Bourbon Restoration in France
Kingdom of France Royaume de France (French) | |||||||||
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1815–1830 | |||||||||
Motto: Louis XVIII | |||||||||
• 1824–1830 | Charles X | ||||||||
President of the Council of Ministers | |||||||||
• 1815 | Charles de Talleyrand-Périgord | ||||||||
• 1829–1830 | Jules de Polignac | ||||||||
Legislature | Chamber of Deputies | ||||||||
History | |||||||||
• Restoration | 1815 | ||||||||
• Charter of 1815 adopted | 1815 | ||||||||
6 April 1823 | |||||||||
26 July 1830 | |||||||||
Currency | French franc | ||||||||
ISO 3166 code | FR | ||||||||
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The Second Bourbon Restoration was the period of
Background
Following the French Revolution (1789–1799), Napoleon Bonaparte became ruler of France. After years of expansion of his French Empire by successive military victories, a coalition of European powers defeated him in the War of the Sixth Coalition, ended the First Empire in 1814, and restored the monarchy to the brothers of Louis XVI. The First Bourbon Restoration lasted from about 6 April 1814. In July 1815 the First French Empire was succeeded by the Kingdom of France. This Kingdom existed until the popular uprisings of the July Revolution of 1830.[citation needed]
At the peace Congress of Vienna, the Bourbons were treated politely by the victorious monarchies, but had to give up nearly all the territorial gains made by revolutionary and Napoleonic France since 1789.[citation needed]
Constitutional monarchy
Unlike the absolutist
Politically, the period was characterized by a sharp conservative reaction, and consequent minor but persistent civil unrest and disturbances.[5] Otherwise, the political establishment was relatively stable until the subsequent reign of Charles X.[3] It also saw the reestablishment of the Catholic Church as a major power in French politics.[6] Throughout the Bourbon Restoration, France experienced a period of stable economic prosperity and the preliminaries of industrialisation.[3]
Permanent changes in French society
The eras of the French Revolution and Napoleon brought a series of major changes to France which the Bourbon Restoration did not reverse.[7][8][9]
Administration: First, France was now highly centralised, with all important decisions made in Paris. The political geography was completely reorganised and made uniform, dividing the nation into more than 80 départements which have endured into the 21st century. Each department had an identical administrative structure, and was tightly controlled by a prefect appointed by Paris. The thicket of overlapping legal jurisdictions of the old regime had all been abolished, and there was now one standardised legal code, administered by judges appointed by Paris, and supported by police under national control.[citation needed]
The church: The Revolutionary governments had confiscated all the lands and buildings of the Catholic Church, selling them to innumerable middle-class buyers, and it was politically impossible to restore them. The bishop still ruled his diocese (which was aligned with the new department boundaries) and communicated with the pope through the government in Paris. Bishops, priests, nuns and other religious were paid state salaries.[citation needed]
All the old religious rites and ceremonies were retained, and the government maintained the religious buildings. The Church was allowed to operate its own seminaries and to some extent local schools as well, although this became a central political issue into the 20th century. Bishops were much less powerful than before, and had no political voice. However, the Catholic Church reinvented itself with a new emphasis on personal piety that gave it a hold on the psychology of the faithful.[10]
Education: Public education was centralised, with the Grand Master of the University of France controlling every element of the national educational system from Paris. New technical universities were opened in Paris which to this day have a critical role in training the elite.[11]
The aristocracy: Conservatism was bitterly split into the returning old aristocracy and the new elites arising under Napoleon after 1796. The old aristocracy was eager to regain its land, but felt no loyalty to the new regime. The newer elite, the "noblesse d'empire", ridiculed the older group as an outdated remnant of a discredited regime that had led the nation to disaster. Both groups shared a fear of social disorder, but the level of distrust as well as the cultural differences were too great, and the monarchy too inconsistent in its policies, for political cooperation to be possible.[12]
The returning old aristocracy recovered much of the land they had owned directly. However, they lost all their old seigneurial rights to the rest of the farmland, and the peasants were no longer under their control. The pre-Revolutionary aristocracy had dallied with the ideas of the Enlightenment and rationalism. Now the aristocracy was much more conservative and supportive of the Catholic Church. For the best jobs, meritocracy was the new policy, and aristocrats had to compete directly with the growing business and professional class.[citation needed]
Citizens' rights: Public anti-clerical sentiment became stronger than ever before, but was now based in certain elements of the middle class and even the peasantry. The great masses of French people were peasants in the countryside or impoverished workers in the cities. They gained new rights and a new sense of possibilities. Although relieved of many of the old burdens, controls, and taxes, the peasantry was still highly traditional in its social and economic behaviour. Many eagerly took on mortgages to buy as much land as possible for their children, so debt was an important factor in their calculations. The working class in the cities was a small element, and had been freed of many restrictions imposed by medieval guilds. However, France was very slow to industrialise, and much of the work remained drudgery without machinery or technology to help. France was still split into localities, especially in terms of language, but now there was an emerging French nationalism that focused national pride in the Army and foreign affairs.[13]
Political overview
In April 1814, the Armies of the Sixth Coalition restored Louis XVIII of France to the throne, the brother and heir of the executed Louis XVI. A constitution was drafted: the Charter of 1814. It presented all Frenchmen as equal before the law,[14] but retained substantial prerogatives for the king and nobility and limited voting to those paying at least 300 Francs a year in direct taxes.
The king was the supreme head of the state. He commanded the land and sea forces, declared war, made treaties of peace, alliance and commerce, appointed all public officials, and made the necessary regulations and ordinances for the execution of the laws and the security of the state.[15] Louis was relatively liberal, choosing many centrist cabinets.[16]
Louis XVIII died in September 1824 and was succeeded by his brother, who reigned as Charles X. The new king pursued a more conservative form of governance than Louis. His more reactionary laws included the Anti-Sacrilege Act (1825–1830). Exasperated by public resistance and disrespect, the king and his ministers attempted to manipulate the general election of 1830 through their July Ordinances. This sparked a revolution in the streets of Paris, Charles abdicated, and on 9 August 1830 the Chamber of Deputies affirmed Louis Phillipe d'Orleans as King of the French, ushering in the July Monarchy.
Louis XVIII, 1814–1824
First Restoration (1814)
Louis XVIII's restoration to the throne in 1814 was effected largely through the support of Napoleon's former foreign minister,
Louis, in accordance with the
After a first sentimental flush of popularity, Louis' gestures towards reversing the results of the French Revolution quickly lost him support among the disenfranchised majority. Symbolic acts such as the replacement of the tricolore flag with the white flag, the titling of Louis as the "XVIII" (as successor to Louis XVII, who never ruled) and as "King of France" rather than "King of the French", and the monarchy's recognition of the anniversaries of the deaths of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette were significant. A more tangible source of antagonism was the pressure applied to possessors of biens nationaux (the lands confiscated by the revolution) by the Catholic Church and the returning émigrés' attempts to repossess their former lands.[22] Other groups bearing ill-feeling towards Louis included the army, non-Catholics, and workers hit by a post-war slump and British imports.[1]
The Hundred Days
Napoleon's emissaries informed him of this brewing discontent,[1] and, on 20 March 1815, he returned to Paris from Elba. On his Route Napoléon, most troops sent to stop his march, including some that were nominally royalist, felt more inclined to join the former Emperor than to stop him.[23] Louis fled from Paris to Ghent on 19 March.[24][25]
After Napoleon was defeated in the Battle of Waterloo and sent again into exile, Louis returned. During his absence a small revolt in the traditionally pro-royalist Vendée was put down but there were otherwise few subversive acts favouring the Restoration, even though Napoleon's popularity began to flag.[26]
Second Restoration (1815)
Talleyrand was again influential in seeing that the Bourbons were restored to power, as was Joseph Fouché,[27][28] Napoleon's minister of police during the Hundred Days. This Second Restoration saw the beginning of the Second White Terror, largely in the south, when unofficial groups supporting the monarchy sought revenge against those who had aided Napoleon's return: about 200–300 were killed, while thousands fled. About 70,000 government officials were dismissed. The pro-Bourbon perpetrators were often known as the Verdets because of their green cockets, which was the colour of the comte d'Artois – this being the title of Charles X at the time, who was associated with the hardline ultra-royalists, or Ultras. After a period in which local authorities looked on helplessly at the violence, the King and his ministers sent out officials to restore order.[29]
A new
Louis's chief ministers were at first moderate,
Owing to tension between the King's government and the ultra-royalist Chamber of Deputies, the latter began to assert their rights. After they attempted to obstruct the 1816 budget, the government conceded that the chamber had the right to approve state expenditure. However, they were unable to gain a guarantee from the King that his cabinets would represent the majority in parliament.[37]
In September 1816, the chamber was dissolved by Louis for its reactionary measures, and electoral manipulation[
By 1820, the opposition liberals—who, with the ultras, made up half the chamber—proved unmanageable, and Decazes and the king were looking for ways to revise the electoral laws again, to ensure a more tractable conservative majority. In February 1820, the assassination by a Bonapartist of the Duc de Berry, the ultrareactionary son of Louis' ultrareactionary brother and heir-presumptive, the future Charles X, triggered Decazes' fall from power and the triumph of the Ultras.[44]
Richelieu returned to power for a short interval, from 1820 to 1821. The press was more strongly censored, detention without trial was reintroduced, and Doctrinaire leaders, such as
The ultras broadened their support, and put a stop to growing military dissent in 1823, when intervention in Spain, in favour of Spanish Bourbon King
Louis XVIII died on 16 September 1824 and was succeeded by his brother, the Comte d'Artois, who took the title of Charles X.[citation needed]
Charles X
1824–1830: Conservative turn
The accession to the throne of Charles X, the leader of the ultra-royalist faction, coincided with the ultras' control of power in the Chamber of Deputies; thus, the ministry of the
As the country underwent a Christian revival in the post-revolutionary years, the ultras worked to raise the status of the Roman Catholic Church once more. The Church and State Concordat of 11 June 1817 was set to replace the Concordat of 1801, but, despite being signed, it was never validated. The Villèle government, under pressure from the Chevaliers de la Foi including many deputies, voted in the Anti-Sacrilege Act in January 1825, which punished by death the theft of consecrated hosts. The law was unenforceable and only enacted for symbolic purposes, though the act's passing caused a considerable uproar, particularly among the Doctrinaires.[49] Much more controversial was the introduction of the Jesuits, who set up a network of colleges for elite youth outside the official university system. The Jesuits were noted for their loyalty to the Pope and gave much less support to Gallican traditions. Inside and outside the Church they had enemies, and the king ended their institutional role in 1828.[50]
New legislation paid an indemnity to royalists whose lands had been confiscated during the Revolution. Although this law had been engineered by Louis, Charles was influential in seeing that it was passed. A bill to finance this compensation, by converting government debt (the rente) from 5% to 3% bonds, which would save the state 30 million francs a year in interest payments, was also put before the chambers. Villèle's government argued that rentiers had seen their returns grow disproportionately to their original investment, and that the redistribution was just. The final law allocated state funds of 988 million francs for compensation (le milliard des émigrés), financed by government bonds at a value of 600 million francs at 3% interest. Around 18 million francs were paid per year.[51] Unexpected beneficiaries of the law were some one million owners of biens nationaux, the old confiscated lands, whose property rights were now confirmed by the new law, leading to a sharp rise in its value.[52]
On 29 May 1825 the
The Villèle cabinet faced increasing pressure in 1827 from the liberal press, including the
In April 1827, the King and Villèle were confronted by an unruly
By the time of the election, the moderate royalists (constitutionalists) were also beginning to turn against Charles, as was the business community, in part due to a financial crisis in 1825, which they blamed on the government's law of indemnification.[58][59] Hugo and a number of other writers, dissatisfied with the reality of life under Charles X, also began to criticize the regime.[60] In preparation for the 30 September registration cut-off for the election, opposition committees worked furiously to get as many voters as possible signed up, countering the actions of préfects, who began removing certain voters who had failed to provide up-to-date documents since the 1824 election. 18,000 voters were added to the 60,000 on the first list; despite préfect attempts to register those who met the franchise and were supporters of the government, this can mainly be attributed to opposition activity.[61] Organization was mainly divided behind Chateaubriand's Friends and the Aide-toi, which backed liberals, constitutionnels, and the contre-opposition (constitutional monarchists).[62]
The new chamber did not result in a clear majority for any side. Villèle's successor, the
At the opening of the session in March 1830, the King delivered a speech that contained veiled threats to the opposition; in response, 221 deputies (an absolute majority) condemned the government, and Charles subsequently
Charles's dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, his July Ordinances which set up rigid control of the press, and his restriction of suffrage resulted in the July Revolution of 1830. The major cause of the regime's downfall, however, was that, while it managed to keep the support of the aristocracy, the Catholic Church and even much of the peasantry, the ultras' cause was deeply unpopular outside of parliament and with those who did not hold the franchise,[67] especially the industrial workers and the bourgeoisie.[68] A major reason was a sharp rise in food prices, caused by a series of bad harvests 1827–1830. Workers living on the margin were very hard-pressed, and angry that the government paid little attention to their urgent needs.[69]
Charles abdicated in favor of his grandson, the Comte de Chambord, and left for England. However, the liberal, bourgeois-controlled Chamber of Deputies refused to confirm the Comte de Chambord as Henry V. In a vote largely boycotted by conservative deputies, the body declared the French throne vacant, and elevated Louis-Philippe, Duke of Orléans, to power.[citation needed]
1827–1830: Tensions
There is still considerable debate among historians as to the actual cause of the downfall of Charles X. What is generally conceded, though, is that between 1820 and 1830, a series of economic downturns combined with the rise of a liberal opposition within the Chamber of Deputies, ultimately felled the conservative Bourbons.[70]
Between 1827 and 1830, France faced an economic downturn, industrial and agricultural, that was possibly worse than the one that sparked the revolution. A series of progressively worsening grain harvests in the late 1820s pushed up the prices on various staple foods and cash crops.[71] In response, the rural peasantry throughout France lobbied for the relaxation of protective tariffs on grain to lower prices and ease their economic situation. However, Charles X, bowing to pressure from wealthier landowners, kept the tariffs in place. He did so based upon the Bourbon response to the "Year Without a Summer" in 1816, during which Louis XVIII relaxed tariffs during a series of famines, caused a downturn in prices, and incurred the ire of wealthy landowners, who were the traditional source of Bourbon legitimacy. Thus, between 1827 and 1830, peasants throughout France faced a period of relative economic hardship and rising prices.
At the same time, international pressures, combined with weakened purchasing power from the provinces, led to decreased economic activity in urban centers. This industrial downturn contributed to the rising poverty levels among Parisian artisans. Thus, by 1830, multiple demographics had suffered from the economic policies of Charles X.[citation needed]
While the French economy faltered, a series of elections brought a relatively powerful liberal bloc into the Chamber of Deputies. The 17-strong liberal bloc of 1824 grew to 180 in 1827, and 274 in 1830. This liberal majority grew increasingly dissatisfied with the policies of the centrist Martignac and the ultra-royalist Polignac, seeking to protect the limited protections of the Charter of 1814. They sought both the expansion of the franchise, and more liberal economic policies. They also demanded the right, as the majority bloc, to appoint the Prime Minister and the Cabinet.[citation needed]
Also, the growth of the liberal bloc within the Chamber of Deputies corresponded roughly with the rise of a liberal press within France. Generally centered around Paris, this press provided a counterpoint to the government's journalistic services, and to the newspapers of the right. It grew increasingly important in conveying political opinions and the political situation to the Parisian public, and can thus be seen as a crucial link between the rise of the liberals and the increasingly agitated and economically suffering French masses.[citation needed]
By 1830, the Restoration government of Charles X faced difficulties on all sides. The new liberal majority clearly had no intention of budging in the face of Polignac's aggressive policies. The rise of a liberal press within Paris which outsold the official government newspaper indicated a general shift in Parisian politics towards the left. And yet, Charles' base of power was certainly toward the right of the political spectrum, as were his own views. He simply could not yield to the growing demands from within the Chamber of Deputies. The situation would soon come to a head.[citation needed]
1830: The July Revolution
The Charter of 1814 had made France a constitutional monarchy. While the king retained extensive power over policy-making, as well as the sole power of the Executive, he was, nonetheless, reliant upon the Parliament to accept and pass his legal decrees.[72] The Charter also fixed the method of election of the Deputies, their rights within the Chamber of Deputies, and the rights of the majority bloc. Thus, in 1830, Charles X faced a significant problem. He could not overstep his constitutional bounds, and yet, he could not pursue his policies with a liberal majority within the Chamber of Deputies. He was ready for stark action and made his move after a final no-confidence vote by the liberal house majority, in March 1830. He set about to alter the Charter of 1814 by decree. These decrees, known as the "Four Ordinances", dissolved the Chamber of Deputies, suspended the liberty of the press, excluded the more liberal commercial middle-class from future elections, and called for new elections.[73]
Opinion was outraged. On 10 July 1830, before the king had even made his declarations, a group of wealthy, liberal journalists and newspaper proprietors, led by Adolphe Thiers, met in Paris to decide upon a strategy to counter Charles X. It was decided then, nearly three weeks before the Revolution, that in the event of Charles' expected proclamations, the journalistic establishment of Paris would publish vitriolic criticisms of the king's policies in an attempt to mobilise the masses. Thus, when Charles X made his declarations on 25 July 1830, the liberal journalism machine mobilised, publishing articles and complaints decrying the despotism of the king's actions.[74]
The urban mobs of Paris also mobilised, driven by patriotic fervour and economic hardship, assembling barricades and attacking the infrastructure of Charles X. Within days, the situation escalated beyond the ability of the monarchy to control it. As the Crown moved to shut down liberal periodicals, the radical Parisian masses defended those publications. They also launched attacks against pro-Bourbon presses, and paralysed the coercive apparatus of the monarchy. Seizing the opportunity, the liberals in Parliament began drafting resolutions, complaints, and censures against the king. The king finally abdicated on 30 July 1830. Twenty minutes later, his son, Louis Antoine, Duke of Angoulême, who had nominally succeeded as Louis XIX, also abdicated. The Crown nominally then fell upon the son of Louis Antoine's younger brother, Charles X's grandson, who was in line to become Henry V. However, the newly empowered Chamber of Deputies declared the throne vacant, and on 9 August, elevated Louis-Philippe, to the throne. Thus, the July Monarchy began.[75]
Louis-Philippe and the House of Orléans
Political parties under Restoration
Political parties saw substantial changes of alignment and membership under the Restoration. The Chamber of Deputies oscillated between repressive ultra-royalist phases and progressive liberal phases. The repression of the White Terror excluded opponents of the monarchy from the political scene, but individuals of influence who had different visions of the French constitutional monarchy still clashed.[76][77]
All parties remained fearful of the common people, who had no voting rights and whom Adolphe Thiers later referred to by the term "cheap multitude". Their political sights were set on a class favoritism. Political changes in the Chamber were due to abuse by the majority tendency, involving a dissolution and then an inversion of the majority, or critical events; for example, the assassination of the Duc de Berry in 1820.[citation needed]
Disputes were a power struggle between the powerful (royalty against deputies) rather than a fight between royalty and populism. Although the deputies claimed to defend the interests of the people, most had an important fear of common people, of innovations, of socialism and even of simple measures, such as the extension of
The principal political parties during the Restoration are described below.
Ultra-royalists
The
Prominent ultra-royalist theorists were
Doctrinaires
The
Liberal Left
The Liberals were mostly petite-bourgeoisie: doctors and lawyers, men of law, and, in rural constituencies, merchants and traders of national goods. Electorally they benefitted from the slow emergence of a new middle-class elite, due to the start of the Industrial Revolution.[citation needed]
Some of them accepted the principle of monarchy, in a strictly ceremonial and parliamentary form, while others were moderate republicans. Constitutional issues aside, they agreed on seeking to restore the democratic principles of the French Revolution, such as the weakening of clerical and aristocratic power, and therefore thought the
Republicans and Socialists
The only active
Religion
By 1800 the Catholic Church was poor, dilapidated and disorganised, with a depleted and aging clergy. The younger generation had received little religious instruction, and was unfamiliar with traditional worship.[82] However, in response to the external pressures of foreign wars, religious fervour was strong, especially among women.[83] Napoleon's Concordat of 1801 provided stability and ended attacks on the Church.
With the Restoration, the Catholic Church again became the state religion, supported financially and politically by the government. Its lands and financial endowments were not returned, but the government paid salaries and maintenance costs for normal church activities. The bishops regained control of Catholic affairs. The aristocracy before the Revolution was lukewarm to religious doctrine and practice, but the decades of exile created an alliance of throne and altar. The royalists who returned were much more devout, and much more aware of their need for a close alliance with the Church. They had discarded fashionable skepticism and now promoted the wave of Catholic religiosity that was sweeping Europe, with a new reverence for the Virgin Mary, the saints, and popular religious rituals such as praying the rosary. Devotion was far stronger and more visible in rural areas than in Paris and other cities. The population of 32 million included about 680,000 Protestants and 60,000 Jews, who were extended toleration. The anti-clericalism of Voltaire and the Enlightenment had not disappeared, but it was in abeyance.[84]
At the elite level, there was a dramatic change in intellectual climate from intellectual classicism to passionate romanticism. An 1802 book by François-René de Chateaubriand entitled Génie du christianisme ("The Genius of Christianity") had an enormous influence in reshaping French literature and intellectual life, emphasising the centrality of religion in creating European high culture. Chateaubriand's book "did more than any other single work to restore the credibility and prestige of Christianity in intellectual circles and launched a fashionable rediscovery of the Middle Ages and their Christian civilisation. The revival was by no means confined to an intellectual elite, however, but was evident in the real, if uneven, rechristianisation of the French countryside."[85]
Economy
With the restoration of the Bourbons in 1814, the reactionary aristocracy with its disdain for entrepreneurship returned to power. British goods flooded the market, and France responded with high tariffs and protectionism to protect its established businesses, especially handcrafts and small-scale manufacturing such as textiles. The tariff on iron goods reached 120%.[86] Agriculture had never needed protection, but now demanded it due to the lower prices of imported foodstuffs, such as Russian grain. French winegrowers strongly supported the tariff – their wines did not need it, but they insisted on a high tariff on the import of tea. One agrarian deputy explained: "Tea breaks down our national character by converting those who use it often into cold and stuffy Nordic types, while wine arouses in the soul that gentle gaiety that gives Frenchmen their amiable and witty national character."[87] The French government falsified official statistics to claim that exports and imports were growing – actually there was stagnation, and the economic crisis of 1826–29 disillusioned the business community and readied them to support the revolution in 1830.[88]
Art and literature
Romanticism reshaped art and literature.[89] It stimulated the emergence of a wide new middle class audience.[90] Among the most popular works were:
- Les Misérables, Victor Hugo's novel which is set in the 20 years after Napoleon's Hundred Days
- The Red and the Black, Stendhal's novel set in the final years of the regime
- La Comédie humaine, a sequence of almost 100 novels and plays by Honoré de Balzac, set during the Restoration and the July Monarchy
Paris
The city grew slowly in population from 714,000 in 1817 to 786,000 in 1831. During the period Parisians saw the first public transport system, the first gas street lights, and the first uniformed Paris policemen. In July 1830, a popular uprising in the streets of Paris brought down the Bourbon monarchy.[91]
Memory and historical evaluation
After two decades of war and revolution, the restoration brought peace and quiet, and general prosperity. Gordon Wright says, "Frenchmen were, on the whole, well governed, prosperous, contented during the 15-year period; one historian even describes the restoration era as 'one of the happiest periods in [France's] history.[92]
France had recovered from the strain and disorganization, the wars, the killings, the horrors, of two decades of disruption. It was at peace throughout the period. It paid a large war indemnity to the winners, but managed to finance that without distress; the occupation soldiers left peacefully. France's population increased by three million, and prosperity was strong from 1815 to 1825, with the depression of 1825 caused by bad harvests. The national credit was strong, there was significant increase in public wealth, and the national budget showed a surplus every year. In the private sector, banking grew dramatically, making Paris a world center for finance, along with London. The Rothschild family was world-famous, with the French branch led by James Mayer de Rothschild (1792–1868). The communication system was improved, as roads were upgraded, canals were lengthened, and steamboat traffic became common. Industrialization was delayed in comparison to Britain and Belgium. The railway system had yet to make an appearance. Industry was heavily protected with tariffs, so there was little demand for entrepreneurship or innovation.[93][94]
Culture flourished with the new romantic impulses. Oratory was highly regarded, and sophisticated debate flourished. Châteaubriand and
Charles X repeatedly exacerbated internal tensions, and tried to neutralize his enemies with repressive measures. They totally failed and forced him into exile for the third time. However the government's handling of foreign affairs was a success. France kept a low profile, and Europe forgot its animosities. Louis and Charles had little interest in foreign affairs, so France played only minor roles. For example, it helped the other powers deal with Greece and Turkey. Charles X mistakenly thought that foreign glory would cover domestic frustration, so he made an all-out effort to conquer Algiers in 1830. He sent a massive force of 38,000 soldiers and 4,500 horses carried by 103 warships and 469 merchant ships. The expedition was a dramatic military success.[99] It even paid for itself with captured treasures. The episode launched the second French colonial empire, but it did not provide desperately needed political support for the King at home.[100]
Restoration in recent popular culture
The 2007 French historical film Jacquou le Croquant, directed by Laurent Boutonnat and starring Gaspard Ulliel and Marie-Josée Croze, is based on the Bourbon Restoration.
See also
- French Restoration style
- Pierre Louis Jean Casimir de Blacas
- Mathieu de Montmorency
- French Empire mantel clock
- French monarchs family tree
- France in the long nineteenth century
- French Republicans under the Restoration
Notes
- ^ The flag can be seen on top of government buildings in the following illustrations:
- Retour du Roi le 8 juillet 1815. parismuseescollections.paris.fr. 1815. Retrieved 12 December 2021.
- Attaque Des Tuileries (le 29 Juillet 1830). gallica.bnf.fr. 1830. Retrieved 25 November 2023.
- ^ Furet 1995, p. 282 This included blocking the budget over plans to guarantee bonds on the sale of 400,000 hectares of forest previously owned by the church, reintroducing prohibition of divorce, demanding the death penalty for individuals found with the tricolore, and attempting to hand civil registers back to the church.[34]
References
- ^ a b c Tombs 1996, p. 333.
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- ^ a b c Sauvigny 1966.
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- ^ Davies 2002, pp. 47–54.
- ^ Furet 1995, p. 296.
- ^ Wolf 1962, pp. 4–27.
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- ^ McMillan, James F. (2014). "Catholic Christianity in France from the Restoration to the separation of church and state, 1815–1905". In Gilley, Sheridan; Stanley, Brian (eds.). The Cambridge History of Christianity. Vol. 8. pp. 217–232.
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- .
- ^ Wolf 1962, pp. 9, 19–21.
- ^ The Charter of 1814, Public Law of the French: Article 1
- ^ The Charter of 1814, Form of the Government of the King: Article 14
- ^ Price 2008, p. 93.
- ^ a b Tombs 1996, p. 329.
- ^ Tombs 1996, pp. 330–331.
- ^ Furet 1995, p. 271.
- ^ a b c Furet 1995, p. 272.
- ^ Tombs 1996, p. 332.
- ^ Tombs 1996, pp. 332–333.
- ^ Ingram 1998, p. 43
- ^ Tombs 1996, p. 334.
- ^ Furet 1995, p. 278.
- ^ Alexander 2003, pp. 32, 33.
- ^ Tombs 1996, p. 335.
- ^ Furet 1995, p. 279.
- ^ Tombs 1996, p. 336.
- ^ a b c Tombs 1996, p. 337.
- ^ EM staff 1918, p. 161.
- ^ Bury 2003, p. 19.
- ^ a b Furet 1995, p. 281.
- ^ Alexander 2003, pp. 37, 38.
- ^ Alexander 2003, p. 39.
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- ^ a b Tombs 1996, p. 338.
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- ^ Alexander 2003, p. 99.
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- ^ a b Tombs 1996, p. 339.
- ^ Furet 1995, p. 291.
- ^ Tombs 1996, p. 340.
- ^ Furet 1995, p. 295.
- ^ Tombs 1996, pp. 340–341; Crawley 1969, p. 681
- ^ Tombs 1996, pp. 341–342.
- ^ BN (Barbara Neave, comtesse de Courson) (1879). The Jesuits: their foundation and history. New York: Benziger Brothers. p. 305.
- ^ Price 2008, pp. 116–117.
- ^ Tombs 1996, pp. 342–343.
- ^ Tombs 1996, pp. 344–345.
- ^ Kent 1975, pp. 81–83.
- ^ Kent 1975, pp. 84–89.
- ^ a b Tombs 1996, p. 345.
- ^ Kent 1975, p. 111.
- ^ Tombs 1996, p. 344.
- ^ Kent 1975, pp. 107–110.
- ^ Tombs 1996, pp. 346–347.
- ^ Kent 1975, p. 116.
- ^ Kent 1975, p. 121.
- ^ Tombs 1996, p. 348.
- ^ Tombs 1996, pp. 348–349.
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- ^ Hudson 1973, pp. 182, 183
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Works cited
- Alexander, Robert (2003). Re-Writing the French Revolutionary Tradition: Liberal Opposition and the Fall of the Bourbon Monarchy. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-5218-0122-2.
- Artz, Frederick Binkerd (1931). France Under the Bourbon Restoration, 1814-1830. Harvard University Press. OL 26840286M.
- Bury, J.P.T. (2003) [1949]. France, 1814–1940. Routledge. ISBN 0-4153-1600-6.
- Crawley, C. W. (1969). The New Cambridge Modern History. Volume IX: War and Peace in an Age of Upheaval, 1793–1830. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-5210-4547-6.
- Davies, Peter (2002). The Extreme Right in France, 1789 to the Present: From De Maistre to Le Pen. Routledge. ISBN 0-4152-3982-6.
- EM staff (January 1918). "State Papers". The European Magazine, and London Review. Philological Society (Great Britain): 161.
- Furet, François (1995). Revolutionary France 1770-1880. pp. 269–325. survey of political history by leading scholar
- Hudson, Nora Eileen (1973). Ultra-Royalism and the French Restoration. Octagon Press. ISBN 0-3749-4027-4.
- Ingram, Philip (1998). Napoleon and Europe. Nelson Thornes. ISBN 0-7487-3954-8.
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- Kirkup, T. (1892). A History of Socialism. London: Adam and Charles Black.
- ISBN 0-3406-7731-7.
- Price, Munro. (2008). The Perilous Crown: France between Revolutions. Pan. ISBN 978-0-3304-2638-1.
- Sauvigny, Guillaume de Bertier de (1966). The Bourbon Restoration.
- ISBN 0-5824-9314-5.
- Wolf, John B. (1962). France: 1814–1919: The Rise of a liberal-Democratic Society (France, 1815 to the present) (2nd ed.). pp. 4–27.
Further reading
- Artz, Frederick B. (1929). "The Electoral System in France during the Bourbon Restoration, 1815–30". Journal of Modern History. 1 (2): 205–218. JSTOR 1872004.
- —— (1934). Reaction and Revolution, 1814–1832.
- Beach, Vincent W. (1971) Charles X of France: His Life and Times (Boulder: Pruett, 1971) 488 pp
- Brogan, D. W. (January 1956). "The French Restoration: 1814–1830 (Part 1)". History Today. 6 (1): 28–36.
- —— (February 1956). "The French Restoration: 1814–1830 (Part 2)". History Today. 6 (2): 104–109.
- Charle, Christophe. (1994) A Social History of France in the 19th Century (1994) pp 1–52
- Collingham, Hugh A. C. (1988). The July Monarchy: A Political History of France, 1830–1848. London: Longman. ISBN 0-5820-2186-3.
- Counter, Andrew J. "A Nation of Foreigners: Chateaubriand and Repatriation." Nineteenth-Century French Studies 46.3 (2018): 285–306. online Archived 2018-07-01 at the Wayback Machine
- Fenby, Jonathan (October 2015). "Return of the King". History Today. 65 (10): 49–54.
- Fortescue, William. (1988) Revolution and Counter-revolution in France, 1815–1852 (Blackwell, 1988).
- JSTOR 556487.
- Hall, John R. The Bourbon Restoration (1909) online free
- Haynes, Christine. Our Friends the Enemies. The Occupation of France after Napoleon (Harvard University Press, 2018) online reviews Archived 2020-02-25 at the Wayback Machine
- Jardin, Andre; Tudesq, Andre-Jean (1988). Restoration and Reaction 1815–1848.
- Kelly, George A. "Liberalism and aristocracy in the French Restoration." Journal of the History of Ideas 26.4 (1965): 509–530. Online Archived 30 June 2018 at the Wayback Machine
- Kieswetter, James K. "The Imperial Restoration: Continuity in Personnel and Policy under Napoleon I and Louis XVIII." Historian 45.1 (1982): 31–46. online
- Knapton, Ernest John. (1934) "Some Aspects of the Bourbon Restoration of 1814." Journal of Modern History (1934) 6#4 pp: 405–424. in JSTOR Archived 2016-03-12 at the Wayback Machine
- Kroen, Sheryl T. (Winter 1998). "Revolutionizing Religious Politics during the Restoration". JSTOR 286925.
- Lucas-Dubreton, Jean (1929). The Restoration and the July Monarchy. pp. 1–173.
- Merriman, John M. ed. 1830 in France (1975). 7 long articles by scholars.
- Newman, Edgar Leon (March 1974). "The Blouse and the Frock Coat: The Alliance of the Common People of Paris with the Liberal Leadership and the Middle Class during the Last Years of the Bourbon Restoration". S2CID 153370679.
- ——; Simpson, Robert Lawrence (1987). Historical Dictionary of France from the 1815 Restoration to the Second Empire. Greenwood Press. OL 2536874M.
- ——; Simpson, Robert Lawrence (1987). Historical Dictionary of France from the 1815 Restoration to the Second Empire. Greenwood Press.
- S2CID 154630064.
- —— (June 1989). "The Economic Crisis of 1827–32 and the 1830 Revolution in Provincial France". S2CID 154412637.
- —— (June 1989). "The Economic Crisis of 1827–32 and the 1830 Revolution in Provincial France".
- Pinkney, David H. (1972). The French Revolution of 1830.
- Rader, Daniel L. (1973). The Journalists and the July Revolution in France. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. ISBN 9-0247-1552-0.
- Stewart, John Hall. The restoration era in France, 1814–1830 (1968) 223pp
- OL 6409578M.
Historiography
- Haynes, Christine. "Remembering and Forgetting the First Modern Occupations of France", Journal of Modern History 88:3 (2016): 535–571 online Archived 2020-02-25 at the Wayback Machine
- Sauvigny, G. de Bertier de (Spring 1981). "The Bourbon Restoration: One Century of French Historiography". JSTOR 286306.
Primary sources
- Anderson, F.M. (1904). The constitutions and other select documents illustrative of the history of France, 1789–1901. The H. W. Wilson company 1904., complete text online
- Collins, Irene, ed. Government and society in France, 1814–1848 (1971) pp 7–87. Primary sources translated into English.
- Lindsann, Olchar E. ed. Liberté, Vol. II: 1827–1847 (2012) original documents in English translation regarding politics, literature, history, philosophy, and art. online free; 430pp
- Stewart, John Hall ed. The Restoration Era in France, 1814–1830 (1968) 222pp; excerpts from 68 primary sources, plus 87pp introduction
External links
- Media related to Restauration period at Wikimedia Commons