Teshub
Teshub | |
---|---|
Weather god, Adad | |
Ugaritic equivalent | Baal |
Hittite equivalent | Tarḫunna |
Luwian equivalent | Tarḫunz |
Urartian equivalent | Teišeba |
Teshub was the
According to Song of Emergence, Teshub was born from the split skull of
, though all of these gods were also worshipped separately from each other.The worship of Teshub is first attested in the
Multiple
Name
Multiple
The precise etymology of Teshub's name is unknown, but it is assumed it has Hurrian origin.[10] Volkert Haas suggested it was derived from the adjective teššai, which he translates as “high” or “lordly”.[4] However, Daniel Schwemer points out that this proposal does not provide an explanation of the suffix, and that teššai is not an actually attested word.[14] Marie Claude Trémouille notes that while a connection with the term tešš-, attested as an equivalent of the Sumerian title ugula (“overseer”), has been suggested, the evidence remains unconvincing. [15]
Logographic writings
In addition to phonetic syllabic spellings, Teshub's name could be represented in cuneiform by the
A further attested logographic writing of Teshub's name is d10,
Two logograms were used to refer to Teshub in hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions, DEUSL.318 and DEUSFORTIS; they differ from the default weather god logogram in this writing system, DEUSTONITRUS.[31]
Confirmed and disputed cognates
It is agreed that Teshub's name is a cognate of the Urartian theonym Teišeba.[16][15] This god is only attested in sources from the first millennium BCE.[10] Urartian and Hurrian belonged to the same language family as Hurro-Urartian languages, but they already separated in the third millennium BCE, and Teišeba's presence in the Urartian pantheon cannot be considered the result of the language descending from Hurrian.[32] In contrast with Teshub's status in Hurrian religion, he was not the head of the pantheon, but rather the second most important god after Ḫaldi, though according to Daniel Schwemer this should be considered a secondary development.[10]
It has also been proposed that a connection existed between the names of Teshub and
Character
The two primary roles assigned to Teshub in Hurrian religion were those of a weather god and of the king of the gods.[36] He was regarded both as a destructive figure and as a protector of mankind.[37] He controlled thunder and lightning.[38] In myths, various weather phenomena, including storms, lightning, rain and wind, function as his weapons.[39] He was responsible for securing the growth of vegetation by sending rain.[40] As an extension of his link with vegetation and agriculture, he could be connected with rivers.[15] A Hurro-Hittite ritual (CTH 776) refers to him as the creator of rivers and springs.[41]
The high status of weather gods in
Iconography
Depictions of Teshub are rare.
In
Frans Wiggermann assumes that some depictions of a weather god accompanied by a naked goddess might represent Teshub and an unidentified deity, rather than Mesopotamian
A distinct iconography is attested for the weather god of Aleppo , who could be identified as Teshub.[63] His attribute was an eagle-shaped chariot.[64] It has been suggested that its form was meant to reflect the belief that this vehicle was as fast as the bird it was patterned after and its ability to travel across the sky.[65]
Associations with other deities
Family and court
Teshub was regarded as the son of
You are the strong one, which I (praise), the bull calf of Anu! You are the strong one, which I (praise), your father Anu begot you, your mother Kumarbi brought you to life. For the city of Aleppo I summon him, Teššop, for the pure throne.[69]
A single text, KUB 33,89+, preserves a different tradition about Teshub's parentage and refers to the moon god Kušuḫ as his father, but this attestation remains isolated and its broader implications are uncertain.[66] The passage is entirely logographic (dU DUMU d30), and in the past it has been interpreted as a possible reference to a Hattian tradition instead, with the weather god being Taru and the moon god Kašku, but according to Jörg Klinger this interpretation is not plausible.[70]
The Song of Emergence also states that
Ḫepat was regarded as Teshub's wife.[79] She was received by the Hurrians from the local pantheon of Aleppo.[47] It is possible that she and Teshub were already paired with each other in Old Babylonian Mari, as indicated by one of the letters sent to king Zimri-Lim.[80] Its sender states in it that she will pray before a weather god designated by the Sumerogram dIŠKUR and Ḫepat for the king (ARM 10.92, lines 22–23).[81] Ḫepat was already regarded as the spouse of the local weather god, originally known as Hadda, in the third millennium BCE.[82] She was chiefly worshipped in northern Syria, especially in Aleppo and Alalakh, though the area associated with her also encompassed southern Anatolia and the middle Euphrates.[80] It has been suggested that the recognition of the connection between her and Teshub was limited to western Hurrian communities.[83] However, the Mitanni royal family was familiar with her as well, as evidenced by her presence in theophoric names of some of its members, which might indicate she was also recognized as Teshub's wife further east.[45] Despite the connection between her and Teshub, Ḫepat was not referred to with a feminine equivalent of his title, šarri, and her corresponding epithet was allai, “lady”, instead.[49] The deities regarded as their children were Šarruma, Allanzu and Kunzišalli.[84] The first of these three could be referred to as the “bull-calf of Teshub”, though according to Gernot Wilhelm the familial connection between them should be considered a relatively late development.[85]
While it has been argued that Ishara might have been the partner (parhedra ) of Teshub[92] in Old Babylonian Ebla, as well as in Emar and Alalakh, no evidence supporting this proposal has been identified.[93]
Teshub's chariot was pulled by two bulls, Šeri and Ḫurri.[66] Šeri was believed to mediate between humans and his master, while no distinct role is attested for Ḫurri.[94] In the Song of Ullikummi, he is replaced by Tilla, but this theonym is better attested as the name of a fully independent god popular in Nuzi.[66] According to Daniel Schwemer, the latter was typically not associated with Teshub, and there is no evidence he was imagined as a bull in the areas where his worship is best attested.[95] Two further deities belonging to the circle of Teshub, in offering lists often placed after his bulls, were Namni and Ḫazzi.[96] These mountain gods might have been worshipped alongside him in Aleppo, though no direct evidence in favor of this view exists.[82] The association between mountain gods and weather gods has a long history across Syria and Anatolia, and might be first documented in a text from Ebla which invokes Hadda alongside Ammarik.[97]
Hurrian offering lists, so-called
Syro-Mesopotamian weather gods
Teshub was considered analogous to the Mesopotamian weather god,
While the equivalence between Teshub and Adad is not attested in the Mesopotamian god list
In Ugarit, Teshub was identified with the local weather god,
For uncertain reasons a trilingual edition of the
It has been argued that the theonyms Teshub and Baal were both used interchangeably to refer to the local weather god in
Anatolian weather gods
In Kummanni in Kizzuwatna, Teshub was identified with the local god Manuzi.[40] The latter was regarded as the spouse of the Hurrian goddess Lelluri.[126]
Starting in the Middle Hittite period, the Hittites due to growing Hurrian influence on their culture came to associate Teshub with their weather god, Tarḫunna.[127] The character of the Luwian weather god, Tarḫunz, also came to be influenced by the Teshub.[128][k] A factor facilitating interchange of traits between these Anatolian weather gods, their Hurrian counterpart and other weather deities, such as Hattian Taru and Mesopotamian Adad, was the use of the same sumerogram to represent their names.[130]
In some cases, Hittites adopted Hurrian texts focused on Teshub, including hymns, prayers and myths, but substituted his name for that of their own analogous god.
Teshub's bulls were incorporated alongside him into the Hittite pantheon, but it is possible the image of a weather god travelling in a chariot drawn by bulls was not present in Hittite culture exclusively due to Hurrian influence, as the bull was already the symbolic animal of the weather god earlier, in the Old Hittite period.[132][l] While in Hittite texts postdating the introduction of Hurrian deities, Teshub might appear alongside Šuwaliyat,[135] who corresponded to Tašmišu, there is no evidence that a connection existed between this Anatolian god and Tarḫunna in earlier periods.[136] Their juxtaposition was influenced by traditions imported from Kizzuwatna.[137] In order to reconcile the standard Hittite pantheon and the dynastic pantheon including Hurrian deities, attempts have also been made by Hittite court theologians to equate Ḫepat and the Sun goddess of Arinna, as attested for example in a prayer of Puduḫepa, but according to Piotr Taracha it is implausible that these ideas found support among the general populace.[138]
In the first millennium BCE, the identification between Teshub and Tarḫunz is implicitly attested in texts from Tabal, where the latter came to be regarded as the husband of Ḫepat.[139] However, according to Manfred Hutter it is not possible to speak of “Luwianized” form of the worship of this goddess in earlier periods.[140] Through Luwian influence she was worshipped alongside Tarḫunz in Carchemish as well, but she was not incorporated into the religion of the Arameans and eventually gradually disappeared from sources from Syria over the course of the eighth and seventh centuries BCE.[141] It is also possible that the echoes of the myth about Teshub's birth are preserved in a hieroglyphic Luwian inscription from Arsuz, which names the male deity Kumarma as Tarḫunz's mother similarly to how a Hurrian hymn refers to Kumarbi as Teshub's mother due to the circumstances of his birth.[142]
Worship
Teshub was one of the oldest
Little is known about the history of the cult of Teshub prior to the rise of Hurrian dynasties in Upper Mesopotamia.[10] Theophoric names invoking him were not yet common in the periods predating the time of the Mari archives.[36] In addition to examples from this text corpus, a few are known from Old Babylonian Dilbat, Kish, Sippar, Kisurra, Alalakh, Tell Leilan, Tell al-Rimah and Tell Shemshara.[144] One Old Babylonian example is Teshub-ewre, “Teshub is lord”, presumed to refer to his position as the head of the pantheon.[39] By the fifteenth and fourteenth centuries BCE, Teshub became the deity most commonly invoked in Hurrian theophoric names.[52]
Many royal dynasties across Upper Mesopotamia, Syria and Anatolia considered Teshub their tutelary deity.[145] According to Piotr Taracha, this might have been a result of the influence of the tradition of Yamhad, centered in Aleppo, in which the god confirming royal authority was Adad, later syncretised with Teshub in the west.[79]
Kumme
Kumme (Akkadian: Kummu or Kummum, Hittite: Kummiya,[10] Urartian: Qumenu[146]) was the main cult center of Teshub.[10] It is also the first attested city associated with him.[15] It is to be distinguished from Kummanni in Kizzuwatna.[147] Its precise location is not known.[40][148] It is presumed that it was located east of the Tigris,[54] in the valley of the Eastern Khabur.[10] It has been suggested that it is to be found in the immediate proximity of modern Zakho, but according to Karen Radner textual sources indicate a more mountainous environment, which lead her to suggest identification with Beytüşşebap instead.[148][m]
The city is already attested in texts from the
In some cases, Kumme occurs as a theophoric element in personal names from various Hurrian sites (Nuzi, Tikunani), as well as from Mariote and Middle Assyrian archives, such as Kummen-adal ("Kumme is strong") or Kummen-ewri ("Kumme is lord"), according to Daniel Schwemer possibly functioning as a stand-in for the name of its god.[38] Marie Claude Trémouille interprets this phenomenon similarly, presuming that the name Kummen-atal is to be translated as "(the weather god of) Kumme is strong".[152] However, according to Thomas Richter such names reflect the perception of the city itself as a numen.[153]
The last references to Kumme occur in sources from the
Kingdom of Arrapha
The city of
Information about the religion of the kingdom of Arrapha, including the structure of local pantheons, is only known from administrative texts, such as lists of rations meant for the cults of specific deities.[160] In lists of oil rations, Teshub always occurs alongside Šauška of Nineveh.[161] It is also known that a festival in honor of a deity designated by the logogram dIŠKUR took place in the fourth month of the local calendar,[161] corresponding to June or July.[162] While no inscriptions dealing with any building projects or votive offerings related to the worship of Teshub can be attributed to local kings, it is presumed they nonetheless engaged in such activities, and the lack of textual evidence might be accidental.[163]
Teshub is also attested in texts from two other sites in the proximity of Arrapha itself,
The importance of the cult of Teshub in the kingdom of Arrapha is reflected in the large number of
Aleppo
The temple of the weather god of
According to Gernot Wilhelm, the hypostasis of Teshub associated with Aleppo became the “most important local variant” of this god, as evidenced by attestations spanning from Hattusa and Ugarit in the west to Nuzi in the east.[39] The Nuzi evidence includes references to dIŠKUR ḫalba=ġe and to a deity named Ḫalbae or Ḫarbaḫe, “the divine Halabean” (Halab being the Akkadian name of Aleppo), presumably the same figure.[173] In Ugaritic texts written in the local alphabetic script, Teshub of Aleppo appears as tṯb ḫlbġ.[174] Traditions of Aleppo, including those related to Teshub, presumably also reached Kizzuwatna.[175]
The temple of the weather god in Aleppo was renovated around 1100 BCE by a Luwian prince, Taita, who added a relief depicting himself next to an older depiction of the deity, dated to the fourteenth or thirteenth century BCE.[176] It remained in use in later times, but the main deity of the city was no longer Teshub; the local god was instead identified as Tarḫunz in hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions, Hadad in Aramaic texts, and Adad in Akkadian ones from both Babylonia and Assyria.[177]
Kummanni and other Kizzuwatnean sites
Teshub was worshipped in Kummanni in the north of Kizzuwatna,[147] a kingdom located in the plains surrounding modern Adana.[178] A number of ritual texts focused on him presumed to come from this area reflected the theology of Aleppo.[179] Sources from Kizzuwatna often link him with ḫamri ((é)ḫa-am-ri), a type of buildings originally associated with oath-taking and judicial procedures in Upper Mesopotamia and in the north of Babylonia, as already attested in the early second millennium BCE.[25] A ḫamri was connected with the cult of Adad in Old Babylonian Shaduppum,[180] but Old Assyrian sources do not connect it with the worship of any weather god.[181] In Hurrian tradition of Kizzuwatna these structures could also be associated with Ishara.[182] There is no indication that ḫamri buildings were a part of temples, and most likely the worship of individual deities in association with them reflected their connection to oaths, justice or omens.[183]
A festival meant to guarantee the well-being of the royal couple dedicated to the gods of Kummanni, including “Teshub Manuzzi”, was later celebrated in the
Kaḫat and other Mitanni sites
While material evidence of the worship of Teshub in the
Kaḫat (modern
Other Hurrian attestations
Numerous names invoking Teshub are known from the texts from Tigunanum, a city located to the north of Tur Abdin and south or southwest of the Tigris whose exact location remains unknown due to the tablets coming from illicit excavations.[192] During the reign of Ḫattušili I, the king of this city bore the theophoric name Tunib-Teššub.[81] Additionally, the so-called Tikunani Prism, which lists the predominantly Hurrian names of men belonging to the king's forces, includes nine theophoric ones invoking Teshub.[192]
Teshub was also worship in Ḫaburātum, a city northeast of the Sinjar Mountains already ruled by a Hurrian king, Nanip-šauri, in the times of Zimri-Lim, though it is presumed that since the name was written logographically in his letters addressed to the latter ruler, their recipient presumably would read the sumerogram used as Adad.[192]
In texts from Tell al-Rimah (Qattara[193]) theophoric names invoking Teshub are attested, but they are rare, with the only examples identified so far being Arip-Teshub (“Teshub gave”) and Teshub-ewri (“Teshub is the lord”).[194]
In 1944,
A certain Ehli-Teššup was the king of Alze (Alše), a state which belonged to an anti-Assyrian coalition during the reign of
Ugaritic reception
Texts from
Numerous theophoric names invoking Teshub are attested in the Ugaritic text corpus.
Hittite reception
Teshub was also worshipped by the Hittites.[187] However, while Ḫattušili I already mentions that he plundered the statue of a weather god from Haššuwa and brought it with him to Hattusa, there is no evidence that Teshub (or other Hurrian deities) was already worshipped there in the Old Hittite period.[213] It is possible that he was first introduced to Hittite lands by Šuppiluliuma I.[171] Piotr Taracha links his introduction to the start of the reign of a new dynasty which originated in Kizzuwatna.[213]
In Hittite sources, Teshub was recognized as the head of the dynastic, rather than national, pantheon,
As a dynastic deity, Teshub was recognized as the head of the local pantheon of
Teshub of Kumme and Teshub of Arrapha were recognized by the Hittites too.[157] Other hypostases of this god worshipped in the Hittite Empire included Teshub of Kizzuwatna, Teshub of Manuzzi, Teshub of Šapinuwa and Teshub of Durmitta .[175] Furthermore, weather gods designated by the terms muwattalli (“mighty”) and piḫaššašši (“of lightning”), the personal tutelary deities of, respectively, Muršili II and Muwattalli II, should be considered forms of Teshub according to Piotr Taracha.[225] However, Manfred Hutter argues that piḫaššašši instead referred to the Luwian weather god Tarḫunz.[226] Gary Beckman similarly classifies him as Luwian,[227] while Suzanne Herbordt treats him as distinct from Teshub.[59] Taracha assumes a further Hittite hypostasis of Teshub was the weather god “of the camp” (KARAŠ),[215] who he interprets as his aspect as the king's tutelary deity in war due to his apparent association with Zitḫariya , well attested in such a role.[58]
Teshub is among Hurrian deities identified on the reliefs from the
As a result of Hittite influence, Teshub is among the deities mentioned in a ritual text from Emar, which despite being written in a local dialect of Akkadian is described as “Tablet of the rites of the gods of the Hatti Land” in its colophon and reflects Hittite, rather than local, beliefs.[230] Names such as Ewri-Teshub, Kundi-Teshub (meaning uncertain), Mudri-Teshub (meaning uncertain), Talmi-Teshub or Ikūn-Teshub (“Teshub was faithful”; the first element is not Hurrian) are attested in texts from the same city as well,[231] but most of their bearers were members of the Hittite administration stationed in Carchemish, rather than local inhabitants.[232]
Luwian reception
Due to Hurrian influence on various Luwian communities, in southern Anatolia Teshub came to be regarded as the head of many local pantheons.[128][q] It is known that he could receive Luwian epithets, but it is not certain if figures referred to with the titles piḫaimi (“hurling lightning”), waraẖitaššaš (“of help”), ariyaddalli (“mountainous”) and dupattanašši (“punishing”) can be necessarily identified as hypostases of him rather than his natively Luwian counterpart Tarḫunz.[134]
In the first millennium BCE in the kingdom of
While Teshub's name stopped being the default designation for weather gods in northern Syria in the first millennium BCE, he is still attested in theophoric names in
Tarhunt of Heaven, King Ea, Kumarbi, Grain-god, Tessub, Harranean Moon-god [...] and Kubaba [and other gods] loved me, the first(-born son) as a child.[236]
Mythology
Teshub and Kumarbi
The best known myths focused on Teshub belong to the so-called Kumarbi Cycle.[45] It describes his ascent to kingship and challenges he subsequently faces due to the machinations of Kumarbi.[237] Carlo Corti notes that despite its conventional modern title, it might be more appropriate to refer to it as the cycle of Teshub.[238] This renaming proposal is also supported by Piotr Taracha.[145] Erik van Dongen also argues that the old label needs to be reconsidered and acknowledges Teshub, rather than Kumarbi, as its primary character, though he considers a title more broadly referring to kingship in heaven rather than to a singular deity to be preferable.[239]
It is not known how many myths originally formed the cycle.[240] It is also possible that more than one cycle of myths focused on the conflict between Teshub and Kumarbi existed.[241] The conventional reconstructed sequence cited in modern literature consists of five: Song of Emergence, Song of LAMMA, Song of Silver, Song of Ḫedammu and Song of Ullikummi.[242][243] According to Alfonso Archi, the last three myths are arranged on the increasingly more threatening nature of their antagonists, though he also stresses that it cannot be assumed they form a coherent whole.[244] It is uncertain if the Song of the Sea was also a part of the cycle, and which position it should occupy if this classification is accepted.[245] Multiple further fragmentary texts possibly also related to these narratives have been identified, including Ea and the Beast and a fragment focused on the deity Eltara.[239] The individual myths all portray Kumarbi's plots against Teshub as initially successful in order to create suspense, but ultimately the younger god overcomes difficulties and emerges victorious.[66] Both of the main participants in the conflict are aided by various allies, with Teshub being backed chiefly by figures associated with the sky, for example Šauška, Šimige, Kušuḫ, Ḫepat, Takitu, Tašmišu and Aštabi, and Kumarbi with these dwelling in the underworld[246] or the sea.[45]
While
Song of Emergence (Song of Kumarbi)
Regardless of the number and arrangement of myths classified as a part of the cycle dealing with Teshub and Kumarbi, the same composition is agreed to be its beginning by experts.[252] Until the 2000s, various provisional titles were used to refer to it in academic publications, for example Song of Kumarbi or Kingship in Heaven, eventually it was established that the text was originally known as the Song of Emergence.[253] The preserved tablet was prepared by the scribe Ašḫapala, who was active during the reign of Tudhaliya I.[254] However, the composition is older, as the colophon mentions the existence of a damaged exemplar from which it was copied, which in turn presumably constituted a Hittite adaptation of unknown Hurrian originals.[255] Only a single possibly related fragment written in Hurrian is presently known, KUB 47.56, but due to state of preservation and still imperfect understanding of the language it does not shed additional light on the plot of the myth.[256]
The Song of Emergence describes Teshub's birth after an introductory section dedicated to the succession of primordial kings of the gods.[257] He is conceived when Kumarbi seizes kingship among the gods after battling the previous deity who held this position, Anu, and biting off his genitals.[69] After being mutilated, Anu mocks Kumarbi:
Do not rejoice over your belly, for I have placed a burden in your belly. First, I have impregnated you with the mighty Storm-god. Second, I have impregnated you with the River Tigris, not to be borne. Third, I have impregnated you with the mighty Tašmišu. I have placed three frightful deities as a burden in your belly, and you will end up banging your head against the rocks of Mt. Tašša![258]
As noted by Gary Beckman, due to his origin Teshub effectively represents a fusion of two rival families of gods, one represented by Anu, and the other by Kumarbi and Alalu,[259] who reigned in heaven before Anu.[257]
While Kumarbi manages to spit out Tašmišu, impregnating Mount Kanzura with him as a result, in order to get rid of Teshub he has to travel to
Kumarbi's skull is eventually split to enable Teshub's birth, and afterwards it has to be repaired “like a garment” by the fate goddesses (
In a further preserved passage someone informs Ea about Teshub's curse; in the past it has been suggested that this deity, whose name is heavily damaged, is the poorly known possibly Hattian goddess Tauri, but this is now considered implausible.[277] He apparently responds to it with a proverb, “under the beer-pot [a fire is placed(?)], and that pot will boil over(?)”, possibly to be understood as a declaration that no god should tamper with him in such a way.[278] Due to gaps, it is not certain how the remaining surviving passages are connected with the earlier sections of the myth, and if Teshub plays any role in them.[279] Some of them deal with the birth of children of deified earth, but it is not certain if they are to be understood as adversaries of Teshub.[280]
An additional fragment of the Song of Emergence pertaining to Teshub might be preserved on the tablet KUB 33.105, which contains a dialogue between him and Anu.[281] He recounts his conflict with Kumarbi,[282] describing how he was sent seven times to heaven, seven times to earth and seven times to mountains and rivers.[281] He also states he owes his wisdom to Nara and his virility to Anu,[261] but the rest of this section is broken off.[281]
Song of LAMMA
The sumerogram LAMMA can also be read as KAL, and therefore the name of the eponymous deity the Song of LAMMA focuses on is sometimes rendered as KAL too.[283] The first surviving section describes a fight between him and Teshub, assisted by Šauška, which the siblings seemingly lose.[74] Their opponent takes away Teshub's chariot and whip.[284] He is then most likely appointed as a new king of the gods by Ea, but eventually he and Kumarbi grow displeased with his incompetence and seek to depose him.[285] The rest of the myth is poorly preserved, but after a gap of undetermined length LAMMA and Teshub fight again, with the former apparently losing this time.[286] Most likely he is not killed, but has to transfer the regalia of kingship to Teshub.[287] According to Alfonso Archi, LAMMA can be identified as the tutelary god of Carchemish, Karhuha, as evidenced by the use of this sumerogram to designate him in a text attributed to Suppiluliuma I.[288] The original meaning, the name of a type of protective deity in Mesopotamia, is not considered to fit the context.[283] On the basis of identification of LAMMA as Karhuha Archi proposes that the myth was originally composed in Carchemish during a period of Mitanni domination under the influence of other narratives today considered to be parts of the Kumarbi Cycle, and that while its fragmentary preservation makes interpretation difficult, Teshub's victory over the local god might have reflected the acceptance of supremacy of said dynasty.[289]
Song of Silver
In the Song of Silver, most likely translated into Hittite from a Hurrian original[290] presumably composed in western Syria,[291] Teshub is first mentioned when the eponymous being is presented by the narrator as greater than the gods.[292] Later Silver learns from his mother, a mortal woman, that his (step-)brother is Teshub and his father is Kumarbi,[240] which prompts him to embark on a journey to the latter's sacred city, Urkesh.[293] The rest of the narrative is not fully preserved, but it is presumed that he was enthroned as a temporary king of the gods.[294] In In a passage presumably following this event, Teshub is fearful of his power, and questions if he can defeat him, prompting Tašmišu to taunt him over this display of timidity.[295] While the surviving passages do not describe the dethroning and defeat of Silver, it is presumed the narrative nonetheless ended with these events due to parallels with other myths classified as parts of the Kumarbi Cycle.[292]
Song of Ḫedammu
Song of
(...) Ea began to say: “Why are you destroying mankind? They will not give sacrifices to the gods. They will not burn cedar and incense to you. If you destroy mankind, they will no longer worship the gods. No one will offer bread or libations to you any longer. Even Teššub,
Kummiya’s heroic king, will himself work the plow.[297]
Kumarbi is the next to be berated, and apparently takes offense in it, which according to Harry A. Hoffner might mark the point at which the two, portrayed as allies in earlier sections of the cycle, start to become estranged, which ultimately culminates in Ea advising Teshub instead in the Song of Ullikummi.[299]
In the next passage, which is poorly preserved, Teshub and Šauška talk about Ḫedammu.[300] The latter concocts a plan to defeat him with the help of her servants Ninatta and Kulitta, the enactment of which culminates in the aquatic being leaving his throne under the sea and coming to dry land is described in the remaining surviving fragments.[301] While no surviving section describes the final fate of Ḫedammu, it is nonetheless assumed he was eventually defeated.[299] It is not certain whether he was killed by Teshub or was allowed to live like LAMMA.[287]
Song of Ullikummi
In contrast with many of the related narratives, the Song of Ullikummi is relatively well preserved.[302] It is considered the most complete myth of Hurrian origin presently known to researchers.[303] It has been noted that its plot features a number of elements also present in the Song of Ḫedammu.[304] According to Alfonso Archi, it might be derived from early Hurrian tradition, though the version known to the Hittites could only arise after Hurrian settlement in western Syria.[244]
The myth begins with a scene of Kumarbi plotting against Teshub:
Kumarbi forms in his mind a clever plan. He raises an “Evil Day” in the form of a hostile man and makes hostile plans against Teshub. Kumarbi [entertains] wise thoughts in his mind and aligns them like beads (on a string). When Kumarbi [had formed] a clever plan [in his mind], he promptly arose from his chair.[305]
His plot revolves around the eponymous being, Ullikummi,[306] whose name means “Destroy Kumme!”, Kumme being both the main cult center of Teshub and his abode in myths.[45] It is meant to describe his destiny, as he was created to supplant the weather god and destroy him and his city.[307] He is described as a son of Kumarbi and an enormous boulder[306] and he is made out of kunkunuzzi, “hard stone”, much like the rock Kumarbi bites into in the Song of Emergence.[269] Kumarbi presents Ullikummi to his various allies, including the deified sea, and describes what the stone creature is meant to accomplish:
Let him go up to heaven to kingship. Let him suppress the fine city of Kummiya. Let him strike Teshub. Let him chop him up fine like chaff. Let him grind him up under food [like] an ant. Let him snap off Tašmišu like a brittle red. Let him scatter all the gods from the sky like birds. Let him smash them [like] empty pottery bowls.[308]
However, he fears Ullikummi could be easily defeated while he is still small, and therefore sends him to spend some time in hiding on the shoulder of the giant
(...) “What can I say to you, Teshub? Keep attacking. Be of his mind. for Ea, King of Wisdom, is on your side.”
“What can I say to you, Teshub? I held [counsel?] and before my mind I lined up wisdom like (a string of) beads as follows: ‘I will go up to heaven to kingship. I will take to myself Kummiya, [the gods’] holy temples, and the kuntarra-shrines.[r] I will scatter the gods down from the sky like meal.’”
Ullikummi spoke again to Teshub: “Behave like a man again [...]. Ea, King of Wisdom, stands on your side.” (...)[323]
It is not certain what happened next.[287] The text breaks off after Ullikummi's comments,[323] but the existence of another now lost tablet describing the battle between him and Teshub has been proposed.[287] Presumably the weather god ultimately emerges as the victor,[309] but the ultimate fate of Ullikummi remains unknown.[287]
Due to the numerous references to an alliance between Kumarbi and the
A text related to the Song of the Sea and similarly focused on the conflict between this being and Teshub might be KBo 26.105, argued to represent a narrative comparable to Egyptian Astarte and the Sea due to the presence of a passage in which Kumarbi urges other gods to pay tribute to the sea.[329] It might be a Hittite adaptation of the same myth.[330] A reference to conflict between Teshub and the sea and the defeat of the latter also occurs in the myth of Pišaiša (KUB 33.108), which additionally mentions that at some point rebellious mountain gods seemingly stole the weapon the weather god used during it.[324] The conflict between Teshub and the mountains is not otherwise well attested, though as the names of Namni and Ḫazzi occur in a broken context in the Pišaiša myth, it is possible that its outcome was the subjugation of these two deities.[331]
It has been proposed that the myth Ea and the Beast was another composition belonging to the Kumarbi Cycle.[332] It is possible that it can be considered an alternative version of the same narrative as Song of Emergence,[275] or that it at least repeats information also known from this composition.[333] Yet another interpretation is that it fulfilled a different function altogether, such as that of a hymn in praise of Teshub.[334] Its plot focuses on prophecies about a god who will be born soon which an unidentified animal, suppalanza, reveals to Ea.[335] It is presumed that he can be identified as Teshub, and that the prophecies deal with his conflict with Kumarbi and ascent to kingship.[336] A reference is made to sending opponents to the underworld, a motif also attested elsewhere in Hurrian tradition.[337] For example, driving the primeval deities into the underworld is also mentioned in a passage from a purification ritual (KBo 10.45 + ABoT 2.30), which also states that the weather god was responsible for establishing the tradition according to which birds, rather than cattle or sheep, were seen as an appropriate offering for them.[338] The suppalanza also mentions that the god presumed to be Teshub will “draw away” a serpent, MUŠilluyanka, but there is no indication that this is a reference to an extant Hittite myth whose antagonist is also named Illuyanka.[334] Said narrative (CTH 321) was connected with the traditions of the city of Nerik,[339] derived from Hattian religion.[340] Ian Rutherford notes that presuming the Hittite Illuyanka is meant would require assuming that a degree of cross contamination with strictly Hittite tradition occurred, and additionally points out the relevant myth does not present him as a figure connected to the rise of any weather god to power.[337] He also considers it unlikely that the passage is a reference to the Song of Ḫedammu.[334]
The text KBo 22.87 has been argued to be a further myth belonging to the Kumarbi Cycle.[341] It describes a period of time during which Eltara, one of the primeval deities, reigned as the king of the gods.[342] Two of the surviving lines mention Teshub: in one, he apparently attains kingship like Eltara did, while in another a number of servants submit to him.[343] Anna Maria Polvani has suggested that the myth of Eltara might have dealt with the final enthronement of Teshub as the king of the gods.[302]
Comparative scholarship
Parallels between the myths about Teshub's struggle for kingship and between motifs from
Song of Release
Teshub is one of the main characters in the Song of Release,
I will sing of Teššub, the great lord of Kummi, I will exalt the young lady Allani, the bolt of the Underworld. And with them I will tell of the young lady Išḫara, skillful in speaking, a goddess renowned for wisdom.[346]
The same section also introduces a man named Pizigarra, said to come from Nineveh, but his role in the story remains poorly understood[345] and he is not attested in any other sources.[348]
The central theme of the Song of Release is the freeing of the inhabitants of the city of Igingalliš, who are kept as slaves in Ebla.[350] According to Gernot Wilhelm, they are identified as enslaved prisoners of war, as opposed to people subjected to debt slavery, though in older scholarship the text was sometimes interpreted under the assumption that the latter possibility is correct.[352] Similar observations have been made by Eva von Dassow, who notes that the entire population of the city is deprived of freedom, which reflects subjugation in war.[353] The city of Igingalliš is also attested in historical records, and most likely was either a tributary or a dependent territory of Ebla at some point.[348]
In one of the fragments, Teshub asks the king of Ebla, Megi, to release the enslaved inhabitants of Igingalliš.[345] He singles out a certain Purra, who has served under multiple rulers already:[354]
Release the sons of Igingalliš
in well-being,
release the captive, Purra,
who has served nine kings.
For Igingalliš three kings
he has served,
for Ebla six kings
he has served,
and now, for the tenth,
Megi, before you he stands.[355]
He offers to bless the city if his wish is granted, and to destroy it in the case of denial:[345]
If you (pl.) decree release,
For Ebla the fate is (this):
you (pl.) decree release,
to god-like (power) i shall exalt
your weaponry.
Your weaponry will beat the opponent,
gloriously shall your field(s) thrive.
If you (pl.) do not decree release,
the fate for Ebla is (this):
on the seventh day
I shall come upon you.[356]
Like other human characters in this myth, Purra and Megi are not historical figures, and the name of the latter is derived from a title used by historical Eblaite rulers.[357]
Megi subsequently presents Teshub's message to the senate of the city, where a certain Zazalla, its
Mary R. Bachvarova argues that at least some of the enslaved people of were servants of Teshub, and that Zazalla's speech is simply a description of the god's suffering in absence of proper services dedicated to him.[359] She also assumes that Purra, unlike his compatriots, was instead responsible for the funerary cult of deceased rulers.[360] Bachvarova's interpretation has been criticized by von Dassow, who asserts that she misinterprets Zazalla's speech to treat it as a description of Teshub's state caused by the neglect of religious duties pertaining to him, and that she incorrectly treats reverence towards the deceased as unique to Ebla and conducted by a dedicated staff.[361] She instead argues Teshub intervened on behalf of the people of Igingalliš simply because gods were believed to enforce justice, and the narrative evidently portrays their enslavement as unjust.[362]
A poorly preserved passage apparently has the form of a dialogue between Teshub and Ishara.[363] According to Alfonso Archi, her aim is to protect the city of Ebla, which reflects her long standing association with it.[364] Outside of the initial invocation, this is the only surviving passage in which she appears.[346]
Another section of the text deals with Teshub visiting Allani in the underworld.[352] Alongside Tašmišu (Šuwaliyat in the Hittite version) and the primeval deities, elsewhere consistently portrayed as his opponents he takes part in a banquet organized with her, during which she serves her guests herself.[365] Both the meaning of this episode and the nature of its connection with the sections of the text focused on Ebla and slavery are not certain, and multiple interpretations have been proposed.[352] Eva von Dassow assumes that it follows a declaration that Ebla is to be destroyed, and suggests Teshub might be meeting with Allani because her domain would have to accommodate many new inhabitants in the case of such an event.[345] Gernot Wilhelm suggests that it takes place after the destruction of Ebla, and that Teshub descends to the underworld to deal with his anger, which would reflect a motif well attested in literature of the region.[366] Volkert Haas assumed that Teshub is imprisoned in the underworld.[367] According to his interpretation, the weather god as a result of eating during the banquet was confined in the realm of the dead.[368] However, as noted by Wilhelm, no actual reference to either the imprisonment or release of Teshub can be identified in the text.[369] In her similarly critical evaluation of Haas’ proposal, von Dassow calls his interpretation of the text “incoherent” and highlights that to justify it, he attempted inserting hypothetical elements not present in the actual narrative into it, such as the motif of food from the underworld, consuming which results in imprisonment there.[370] Wilhelm instead suggests that the banquet mirrors the rituals meant to enable deceased rulers to enter the underworld, with the deities inhabiting it welcoming him with similarly to how ancestors were believed to do in the case of mortals.[371] Harry A. Hoffner proposes that it reflects a temporary reconciliation between heavenly and underworld gods.[372]
As the colophon of the surviving copy of the section describing Teshub's visit in the underworld, KBo 32.13, designates it as a part of the Song of Release, but states that it is “not finished”, it is assumed at least one more tablet must have followed.[352] However, the rest of the story is not known.[372]
Tales about human heroes
A reference to Teshub occurs in the tale of
A fragment of a Hurrian version of the Epic of Gilgamesh also mentions Teshub.[38] Beckman notes that while full translation and interpretation of this text is presently not possible, Teshub is seemingly “ubiquitous” in it, which can be contrasted with both the Akkadian original and the Hittite adaptation, where the respective weather deities play no significant role.[376]
Notes
- Old Babylonian period these two gods were effectively regarded as two names of the same deity in Mesopotamia.[21]
- Kanesh to be another example of this phenomenon.[51]
- ^ However,a variant form of Šauška’s name does appear in Sumerian theophoric names from the Ur III period, Geme-Šauša, Lu-Šauša and Ur-Šauša.[14]
- ^ In an earlier article, Archi instead assumed Teshub initially was not the main god in the Hurrian pantheon, and only replaced Kumarbi in this role at some point as reflected by later mythology.[32]
- ^ According to Alfonso Archi, the natively Hurrian deity possibly corresponding to Belat-Nagar might have instead been Nabarbi, though her name most likely originally arose independently as a derivative of the word naw, pasture.[54]
- ^ The term Hana originally referred to partially nomadic inhabitants of the Middle Euphrates area[88]
- ^ According to Alfonso Archi they are described as the “gods of the father”, a term collectively referring to the ancestors of a given deity.[99]
- Ur III period.[103]
- ^ ”Subartu” and its derivatives were terms used by Mesopotamians to refer to Hurrians.[106]
- ^ Both of these cognate theonyms, while etymologically Indo-European, are not cognates of any other Indo-European weather god names, and instead were most likely meant to mirror the name of the Hattian weather god Taru.[129]
- ^ Luwians instead pictured their weather god as travelling in a chariot drawn by horses.[133][134]
- ^ As of 2012, no excavations were ever performed in the proximity of this settlement.[148]
- ^ Originally Kili-Teshub; Shattiwaza was a regnal name.[187]
- ^ The weather god worshipped in Uda was associated with Pitteryariga, while a link between the weather god from Ḫurma and weather god of Zippalanda is uncertain.[101]
- ^ However, it has also been argued that the second figure is a secondary weather god linked to a city the name of which is not preserved.[229]
- ^ However, western Luwian communities in Arzawa and Lukka were not influenced by Hurrian religion.[233]
- ^ According to Volkert Haas, this word is instead a Hurrian term referring to Teshub’s palace in heaven.[322]
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- ^ von Dassow 2013, p. 153.
- ^ von Dassow 2013, pp. 129–130.
- ^ von Dassow 2013, pp. 128–129.
- ^ Bachvarova 2005, pp. 54–55.
- ^ Bachvarova 2005, p. 54.
- ^ von Dassow 2013, p. 156.
- ^ von Dassow 2013, p. 159.
- ^ Haas 2006, p. 179.
- ^ Archi 2013, p. 16.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 72–73.
- ^ Wilhelm 2013, p. 191.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 336.
- ^ Haas 2006, p. 181.
- ^ Wilhelm 2013, p. 189.
- ^ von Dassow 2013, pp. 156–157.
- ^ Wilhelm 2013, pp. 188–189.
- ^ a b Hoffner 1998, p. 73.
- ^ Schwemer 2001, pp. 456–457.
- ^ Beckman 1997, p. 572.
- ^ Haas 2006, p. 198.
- ^ Beckman 2019, p. 23.
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