign minister.[64] For the communists' part, they accused the KMT of intimidating them into sharing power with the VNQDĐ,[60] and claimed that VNQDĐ soldiers had tried to attack polling stations. The VNQDĐ claimed that the communists had engaged in vote fraud and intimidation, citing Vietminh claims that they had received tallies in excess of 80% in areas controlled by French troops.[65]
War against French colonial rule
The Ho–Sainteny agreement, signed on March 6, 1946, saw the return of French colonial forces to Vietnam,[66] replacing the Chinese nationalists who were supposed to be maintaining order. The VNQDĐ were now without their main supporters. As a result, the VNQDĐ were further attacked by the French, who often encircled VNQDĐ strongholds, enabling Viet Minh attacks. Giáp's army hunted down VNQDĐ troops and cleared them from the Red River Delta, seizing arms and arresting party members, who were falsely charged with crimes ranging from counterfeiting to unlawful arms possession.[67][68] The Viet Minh massacred thousands of VNQDĐ members and other nationalists in a large scale purge.[58] Most of the survivors fled to China or French-controlled areas in Vietnam.[58] After driving the VNQDĐ out of their Hanoi headquarters on On Nhu Hau Street, Giáp ordered his agents to construct an underground torture chamber on the premises. They then planted exhumed and badly decomposed bodies in the chamber, and accused the VNQDĐ of gruesome murders, although most of the dead were VNQDĐ members who had been killed by Giáp's men.[69] The communists made a public spectacle of the scene in an attempt to discredit the VNQDĐ, but the truth eventually came out and the "On Nhu Hau Street affair" lowered their public image.[70]
When the National Assembly reconvened in Hanoi on October 28, only 30 of the 50 VNQDĐ seats were filled. Of the 37 VNQDĐ and Dong Minh Hoi members who turned up, only 20 remained by the end of the session.[71] By the end of the year, Tam had resigned as foreign minister and fled to China, and only one of the three original VNQDĐ cabinet members was still in office.[72] In any case, the VNQDĐ never had any power, despite their numerical presence. Upon the opening of the National Assembly, the communist majority voted to vest power in an executive committee almost entirely consisting of communists; the legislature met only once a year.[73] In any case, the façade of a legislature was dispensed with as the First Indochina War went into full flight. A small group of VNQDĐ fighters escaped Giáp's assault and retreated to a mountainous enclave along the Sino-Vietnamese border, where they declared themselves to be the government of Vietnam, with little effect.[74]
Post-independence
After Vietnam gained independence in 1954, the
The VNQDĐ was deeply divided after years of communist pressure, lacked strong leadership and no longer had a coherent military presence, although they had a large presence in central Vietnam.
Many officers in the
During the Diệm era, the VNQDĐ were implicated in two failed coup attempts. In November 1960, a
Many VNQDĐ members were part of the ARVN, which sought to prevent South Vietnam from being overrun by communists during the Vietnam War,[86] and they were known for being more anti-communist than most of their compatriots.
After the fall of Diệm and the execution of Cẩn in May 1964,
In 1966, the Buddhist Uprising erupted in central Vietnam, in which some Buddhist leaders fomented civil unrest against the war, hoping to end foreign involvement in Vietnam and end the conflict through a peace deal with the communists. The VNQDĐ remained implacably opposed to any coexistence with the communists. Members of the VNQDĐ made alliances with Catholics, collected arms, and engaged in pro-war street clashes with the Buddhists, forcing elements of the ARVN to intervene to stop them.[92][93]
On April 19, clashes erupted in
The VNQDĐ contested the national elections of 1967, the first elections since the fall of Diem, which were rigged—Diem and his people invariably gained more than 95% of the vote and sometimes exceeded the number of registered voters.[95][96] The campaign was disorganised due to a lack of infrastructure and some VNQDĐ candidates were not formally sanctioned by any hierarchy.[88] The VNQDĐ focused on the districts in I Corps in central Vietnam where they were thought to be strong.[97] There were 60 seats in the senate, and the six victorious tickets would see all ten of their members elected. The VNQDĐ entered eight tickets in the senate election, and while they totalled 15% of the national vote between them, the most of any grouping, it was diluted between the groupings; none of the tickets and thus none of the candidates were elected. This contrasted with one Catholic alliance with three tickets that won only 8% of the vote, but had all 30 candidates elected.[98] They won nine seats in the lower house, a small minority presence, all from districts in central Vietnam, where they tended to poll between 20 and 40% in various areas.[99] The VNQDĐ members made several loose alliances with Hòa Hảo members of the lower house.[100]
During the
After the
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- Blair, Anne E. (2001). There to the Bitter End: Ted Serong in Vietnam. Crows Nest, New South Wales: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 1-86508-468-9.
- Chapuis, Oscar (2000). The last emperors of Vietnam: from Tu Duc to Bao Dai. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 106. ISBN 0-313-31170-6.
- Currey, Cecil B. (1999). Victory at Any Cost: The genius of Viet Nam's Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap. Washington, DC: Brassey. ISBN 1-57488-194-9.
- ISBN 0-8014-0951-9.
- Glazier, Michael (1982). The History of the Joint Chiefs of Staff: History of the Indochina incident, 1940–1954. United States. Joint Chiefs of Staff. Historical Division. ISBN 9780894532870.
- Goodman, Allen E. (1973). Politics in war: the bases of political community in South Vietnam. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-68825-2.
- Hammer, Ellen J. (1955). The Struggle for Indochina, 1940–1955. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press.
- ISBN 0-525-24210-4.
- Harrison, James P. (1989). The endless war: Vietnam's struggle for independence. Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-06909-X.
- Hoàng, Văn Đào (2008). Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang: A Contemporary History of a National Struggle: 1927-1954. Dorrance Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4349-9136-2.
- Jacobs, Seth (2004). America's Miracle Man in Vietnam: Ngo Dinh Diem, Religion, Race, and U.S. Intervention in Southeast Asia, 1950–1957.
- Jacobs, Seth (2006). Cold War Mandarin: Ngo Dinh Diem and the Origins of America's War in Vietnam, 1950–1963. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0-7425-4447-8.
- Jamieson, Neil L. (1995). Understanding Vietnam. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-20157-4.
- ISBN 0-670-84218-4.
- Luong, Hy V. (1992). Revolution in the village : tradition and transformation in North Vietnam, 1925–1988. Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawai'i Press. ISBN 0-8248-1399-5.
- Luong, Hy V. (2010). Tradition, revolution, and market economy in a North Vietnamese village, 1925–2006. Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawai'i Press. ISBN 978-0-8248-3423-4.
- Marr, David G. (1981). Vietnamese Tradition on Trial, 1920–1945. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-04180-1.
- Marr, David G. (1995). Vietnam 1945 : the quest for power. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-21228-2.
- Marr, David G. (2013). Vietnam: State, War and Revolution (1945–1946). Berkeley, California: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-21228-2.
- Nguyễn, Văn Khánh (2016). The Vietnam Nationalist Party (1927–1954). Singapore: Springer. ISBN 978-981-10-0075-1.
- Topmiller, Robert J. (2006). The Lotus Unleashed: The Buddhist Peace Movement in South Vietnam, 1964–1966. Lexington, Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 0-8131-9166-1.
- Tucker, Spencer C. (2000). Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War: A Political, Social and Military History. Santa Barbara, California: ISBN 1-57607-040-9.
- Willbanks, James H. (2008). The Tet Offensive: A Concise History. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-12841-4.
Journal articles
- Rettig, Tobias (November 2002). "French military policies in the aftermath of the Yên Bay mutiny, 1930: old security dilemmas return to the surface". S2CID 144236613.
- Thi, Anh-Susann Pham (January 2019). "Vietnam in global context (1920–1968): looking through the lens of three historical figures". Global Intellectual History. 6 (6). ISSN 2380-1883.
External links
- Viet Quoc official homepage (in Vietnamese)
- Viet Quoc members webpage
- Nguyễn Thái Học Foundation (in Vietnamese)