1982 Spanish general election

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1982 Spanish general election
← 1979 28 October 1982 1986 →
All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies and 208 (of 254) seats in the Senate
176[a] seats needed for a majority in the Congress of Deputies
Opinion polls
Registered26,846,940 0.0%
Turnout21,469,274 (80.0%)
12.0 pp
  First party Second party Third party
 
Leader Felipe González Manuel Fraga Miquel Roca
Party PSOE
AP–PDP
 CiU
Leader since 28 September 1979 9 October 1976 4 July 1982
Leader's seat Madrid Madrid Barcelona
Last election 121 seats, 30.4% 16 seats, 7.4%[b] 8 seats, 2.7%
Seats won 202 107 12
Seat change 81 91 4
Popular vote 10,127,392 5,548,108 772,726
Percentage 48.1% 26.4% 3.7%
Swing 17.7 pp 19.0 pp 1.0 pp
  Fourth party Fifth party Sixth party
 
Leader Landelino Lavilla Íñigo Aguirre Santiago Carrillo
Party UCD EAJ/PNV PCE
Leader since 13 July 1982 1 February 1980 3 July 1960
Leader's seat Madrid Biscay Madrid
Last election 163 seats, 33.9%[c] 7 seats, 1.6% 23 seats, 10.8%
Seats won 11 8 4
Seat change 152 1 19
Popular vote 1,425,094 395,656 865,272
Percentage 6.8% 1.9% 4.1%
Swing 27.1 pp 0.3 pp 6.7 pp
Election results by Congress of Deputies constituency
Prime Minister before election

Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo
UCD

Prime Minister after election

Felipe González
PSOE

The 1982 Spanish general election was held on Thursday, 28 October 1982, to elect the 2nd

Kingdom of Spain. All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies were up for election, as well as 208 of 254 seats in the Senate
.

The election was called several months ahead of schedule on 27 August 1982, by the then

military coup d'etat attempt had been thwarted during Calvo-Sotelo's investiture on 23 February 1981, and the UCD had become increasingly isolated during the administrative set up of the so-called "state of the autonomies", both parliamentarily—a result of its minority status and continuous defections—and politically, having been routed in every regional election held since 1979: the Basque Country, Catalonia, Galicia and Andalusia.[3][4]
Calvo-Sotelo himself had chosen not to run for re-election.

The

tactical voting
to the PSOE. Turnout remains, at 79.97%, the highest ever recorded in a general election held in Spain to date. The 1982 election was the last general election to be held on a day other than Sunday.

González took office on 2 December, heading the first government in 43 years in which none of its members had served under Francoism.[5]

Overview

Electoral system

The Spanish

absolute majority of votes. Nonetheless, the Senate possessed a few exclusive (yet limited in number) functions—such as its role in constitutional amendment—which were not subject to the Congress' override.[6] Voting for the Cortes Generales was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over 18 years of age and in full enjoyment of their political rights.[7]

For the Congress of Deputies, 348 seats were elected using the

district magnitude.[10]

As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Congress multi-member constituency was entitled the following seats:[9][11]

Seats Constituencies
33 Barcelona
32 Madrid
15 Valencia
12 Seville
10 Biscay, Oviedo
9 Alicante, La Coruña
8 Cádiz, Málaga, Murcia, Pontevedra, Zaragoza
7 Badajoz, Córdoba, Granada, Guipúzcoa, Jaén, Santa Cruz de Tenerife
6 Balearics, Las Palmas, León
5 Almería, Cáceres, Cantabria, Castellón, Ciudad Real, Gerona, Huelva, Lugo, Navarre, Orense, Tarragona, Toledo, Valladolid
4 Álava, Albacete, Burgos, Cuenca, La Rioja, Lérida, Salamanca, Zamora
3 Ávila, Guadalajara, Huesca, Palencia, Segovia, Soria, Teruel

For the Senate, 208 seats were elected using an

Majorca, Gran Canaria and Tenerife—being allocated three seats each, and the smaller—Menorca, Ibiza–Formentera, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, El Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma—one each. Ceuta and Melilla elected two seats each. The law also provided for by-elections to fill seats vacated up to two years into the legislature. Additionally, autonomous communities could appoint at least one senator each and were entitled to one additional senator per each million inhabitants.[12][9]

Election date

The term of each chamber of the Cortes Generales—the Congress and the Senate—expired four years from the date of their previous election, unless they were dissolved earlier. An election was required to be held within from 30 to 60 days after the date of expiry of the Cortes Generales. The previous election was held on 1 March 1979, which meant that the legislature's term would expire on 1 March 1983. An election was to take place no later than the sixtieth day from the expiry, setting the latest possible election date for the Cortes Generales on Saturday, 30 April 1983.[9]

The prime minister had the prerogative to dissolve both chambers at any given time—either jointly or separately—and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence was in process, no state of emergency was in force and that dissolution did not occur before one year had elapsed since the previous one. Additionally, both chambers were to be dissolved and a new election called if an investiture process failed to elect a prime minister within a two-month period from the first ballot.[13][non-primary source needed][dubious – discuss] Barred this exception, there was no constitutional requirement for simultaneous elections for the Congress and the Senate. Still, as of 2024 there has been no precedent of separate elections taking place under the 1978 Constitution.

The Cortes Generales were officially dissolved on 30 August 1982 after the publication of the dissolution decree in the Official State Gazette (BOE), setting the election date for 28 October and scheduling for both chambers to reconvene on 18 November.[11]

Background

1979–81: Suárez's second term

The I Legislature started with the

municipal elections since the Second Spanish Republic were held, in which UCD won in the overall vote tally, but lost control of the main urban centers to PSOE-PCE alliances.[15]

From 1979 the political situation in Spain began to deteriorate as a result of different factors. On one hand, an increase of terrorist activity by

public deficit soared from 1.7% to 6% and the country's current account would register a net deficit of US$5 billion by 1980.[16][17] The crisis also saw a sharp increase in unemployment, from 8.1% in March 1979 to 13.4% in March 1981.[18][19][20]

The end of the political consensus that had dominated the Transition was confirmed with the launch by the PSOE of a tough opposition campaign. As the government was in minority status in the Congress, it was frequent for close votes to happen, with the government losing some of them at times.[15][21] The harsh Socialist opposition reached a high-point in May 1980 when the PSOE presented a motion of no confidence on Suárez, with Socialist leader Felipe González accusing him and his government of "poor handling of the economic and social situation", as well as "repeatedly failing to fulfill campaign promises and breaching of agreements with other political forces and within the Cortes Generales themselves".[22][23] While the motion was defeated—166 votes against, 152 in favour and 21 abstentions[24]—it was regarded as a political victory of González. Suárez found himself politically isolated—his party being the only one voting against the motion—and the resulting debate, broadcast live on radio and later on television with high audience shares, gave González a pretext to expose the Socialist government program and to present the PSOE as a viable alternative to the UCD.[25][26]

Growing division within UCD, with internal dissension and criticism gradually undermining the position of Suárez, also often resulted in the Prime Minister clashing with members of his own party. This was the result of the complex amalgamation of forces of very varying ideologies—social democrats, conservatives, liberals and christian democrats—into a party that was artificially created around the figure of Adolfo Suárez for the sole purpose of ruling. When UCD's popularity in opinion polls began to fall, internal tension began to flourish. The start of the UCD crisis would be a foreshadowing of what was to come in the later states of the I Legislature.[15]

The autonomic process

The adoption of the first

Statute
approved in 1981) – while the rest would accede to autonomy via article 143, assuming fewer powers through a slower and longer process and maybe not even establishing institutions of self-government.

Spanish Constitutional Court in August 1983.[30][31]

However, the UCD image in Andalusia would remain seriously damaged from this point afterwards as a result of the party's opposition to the application of article 151. The UCD was also accused during the referendum campaign of obstructing the ratification process of the Statute and of failing to offer the needed democratic guarantees for the referendum's celebration. This, coupled with the ongoing national crisis affecting the party, would result in the UCD being nearly wiped out in the first Andalusian regional election of May 1982, in which the party would fall below 15% to a discreet third place.[29] The PSOE, on the other hand, became very popular, seen as the party defending the Andalusian people's interests, and would become the dominant force in the region from that point onwards.

Suárez's resignation and 23-F

These factors combined with an increasing political isolation and alleged pressures from military sectors led to Adolfo Suárez announcing his resignation as Prime Minister and party leader on 29 January 1981. In his resignation speech Suárez did not elaborate on the reasons motivating his departure; only that he thought that his resignation was "more beneficial to Spain than his stay in the Presidency" and that he "did not want the democratic system to be a parenthesis in the history of the country".

King Juan Carlos I to dismiss Suárez as a result of growing discontent with him from former ruling far-right sectors, the military and Suárez's party itself, though this was not confirmed.[33][34]

Upon Suárez's resignation, events rushed. On 1 February, the Almendros Collective published a pro-coup article in the El Alcázar far-right newspaper; from 2 to 4 February, the monarchs visits the Basque Country, where Herri Batasuna MPs receive them with strong booing and several incidents, and on the same week, several people were found kidnapped or murdered by ETA. Amidst this tense climate, UCD's 2nd party congress is held from 6 to 9 February, where the party was internally divided.[35][36] Agustín Rodríguez Sahagún was elected as new party President, and on 10 February Calvo-Sotelo was confirmed as PM candidate for the investiture vote to be held on 20 February. Calvo-Sotelo, however, was unable to command the required absolute majority of votes in the first round; as a result, a second round was postponed to 23 February.

It was in that day, during Calvo-Sotelo's investiture, that the different coup plots that had been plotting since the beginning of the Transition met in a coordinated action in what was known as the

Lieutenant General Jaime Milans del Bosch ordered tanks onto the streets of Valencia and decreed a state of emergency
.

The attempt eventually failed, however, as it did not count with the military's support. Key was King Juan Carlos I's role, broadcasting a message to Spaniards reassuring them of his personal opposition to the coup and his commitment with democracy and ordering the military rebels to stand down and surrender to constitutional order. Afterwards, Calvo-Sotelo was elected new Prime Minister with 186 votes, gaining the temporary support of CiU, the PAR and the entirety of AP as a result of the coup.[15][24]

1981–82: Calvo-Sotelo's tenure

Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo's one-year term in office was marked by several events which further undermined UCD's electoral base. The colza oil scandal of 1981, in which the illegal marketing of denatured rapeseed oil (intended for industrial use) for food purposes resulted in the mass poisoning of 20,000 people and the death of over 600.[37] The legalization of divorce in mid-1981 met with criticism from the Catholic Church and the most conservative sectors within the UCD, which even demanded the resignation of Justice Minister Francisco Fernández Ordóñez, promoter of the law.[38][39] The schism within UCD kept growing even after Suárez's departure from its leadership and desertions began to intensify. By early 1982, the UCD's parliamentary group was reduced to 164 in the Congress from 168 in the 1979 election (and with many within the group not following the party-line) and 108 in the Senate (out of the 121 it was entitled to), after Fernández Ordóñez split with his Democratic Action Party (PAD).[40] By this point, defections and splits had begun to take a toll on the government's ability to win parliamentary votes, resulting in events such as the UCD defeat in the 1982 budget voting.[41] Sotelo would assume full leadership over the UCD on 21 November 1981, succeeding Rodríguez Sahagún as party president.[42]

Also during Calvo-Sotelo's tenure, Spain negotiated and accomplished its integration within NATO in May 1982.[43] This move was met with the staunch opposition of the parliamentary left, headed by Felipe González' PSOE, which promised to hold a referendum on the issue if it ever came to government.[44] But it also caused a rift between Calvo-Sotelo and former PM Adolfo Suárez, still a UCD MP, on the grounds that the incumbent Cabinet had not been duly informed of the possible consequences of an eventual Spanish entry into NATO, as well as the haste and rush with which the integration process was being carried out.[15][45]

On 20 October 1981, the

third party status.[49]

Snap election

The Andalusian election debacle paved the way for the party's final decomposition in the run up to the next general election. Calvo-Sotelo announced in July 1982 his intention not to run as his party's main candidate for the premiership and resigned from the UCD presidency, but remained as Prime Minister.[50][51] Replacing him as party candidate and leader was Landelino Lavilla, elected with a strong internal opposition (with the support of only 67% despite being the only party candidate).[52] Concurrently, the UCD's continuous splits in the Congress (with its parliamentary group reduced to 150 out of 350) had, by the summer of 1982, deprived the party of a workable majority to govern until the end of the legislature in 1983,[40] causing Calvo-Sotelo to announce the Cortes' dissolution and the call of a snap election for 28 October before the Parliament's reopening in September.[53][54] Bill proposals such as the Statutes of Autonomy of Madrid, the Balearic Islands, Castile and León and Extremadura or the 1983 budget, scheduled to be approved throughout the autumn, had to be delayed until after the election as a result.[55][56]

Adolfo Suárez, himself the UCD's founder, staged one of the most remarkable splits by founding the centrist Democratic and Social Centre (CDS) and announcing his intention to run on its own in the next general election.[57] Also splitting from UCD was the new christian democrat People's Democratic Party (PDP) of Óscar Alzaga, which would run in coalition with AP.[58] Had the Cortes reopened in September after the holidays as it was initially scheduled, the UCD parliamentary group in the Congress would have been down to 124, even less than a hypothetical sum of the PSOE and PAD parties (128 seats).[40]

Parties and candidates

The electoral law allowed for

groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form a coalition ahead of an election were required to inform the relevant Electoral Commission within fifteen days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors needed to secure the signature of at least one permille—and, in any case, 500 signatures—of the electorate in the constituencies for which they sought election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates.[9]

Below is a list of the main parties and coalitions which contested the election:

Candidacy Parties and
alliances 		Leading candidate Ideology Previous result Gov. Ref.
Votes (%) Con. Sen.
UCD
List
 Landelino Lavilla Centrism 33.91%[c] 163 116 checkY
PSOE
List
 Felipe González Social democracy 30.40% 121 68[d] ☒N
PCE
List
 Santiago Carrillo Eurocommunism 10.77% 23 1[e] ☒N
AP–PDP
List
 Manuel Fraga Conservatism
Christian democracy 		7.39%[b] 16 5 ☒N
CiU
List
 Miquel Roca Catalan nationalism
Centrism 		2.69% 8 —[f] ☒N
EAJ/PNV
List
 Íñigo Aguirre Basque nationalism
Christian democracy
Conservative liberalism 		1.65% 7 8 ☒N
PSA–PA
List
 Diego de los Santos Andalusian nationalism
Social democracy 		1.81% 5 0 ☒N
HB
List
 Iñaki Esnaola
Basque independence
Abertzale left
Revolutionary socialism
 0.96% 3 1 ☒N
FN
List
 Blas Piñar
Francoism
 2.11% 1 0 ☒N
ERC
List
 Francesc Vicens Catalan nationalism
Left-wing nationalism
Social democracy 		0.69% 1 —[f] ☒N
EE
List
 Juan María Bandrés Basque nationalism
Socialism 		0.48% 1 0 ☒N
UPC
List
 Fernando Sagaseta Canarian nationalism
Socialism 		0.33% 1 0 ☒N
CiU–ERC
List
 Enric Jardí Catalan nationalism Senate 3[f] ☒N
CDS
List
 Adolfo Suárez Centrism
Liberalism 		New ☒N

Campaign

Pre-election

One of the most discussed issues in the road to the 1982 general election was the parties' policy of electoral alliances. Fernández Ordóñez' PAD had already reached an agreement by the spring of 1982 to run under the PSOE banner,[59][60] while talks for an eventual AP–PDP coalition were underway already before the Cortes' dissolution, being confirmed in early September.[61][62] Initially confirmed was also the nationwide coalition between the UCD and the Liberal Democratic Party (PDL) of Antonio Garrigues Walker under the UCD banner;[63] the PDL having been founded in July amidst the internal crisis of UCD.[64] However, the UCD–PDL alliance broke apart because of "technical differences" in the making up of electoral lists, with the PDL opting for not contesting the election.[65] Some sectors within UCD had also tried to ally itself with Suárez's CDS with little success as a result of the latter's refusal,[66] with the UCD's general reluctance against any electoral coalition in which it was not dominant causing new internal clashes within the party, as the belief of it heading towards election defeat increased.[67]

There were also voices within the party calling for a nationwide coalition with Manuel Fraga's AP, which was rejected by the party's leadership,[68][69][70] although a coalition at the regional level between both parties for the Basque Country was confirmed on the basis of "exceptional circumstances" existing in the territory.[71][72] People from the business and banking world, concerned about a hypothetical victory of the PSOE with an absolute majority, also voiced their support for an UCD–AP coalition, criticizing the centrists' rejection of such an agreement,[73][74] while Manuel Fraga was confident in that "the natural majority [a hypothetical union of the Spanish centre-right electorate] will be realized, either from above or from below".[75] However, Lavilla wanted to distance himself and his party from the right and appeal to the centre of the political spectrum, viewing AP as too right-wing for that purpose.[76]

During the first days of October, preparations for

a coup d'etat attempt scheduled for 27 October (on Election Day's eve) were unveiled and foiled. The plan was to stage a number of violent actions against different personalities, to culminate later with a great explosion in a block of military houses in Madrid.[77] This would be blamed on ETA and the inefficiency in the fight against terrorism as a means to justify a military takeover. The importance of the coup attempt was downplayed by the media in order to avoid raising social unrest, and it hardly affected the election campaign starting on 7 October. PSOE Vice Secretary-General Alfonso Guerra, however, would state that the incorporation of the Army to democracy was to be one of the goals of a future PSOE government.[78]

Party slogans

Party or alliance Original slogan English translation Ref.
UCD « Landelino Lavilla responde »
« Responde. Vota UCD. El Centro » 		"Landelino Lavilla responds"
"Respond. Vote UCD. The Centre" 		[79]
PSOE « Por el cambio » "For change" [79][80]
PCE « Para que nada se pare » "So that nothing stops" [79]
AP–PDP
 « Es hora de soluciones »
« Todos ganaremos con Fraga »
« Es la hora de Fraga » 		"It's time for solutions"
"We shall all win with Fraga"
"It's Fraga's time" 		[79][81]
CiU « Catalunya, decisiva en Madrid » "Catalonia, decisive in Madrid" [79][82][83][84]
CDS « Como debe ser »
« Asegurar el progreso » 		"As it must be"
"Ensuring progress" 		[79]

Development

PSOE
The slogan used by PSOE during the campaign, which was used in conjunction with posters of Felipe González staring at a blue sky; both the slogan and the posters became symbols of the González era and of Spanish political communication.

The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party centered its campaign on the perceived need for a political change in the Spanish government. Unlike the 1977 and 1979 campaigns, the PSOE resorted to a

catch-all party strategy, presenting itself as the "only effective alternative to UCD". It used a single, simple and catchy slogan ("For change"), meant to simplify the party's message as well as to transmit confidence in the new government. Raised fists and singing of The Internationale also disappeared from PSOE's rallies. Instead, seeking to move away from its traditional left-wing stance and to appeal to a broader electorate through a more centrist platform, the party usually ended its rallies with a jingle ("We must change") centering on the message of "change".[79][85] The PSOE also relied in a strong personalization around the figure of Felipe González, appealing to ethics and messages of hope as drivers of the political change, but also to show an image of party unity in contrast to the UCD's internal infighting of the previous years. The party's final campaign rally on 26 October, held in the University City of Madrid, was estimated to have gathered roughly half a million people.[86]

Among the PSOE election pledges were the creation of 800,000 employments, the nationalization of banks in a critical economic situation and the decrease of

unemployment insurances and to reduce social inequality through the social security. Regarding NATO, the PSOE was also a staunch advocate of Spain's exit from the organization, though eventually it would defend a 'Yes' vote in the 1986 referendum on NATO membership.[89][90]

Leading all opinion polls and fresh from its success in the

absolute majority
so that it had to govern through coalitions or agreements, rather than in winning the election themselves.

UCD
UCD logo during the election.

The Union of the Democratic Centre tried to campaign focusing on the values of the centre against the alleged radicalism of the PSOE and AP, the two of them had begun to polarize the political scene by 1982.[91]

Nonetheless, the UCD campaign was plagued by organizational problems. No proper campaign chief was named, the messages were varied and confusing and the economic waste, despite being the best-funded campaign, was deemed unaffordable given the electoral prospects. No attempt for simplification of the party's message was made; their proposals consisting of dense and long texts to the simpler and more effective slogans of the other parties. Incumbent Prime Minister

opinion article published during the campaign on the Cambio 16
magazine it was noted how Lavilla's speeches were unable to incite any euphoria or to make clear any ideas.

Overall, the party campaign was criticised as having been carried out with reluctance and lack of conviction.[79]

AP–PDP
AP logo during the election.

The People's Alliance and the People's Democratic Party ran in a common ticket for this election, in what would be a foreshadowing of the future

constitutional reform.[79]

Among AP's election pledges were a tax reduction consisting in the suppression of the wealth tax, exemption from the income tax (IRPF) for incomes lower than 750,000 yearly pesetas, deduction of any economic amount intended for productive investments and the setting of an upper limit to individual tax burden. It also proposed the political immunity of Administration officials against successive government changes and a partial privatization of the social security system so that only the most basic levels of attendance would be maintained generally, with other benefits depending on what users paid (but providing extensions for the person attending home in each family and to young people unable to find employment after completing their studies). Finally, it advocated for completing the integration of Spain into NATO, ensuring full employment and to guide the cultural policy under christian humanism.[92]

After its success in the 1981 Galician and 1982 Andalusian regional elections, all opinion polls pointed to AP becoming the main Spanish opposition party, but at a great distance from the PSOE.

Opinion polls

Main article: Opinion polling for the 1982 Spanish general election

Results

Congress of Deputies

For results by autonomous community/constituency, see Results breakdown of the 1982 Spanish general election (Congress).
← Summary of the 28 October 1982 Congress of Deputies election results →
Parties and alliances Popular vote Seats
Votes % ±pp Total +/−
Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) 10,127,392 48.11 +17.71 202 +81
People's Alliance–People's Democratic Party (AP–PDP
)1 		5,548,107 26.36 +18.97 107 +91
Union of the Democratic Centre (UCD)2 1,425,093 6.77 –27.14 11 –152
Communist Party of Spain (PCE) 865,272 4.11 –6.66 4 –19
Communist Party of Spain (PCE) 846,515 4.02 –6.75 4 –19
Canarian Assembly–Canarian Coordinator (AC–CC) 18,757 0.09 New 0 ±0
Convergence and Union (CiU) 772,726 3.67 +0.98 12 +4
Democratic and Social Centre (CDS) 604,309 2.87 New 2 +2
Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ/PNV) 395,656 1.88 +0.23 8 +1
Popular Unity (HB) 210,601 1.00 +0.04 2 –1
Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) 138,118 0.66 –0.03 1 ±0
New Force (FN)3 108,746 0.52 –1.59 0 –1
Workers' Socialist Party (PST) 103,133 0.49 New 0 ±0
Basque Country Left–Left for Socialism (EE) 100,326 0.48 ±0.00 1 ±0
Socialist Party of Andalusia–Andalusian Party (PSA–PA) 84,474 0.40 –1.41 0 –5
Party of the Communists of Catalonia (PCC) 47,249 0.22 New 0 ±0
Galician Nationalist Bloc–Galician Socialist Party (B–PSG)4 38,437 0.18 –0.47 0 ±0
Canarian People's Union (UPC) 35,013 0.17 –0.16 0 –1
Left Nationalists (NE) 30,643 0.15 New 0 ±0
Spanish Solidarity (SE) 28,451 0.14 New 0 ±0
United Extremadura (EU) 26,148 0.12 New 0 ±0
Spanish Communist Workers' Party (PCOE) 25,830 0.12 New 0 ±0
Canarian Convergence (CC) 25,792 0.12 New 0 ±0
Communist Unification of Spain (UCE) 24,044 0.11 –0.16 0 ±0
Communist Party of Spain (Marxist–Leninist) (PCE (m–l)) 23,186 0.11 New 0 ±0
Galician Left (EG) 22,192 0.11 New 0 ±0
Valencian People's Union (UPV)5 18,516 0.09 +0.01 0 ±0
Communist Unity Candidacy (CUC)6 15,632 0.07 –0.20 0 ±0
United Left of the Valencian Country (EUPV) 9,302 0.04 New 0 ±0
Falangist Movement of Spain (MFE) 8,976 0.04 +0.04 0 ±0
Agrarian Bloc Electoral Group (AEBA) 8,748 0.04 New 0 ±0
Socialist Party of Majorca–Nationalists of the Islands (PSM) 8,633 0.04 –0.02 0 ±0
Socialist Party of Aragon (PSAr)7 6,861 0.03 –0.08 0 ±0
Valencian Nationalist Left (ENV–URV)8 6,738 0.03 –0.06 0 ±0
Communist Left (LCR–MC)9 6,415 0.03 –0.64 0 ±0
Socialist Party (PS)10 6,375 0.03 –0.71 0 ±0
Independent Galician Electoral Group (AEGI) 5,512 0.03 New 0 ±0
Communist League–Internationalist Socialist Workers' Coalition (LC (COSI)) 5,462 0.03 +0.01 0 ±0
Communist Left Front (FIC) 3,772 0.02 New 0 ±0
Canarian Nationalist Party (PNC) 3,257 0.02 New 0 ±0
Regionalist Party of the Leonese Country (PREPAL) 3,234 0.02 New 0 ±0
Conservatives of Catalonia (CiC) 2,596 0.01 New 0 ±0
Spanish Phalanx of the CNSO (FE–JONS) 2,528 0.01 New 0 ±0
Liberal Democratic Asturian Party (PADL) 2,493 0.01 New 0 ±0
Galician Independents and Migrants (IDG) 2,236 0.01 New 0 ±0
Spanish Ruralist Party (PRE) 1,984 0.01 –0.05 0 ±0
Independent Spanish Phalanx (FEI) 1,862 0.01 New 0 ±0
Nationalist Party of Ceuta (PNCe) 1,785 0.01 New 0 ±0
Independent Citizen Group (ACI) 1,710 0.01 New 0 ±0
Spanish Catholic Movement (MCE) 1,694 0.01 New 0 ±0
Party of El Bierzo (PB) 1,454 0.01 New 0 ±0
Canarian Social Democratic Association (ASDC) 1,131 0.01 New 0 ±0
Republican Left (IR) 610 0.00 –0.31 0 ±0
Asturian Falange (FA) 532 0.00 New 0 ±0
Carlist Party (PC) 224 0.00 –0.28 0 ±0
Spanish Agrarian Party (PAE) 222 0.00 New 0 ±0
Proverist Party (PPr) 168 0.00 –0.03 0 ±0
Riojan Left Coordinator (CIR) 0 0.00 New 0 ±0
United Canarian People (PCU) 0 0.00 New 0 ±0
Majorcan Left (EM) 0 0.00 New 0 ±0
Asturian Left Bloc (BIA) 0 0.00 New 0 ±0
Blank ballots 98,438 0.47 +0.15
Total 21,050,038 350 ±0
Valid votes 21,050,038 98.05 –0.48
Invalid votes 419,236 1.95 +0.48
Votes cast / turnout 21,469,274 79.97 +11.93
Abstentions 5,377,666 20.03 –11.93
Registered voters 26,846,940
Sources[93][94]
Footnotes:
results are compared to Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (historical) totals in the 1979 election.
Popular vote
PSOE
 
 48.11%
AP–PDP
 
 26.36%
UCD
 
 6.77%
PCE
 
 4.11%
CiU
 
 3.67%
CDS
 
 2.87%
EAJ/PNV
 
 1.88%
HB
 
 1.00%
ERC
 
 0.66%
EE
 
 0.48%
Others
 
 3.63%
Blank ballots
 
 0.47%
Seats
PSOE
 
 57.71%
AP–PDP
 
 30.57%
CiU
 
 3.43%
UCD
 
 3.14%
EAJ/PNV
 
 2.29%
PCE
 
 1.14%
CDS
 
 0.57%
HB
 
 0.57%
ERC
 
 0.29%
EE
 
 0.29%

Senate

← Summary of the 28 October 1982 Senate of Spain election results →
Parties and alliances Popular vote Seats
Votes % ±pp Total +/−
Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE)1 27,954,856 47.60 +22.19 134 +66
People's Alliance–People's Democratic Party (AP–PDP
)2 		15,084,392 25.68 +17.89 54 +49
Union of the Democratic Centre (UCD)3 4,017,007 6.84 –24.77 4 –113
Communist Party of Spain (PCE) 2,687,352 4.58 –7.85 0 –1
Communist Party of Spain (PCE)4 2,657,576 4.52 –7.91 0 –1
Canarian Assembly–Canarian Coordinator (AC–CC) 29,776 0.05 New 0 ±0
Catalonia in the Senate (CiU–ERC)5 2,503,525 4.26 +1.50 7 +4
Democratic and Social Centre (CDS) 1,748,765 2.98 New 0 ±0
Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ/PNV) 1,171,730 2.00 +0.32 7 –1
Popular Unity (HB) 619,873 1.06 +0.13 0 –1
New Force (FN)6 344,645 0.59 –1.58 0 ±0
Basque Country Left–Left for Socialism (EE) 293,173 0.50 +0.08 0 ±0
Socialist Party of Andalusia–Andalusian Party (PSA–PA) 292,496 0.50 –1.54 0 ±0
Workers' Socialist Party (PST) 277,291 0.47 New 0 ±0
Party of the Communists of Catalonia (PCC) 187,958 0.32 New 0 ±0
Socialist Party (PS)7 125,516 0.21 –0.15 0 ±0
Galician Nationalist Bloc–Galician Socialist Party (B–PSG)8 119,929 0.20 –0.54 0 ±0
United Extremadura (EU) 111,843 0.19 New 0 ±0
Spanish Solidarity (SE) 102,019 0.17 New 0 ±0
Spanish Vertex Ecological Development Revindication (VERDE) 92,452 0.16 New 0 ±0
Natural Culture (CN) 90,992 0.15 New 0 ±0
Left Nationalists (NE) 82,198 0.14 New 0 ±0
Galician Left (EG) 73,300 0.12 New 0 ±0
Canarian People's Union (UPC) 61,240 0.10 –0.13 0 ±0
Canarian Convergence (CC) 45,890 0.08 New 0 ±0
Valencian Nationalist Left (ENV–URV)9 41,778 0.07 –0.16 0 ±0
Communist Left (LCR–MC)10 38,441 0.07 –0.66 0 ±0
Falangist Movement of Spain (MFE) 34,856 0.06 –0.20 0 ±0
Agrarian Bloc Electoral Group (AEBA) 29,147 0.05 New 0 ±0
Socialist Party of Majorca–Nationalists of the Islands (PSM) 22,272 0.04 ±0.00 0 ±0
Independent (INDEP) 22,227 0.04 ±0.00 0 –1
Independent Spanish Phalanx (FEI) 21,840 0.04 New 0 ±0
Regionalist Party of the Leonese Country (PREPAL) 17,191 0.03 New 0 ±0
Group of Independent Electors (ADEI) 17,009 0.03 –0.10 1 –2
Communist Unity Candidacy (CUC)11 16,940 0.03 –0.01 0 ±0
Independent Galician Electoral Group (AEGI) 16,149 0.03 New 0 ±0
Communist Party of Spain (Marxist–Leninist) (PCE (m–l)) 15,770 0.03 New 0 ±0
Democratic Party of the People (PDEP) 14,939 0.03 New 0 ±0
Spanish Phalanx of the CNSO (FE–JONS) 14,654 0.02 New 0 ±0
Independent National Party (PNI) 14,161 0.02 New 0 ±0
Communist Unification of Spain (UCE) 11,611 0.02 –0.06 0 ±0
Spanish Ruralist Party (PRE) 10,659 0.02 –0.06 0 ±0
Galician Independents and Migrants (IDG) 10,571 0.02 New 0 ±0
United Left of the Valencian Country (EUPV) 9,809 0.02 New 0 ±0
Republican Left (IR) 9,623 0.02 –0.39 0 ±0
Rainbow Electoral Group (Arcoiris) 7,910 0.01 New 0 ±0
Liberated Galiza (GC) 7,792 0.01 New 0 ±0
Communist Left Front (FIC) 7,626 0.01 New 0 ±0
Party of El Bierzo (PB) 7,409 0.01 New 0 ±0
Independent (INDEP) 7,356 0.01 New 0 ±0
Canarian Nationalist Party (PNC) 7,180 0.01 ±0.00 0 ±0
Majorera Assembly (AM) 6,325 0.01 ±0.00 1 +1
Socialist Party of Aragon (PSAr)12 5,993 0.01 –0.09 0 ±0
Valencian People's Union (UPV) 5,431 0.01 New 0 ±0
Nationalist Party of Ceuta (PNCe) 4,644 0.01 New 0 ±0
Electors' Group (AE) 4,575 0.01 New 0 ±0
Menorcan Independent Candidacy (CIM) 4,259 0.01 New 0 ±0
Independent (INDEP) 3,788 0.01 New 0 ±0
Proverist Party (PPr) 1,016 0.00 ±0.00 0 ±0
Asturian Falange (FA) 643 0.00 New 0 ±0
Spanish Agrarian Party (PAE) 578 0.00 New 0 ±0
Regionalist Party of Castile and León (PRCL) 496 0.00 New 0 ±0
Canarian Social Democratic Association (ASDC) 16 0.00 New 0 ±0
United Canarian People (PCU) 0 0.00 New 0 ±0
Majorcan Left (EM) 0 0.00 New 0 ±0
Independent Progressive (PI) 0 0.00 New 0 ±0
Menorcan Progressive Candidacy (
PSOE–PCIB–PTI
)
n/a
 n/a –0.02 0 –1
Blank ballots[g] 171,830 1.78 +0.30
Total 58,732,956 208 ±0
Valid votes
Invalid votes
Votes cast / turnout
Abstentions
Registered voters 26,846,940
Sources[93][94][95][96]
Footnotes:
results are compared to Coalition for Aragon totals in the 1979 election.
Popular vote
PSOE
 
 47.60%
AP–PDP
 
 25.68%
UCD
 
 6.84%
PCE
 
 4.58%
CiU–ERC
 
 4.26%
CDS
 
 2.98%
EAJ/PNV
 
 2.00%
HB
 
 1.06%
ADEI
 
 0.03%
AM
 
 0.01%
Others
 
 4.68%
Blank ballots
 
 1.78%
Seats
PSOE
 
 64.42%
AP–PDP
 
 25.96%
CiU–ERC
 
 3.37%
EAJ/PNV
 
 3.37%
UCD
 
 1.92%
ADEI
 
 0.48%
AM
 
 0.48%

Outcome

With a record high turnout of 79.97%, the Spanish political landscape underwent an electoral earthquake. The ruling UCD was devastated; it lost 157 seats and fell to 11, a 93.5% loss from 1979. In terms of votes, it went from 6.3 million down to 1.4 million, a loss of 4.9 million votes or 77.8% of its 1979 vote, and plunged to 6.8% of the share to the 34.8% it had won in 1979—a loss of 80.5% of its share. Of its 11 seats, 5 were obtained in Galicia, 3 in Castile and León, 2 in the Canary Islands and only 1 in Madrid, winning no seats in all other regions. Incumbent Prime Minister Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo, which stood in second place in the Madrid list, lost his seat—the only time in recent Spanish history that a sitting Prime Minister seeking re-election as MP was unseated. It was the worst defeat, both in absolute terms and in terms of percentage of seats lost, for a ruling party at the national level in Spain, and one of the worst defeats ever suffered by a governing party in any country at the time, rivaling only with the collapse of Christian Democracy at the 1994 Italian election or the Progressive Conservatives' downfall at the 1993 Canadian election.

The

La Rioja and the Balearic Islands, and obtained an astounding 60% in Spain's most populous region, Andalusia—a feat never to happen again. In Catalonia it obtained a 23-point lead over the second most-voted party, a result that would only be surpassed by the PSOE's own result in the 2008 election. Andalusia and Catalonia would become from that point onwards as the main strongholds of PSOE support, which was to remain the dominant political force in both regions in each general election until 2011. Overall, the PSOE won 202 seats—its best historical performance and the best performance of any party in a Spanish general election. This gave them an overwhelming majority in the Congress, nearly doubling the seat-count of its immediate competitor. The PSOE was also the only party to win seats in every district, the first of only three times since the Spanish transition to democracy
that this has happened—the other two being PP results in the 2000 and 2011 elections.

The

FPTP system. The AP-UCD-PDP coalition in the Basque Country won 2 seats, 1 each for Álava and Biscay, being left out from Gipuzkoa. It would also be the only one of three times that AP and its successor, the PP, would win a seat in the district of Girona
.

The PCE suffered from PSOE's growth, falling from 23 seats to 4—a loss of 82.6%—and losing 1.1 million votes to 850,000 —a loss of 60%. Furthermore, it fell to 4.02% of the share, from 10.8% in 1979. As a result of not reaching the required 5% threshold and 5 seats to obtain a parliamentary group in Congress of its own, the PCE was forced into the Mixed Group, with the fear of becoming an extraparliamentary party at the next election remaining for the entire legislature. On the other hand, nationalist parties such as PNV and CiU benefitted from the UCD's collapse and enlarged its political representation. CiU gained 4 seats for a total of 12, placing among the top two in Catalonia, a first in a general election since 1977.

Aftermath

Further information: First government of Felipe González
Investiture
Felipe González (PSOE)
Ballot → 1 December 1982
Required majority → 176 out of 350 checkY
Yes
207 / 350
No
  • •
    AP–PDP
    (104)
  • • UCD (12)
116 / 350
Abstentions
21 / 350
Absentees
  • •
    AP–PDP
    (2)
  • • HB (2)
  • • PSOE (1)
5 / 350
Sources[97]

Congress Speaker Gregorio Peces-Barba (PSOE), in an uncommon gesture, did not cast a ballot and maintained strict neutrality, as his party's lopsized majority all but guaranteed González's election. The 202-strong PSOE absolute majority would come to be known as the "roller" (rodillo in Spanish), in reference to the party's overwhelming parliamentary power. Any bill submitted by González' government was assured to be approved by Congress, with the parliamentary process of law-making and approval turning into a mere formality.[98]

Legacy

The October 1982 general election led to a major reconfiguration of the Spanish political scene. While institutionally, the

27-O
coup attempt were foiled. The election's aftermath ensured a lasting political stability that would favour the implementation of reforms that would definitively settle democracy in Spain. Furthermore, the exceptionally high turnout (80%) was seen as a strong endorsement by the Spanish people on the democratic system, and the political earthquake resulting from the election was deemed as the Spaniards' desire to break up with the past and to look into the future, rallying behind the PSOE and the "for change" premises it had campaigned for.

The UCD, the political party which had led the country into the transition from

third party with no ability to influence the government. As a result, the UCD, which had been in office since its inception in 1977 until December 1982, effectively ceased to exist as in February 1983, when its leadership decided to dissolve the party as it was unable to cope with the mounting debts.[100]
Its collapse was seen with time as the result of the voters' perception of it not acting with consistency, clarity and effectiveness, and because of the internal party division and infighting that plagued the UCD's final time in power.

The PSOE won the election in a landslide with a large

absolute majority of seats and roughly half (48.1%) of the vote share. With 202 out of the 350 seats at stake in the Congress and 134 out of the 208 electable seats in the Senate, it won roughly 60% of the seats in each chamber, a record result not surpassed ever since by any political party. Its 10,127,392-vote result, comprising 38% of the voting-able electorate at the time, was not reached by any party until the 2000 general election held 18 years later, when the PP obtained 10,321,178 (however, as the voting-able electorate was much larger in 2000, that result was not as lopsized in percentage terms as it was in 1982). For the next decade, the Socialists would dominate Spanish politics with no other party having a realistic chance of forming government, leading some commentators to suggest that Spain had moved to a dominant-party system. Eventually, the PSOE would not be seriously challenged until 1993, when they were reduced to a minority government, remaining in power for another 3 years until 1996
. To date, Felipe González' 1982–1996 stay in power (four terms comprising 14 years) remains the longest period of continuous government by a democratically elected PM, with governments ever since usually having shorter durations of 8 years (two terms).

The People's Alliance became the major opposition party as a result of this election, having been a minor party in the 1977–1982 period. It replaced the UCD as the main non-socialist party in Spain, and has maintained this position for most of the last four decades. However, despite its position as the main alternative to the PSOE, its perceived right-wing stance, subsequent internal crises and leadership changes, as well as the PSOE's enduring popularity until the early 1990s, ensured the party would remain electorally stagnant throughout the decade. AP would also face the direct competition of Suárez's CDS in the 1986–1989 period, which for some time was even expected to surpass AP as the PSOE's main rival. The party's position would not improve until its relaunch as the People's Party in 1989 and the leadership of José María Aznar, which would eventually led to the establishment in 1993 of a two-party system in Spain, and in the PP's rise to power in 1996.

Notes

  1. ^ Given that HB deputies did not usually take their seats, the number of deputies needed for a majority was in practice slightly lower. HB won 2 seats, meaning a practical majority required at least 175 seats.
  2. ^
    PAR (0.21%, 1 deputy and 0 senators) and UCD
    in the Basque Country (0.94%, 5 deputies and 2 senators) in the 1979 election.
  3. ^ a b Results for UCD in the 1979 election, not including the Basque Country.
  4. ^ Including results for PSC–PSOE, which contested the 1979 Senate election within the Nova Entesa alliance.
  5. ^ Including PSUC–PTC results in the 1979 Senate election.
  6. ^ a b c ERC (2 senators), CDC (1 senator) and UDC (0 senators) joined the CatSen alliance ahead of the 1982 Senate election.
  7. ^ The percentage of blank ballots is calculated over the official number of valid votes cast, irrespective of the total number of votes shown as a result of adding up the individual results for each party.

References

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