Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
For the eleventh-century King of the Isles of the same name, see Ragnall mac Gofraid.

Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson
Guðrøðr Dond
HouseCrovan dynasty
FatherGuðrøðr Óláfsson

Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson (died 14 February 1229) ruled as

Óláfr, to succeed to the kingship, the Islesmen chose Rǫgnvaldr, who was likely Óláfr's half-brother. Rǫgnvaldr went on to rule the Kingdom of the Isles
for almost forty years before losing control to Óláfr.

The Crovan dynasty may have reached its zenith during Rǫgnvaldr's reign.

Rhodri ab Owain, a dynast of the ruling family of Gwynedd. In 1193, Rǫgnvaldr lent military aid to Rhodri against his rivals. Rǫgnvaldr was also involved in Irish affairs, as he was the brother-in-law of John de Courcy
, one of the most powerful of the incoming Englishmen. With Courcy's eventual fall from power in the first decade of the thirteenth century, Rǫgnvaldr aided him in an unsuccessful attack on Courcy's rivals.

On numerous occasions from 1205 to 1219, Rǫgnvaldr bound himself to the English Crown by rendering

Ingi Bárðarson, King of Norway. The resurgence of Norwegian authority threat may well have been the reason why Rǫgnvaldr submitted to Pope Honorius III in 1219, and promised to pay a perpetual tribute
for the protection of his realm.

Óláfr's allotment in Rǫgnvaldr's island-kingdom appears to have been

St Mary's Abbey, Furness
and buried.

Sources

Chronicle of Mann): "Reginaldus filjus Godredi".[40]

The main source for Rǫgnvaldr and his reign is the thirteenth- to fourteenth-century

praise-poem composed in Rǫgnvaldr's honour, also cast light upon Rǫgnvaldr's life and times.[45][note 2]

Antecedents and accession

Meic Somairle
.

Rǫgnvaldr was a son of

Meic Somairle
(or Clann Somairle).

Guðrøðr Óláfsson had one daughter and at least three sons:

Affrica, Ívarr, Óláfr, and Rǫgnvaldr himself.[59][note 4] Although nothing else is certain of Ívarr,[61] Óláfr's mother appears to have been Findguala Nic Lochlainn,[62] an Irishwoman whose marriage to Guðrøðr Óláfsson was formalised in 1176/1177, about the time of Óláfr's birth.[63] When Guðrøðr Óláfsson died in 1187, the Chronicle of Mann claims that he left instructions for Óláfr to succeed to the kingship since the latter had been born "in lawful wedlock".[64] Whether this is an accurate record of events is uncertain,[65] as the Islesmen are stated to have chosen Rǫgnvaldr to rule instead, because unlike Óláfr, who was only a child at the time, Rǫgnvaldr was a hardy young man fully capable to reign as king.[66]

Lavish, manly son of Gofraidh,
pleasant, noble son of Sadhbh.

– excerpt of Baile suthach síth Emhna outlining Rǫgnvaldr's parentage as a son of Guðrøðr and Sadb.[67]

Although the chronicle seems to imply that Findguala was also Rǫgnvaldr's mother, at no point does the source state as much. In fact, there is evidence which strongly suggests that Rǫgnvaldr was the son of another woman.

concubine of Guðrøðr.[71] The likelihood that Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr had different mothers may well explain the intense conflict between the two men in the years that followed.[72] This continuing kin-strife is one of the main themes of Rǫgnvaldr's long reign.[73]

Strained relations with Óláfr

Photograph of an ivory gaming piece depicting a seated king
A king gaming piece of the Lewis chessmen.[75] Comprising some four sets,[76] the pieces are thought to have been crafted in Norway in the twelfth- and thirteenth centuries.[77] They were uncovered in Lewis in the early nineteenth century.[78]

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Rǫgnvaldr gave Óláfr possession of a certain island called "Lodhus". The chronicle disparagingly describes the island as being mountainous and rocky, completely unsuitable for cultivation, and declares that its small population lived mostly by hunting and fishing.

Harris—is somewhat mountainous, the northern part—Lewis—is rather flat and boggy. The chronicle, therefore, seems to have conflated the northern and southern parts of the island.[80] In any case, the chronicle claims that, because of the impoverishment of his lands, Óláfr was unable to support himself and his followers, and that in consequence he led "a sorry life".[79] The chronicle's otherwise perceptible prejudice against Rǫgnvaldr's branch of the Crovan dynasty, and its apparent bias in favour of Mann over the northernmost reaches of the realm, may also account for its denigrating depiction of Óláfr's allotted lands.[81]

In consequence of this supposed poverty, the chronicle claims that Óláfr went to Rǫgnvaldr, who was also living in the Hebrides, and confronted him for more land. Rǫgnvaldr's stated response was to have Óláfr seized and sent to

Norwegian Crown, and offered himself as a more palatable vassal-king in return for Norwegian support in deposing Rǫgnvaldr.[83] In any case, the chronicle states that William died during the seventh year of Óláfr's captivity, and that William had ordered the release of all his political prisoners before his passing.[82] Since William died in December 1214,[84] Óláfr's incarceration appears to have spanned between about 1207 and 1214 or early 1215.[85] Upon Óláfr's release, the chronicle reveals that the half-brothers met on Mann, after which Óláfr set off on a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela.[82]

Refer to caption
Excerpt from page 26 of Dublin Royal Irish Academy 23 E 29 (Baile suthach síth Emhna). This stanza about Rǫgnvaldr translates: "Thou hast inflicted a rout on Maelbheirn in defeat, and the fresh blows were as battle demons from thee; many the men in a glen prostrate in defeat from a bright slender blue-eyed noble battle-spirit".[86]

At roughly this period, in 1209, the fifteenth- to sixteenth-century

Áengus mac Somairle, and the latter's three sons, in the following year. What is certain, however, is that these, and other records concerning the Meic Somairle, reveal that the Crovan dynasty was not alone in introducing instability into the Isles.[88] In fact, the elimination of Áengus and his sons appears to have had serious repercussions on not only the Meic Somairle succession, but Rǫgnvaldr's kingship in the Isles.[89][note 5]

Relations with William of Scotland

William I, King of Scotland
.

There is earlier evidence of amicable relations between Rǫgnvaldr and William.

Haraldr Maddaðarson, Earl of Orkney and Caithness.[97] At some point in the last half of the twelfth century, Haraldr Maddaðarson put aside his first wife, and married Hvarflǫð, described by the thirteenth-century Orkneyinga saga as the daughter of an Earl of Moray named Máel Coluim.[98] It may well have been through Hvarflǫð that Haraldr Maddaðarson was drawn into conflict with the Scottish Crown.[99] Whatever the case, a major continuing theme of Haraldr Maddaðarson's career was the constant assertion of Scottish and Norwegian royal authority into is domain, and his remarkable resistance to such interference.[100]

Norse-Gaelic
milieu, contending with Scottish and Norwegian kings alike.

In 1196, Haraldr Maddaðarson appears to have gained control of Moray. Although William was able to reassert authority in the north, and hand

Haraldr Eiríksson, a more amiable applicant, Haraldr Maddaðarson managed to overcome the latter, and regained control of the earldom.[102] It may have been at this point where Rǫgnvaldr entered the fray. According to Orkneyinga saga, once William learned that Haraldr Maddaðarson had taken control of Caithness, Rǫgnvaldr was tasked to intervene on behalf of the Scottish Crown. Having received the king's message, the saga records that Rǫgnvaldr gathered an armed host from the Isles, Kintyre, and Ireland, and went forth into Caithness, where he subdued the region. With the coming of winter, the saga records that Rǫgnvaldr returned to the Isles after having left three stewards in Caithness. When Haraldr Maddaðarson later had one of these stewards murdered, the saga states that William forced him into submission.[103] The fact that Haraldr Maddaðarson only reasserted his authority action after Rǫgnvaldr's return to the Isles, coupled with the punishing fine that the former imposed upon the Caithnessmen once regaining control, suggests that Rǫgnvaldr had enjoyed support in the region.[104]

Photograph of a ruinous stone castle
Ruinous Castle of Old Wick, a seemingly twelfth- or thirteenth-century fortress, was possibly the power centre of Haraldr Maddaðarson.[105]

Rǫgnvaldr's involvement in Caithness is also noted by the contemporary English chronicler

Roger de Hoveden. According to Roger's Chronica, after two rounds of negotiations between Haraldr Maddaðarson and William failed, Rǫgnvaldr intervened and bought Caithness from William.[106] The precise date of Rǫgnvaldr's venture is uncertain, although it appears to have occurred in about 1200.[107] Just prior to Rǫgnvaldr's involvement, Roger records that Haraldr Maddaðarson ventured into the Isles where he reinforced himself with an armed fleet, before returning to Orkney and Caithnes, and defeating Haraldr Eiríksson at Wick.[108] If this part of Roger's account refers to military aid being received from Rǫgnvaldr's realm, the fact that Rǫgnvaldr and Haraldr Maddaðarson later became opponents would appear to reveal the fragility of certain of alliances.[109] On the other hand, if Roger's account refers to the domain of the Meic Somairle, it could be evidence that Haraldr Maddaðarson was able to garner support from Rǫgnvaldr's rivals.[110]

Refer to caption
According to tradition, the stone circle Clach an Righ ("King's Stone"), near Syre, marks the site where Haraldr Maddaðarson was defeated by Rǫgnvaldr.[111]

Although not descended from previous Orcadian earls, Rǫgnvaldr could perhaps be considered related to these Norwegian magnates by right of his paternal grandfather's marriage to Ingibjǫrg, daughter of

Rǫgnvaldr Kali Kolsson, Earl of Orkney.[114] On the other hand, the fact that Rǫgnvaldr possessed no known blood relationship with the earls could conversely be evidence that he was the first Scottish-backed ruler of Caithness without a personal connection to the Orcadian jarlsaetten.[115] In any event, although it is not impossible that Rǫgnvaldr ruled as Earl of Caithness for a short time,[116] surviving evidence does not record his installation as such, and only demonstrates that he was appointed to administrate the province.[117]

Photograph of Ronaldsway from the air
The Isle of Man Airport encompasses a site once called Ronaldsway. Rǫgnvaldr may well be the eponym of this place name.[118]

Rǫgnvaldr's participation in league with the Scottish Crown could have stemmed from his kinship with the

Máel Coluim mac Áeda, Earl of Ross, whilst the other was Máel Coluim mac Alasdair, an illegitimate son of Alexander I, King of Scotland. The latter Máel Coluim attempted to seize the Scottish throne earlier in the twelfth century, and appears to have been related in marriage to Somairle's family.[121] If Hvarflǫð's father was this Máel Coluim, it could explain an alliance between Haraldr Maddaðarson and the Meic Somairle.[122] Such an alliance with Rǫgnvaldr's rivals could also explain the Scottish Crown's use of him against Haraldr Maddaðarson.[123]

Welsh connections

Map of Britain and Ireland
The Kingdom of Gwynedd, and the extent of English dominance in Ireland and Wales, c.1200.

From its earliest years, the Crovan dynasty forged alliances with the northern

Brut y Tywysogyon reveal that Rǫgnvaldr militarily supported Rhodri in his successful re-acquisition of Anglesey three years later.[129] Another mediaeval Welsh text, the fourteenth-century O Oes Gwrtheyrn Gwrtheneu, refers to the year 1193 as haf y Gwyddyl ("the summer of the Gaels"), which could further evince the participation of Rǫgnvaldr and his troops.[130]

Refer to caption
Excerpt from folio 254r of Oxford Jesus College 111: "haf y gỽydyl".[1] This "summer of the Gaels" seems to refer the presence of Rǫgnvaldr's troops in Wales.

Rǫgnvaldr and Rhodri were also bound together by a marital alliance,

Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, Prince of Gwynedd.[132] The arrangement appears to have taken place in the context of Llywelyn's consolidation in Gwynedd. Like his uncle, Llywelyn appears to have intended to establish an alliance with the Islesmen in order strengthen his position in Wales.[135] Although the arrangement may well evidence Rǫgnvaldr's power and influence in the region,[136] Llywelyn clearly extricated himself from the arrangement in order to bind himself in marriage to a much stronger and more influential superpower, the English Crown.[137] Although certain correspondence with the papacy reveals that the marriage between Llywelyn and Rǫgnvaldr's daughter had received papal approval in April 1203,[138] another letter shows that the ratification was reversed on a technicality in February 1205.[139][note 6] This ruling was clearly one of convenience for Llywelyn,[141] as the latter was by this time married to Joan, an illegitimate daughter of John, King of England.[142][note 7] This may have been about the time when Rǫgnvaldr himself first entered into what would be an enduring relationship with the English Crown.[145]

Brut y Tywysogyon): "Gothrych".[146]

There may be further evidence of Rǫgnvaldr's Welsh connections.

Gruffydd ap Llywelyn Fawr married a daughter of Rǫgnvaldr in about 1220.[145] Contemporary sources, however, show that Llywelyn's mother was Senana, an undoubted wife of Gruffydd.[147] In yet another Welsh pedigree—one compiled by the herald and poet Lewys Dwnn—Rǫgnvaldr is stated have had an otherwise unknown son named Hywel.[148][note 9] Although the reliability of such late genealogical sources is suspect, Rǫgnvaldr's known dealings with leading Welsh dynasts could lend weight to the possibility that he had an otherwise unknown Welsh wife or concubine.[149]

Chronica majora).[150]

Rǫgnvaldr was also responsible for the

Cistercian connections between Mann and Wales, may account for his part in the translations into Welsh.[157] The work itself was seemingly carried out at the Ceredigion monastery of Llanbadarn Fawr, once a centre of Welsh scholarship.[158]

Involvement in Ireland

Offspring of fleet-rich Lochlann,
offspring of bright Conn of the chains,
you'll seek a harbour behind Aran
while probing Ireland's cold shores.

– excerpt of Baile suthach síth Emhna; one of several parts associating Rǫgnvaldr with Ireland.[159][note 11]

Although Rǫgnvaldr is not mentioned in the Irish annals, other historical sources indicate that he indeed had Irish connections.[166] For example, Orkneyinga saga notes that, when he lent military support to William in Caithness, Rǫgnvaldr led a large army drawn from Ireland.[167] Also linking Rǫgnvaldr to Ireland is Henry III's summons to Rǫgnvaldr, dated 16 January 1218, commanding him to explain the "excesses committed upon the people of our Lord the King, as well in England as in Ireland".[168] Baile suthach síth Emhna also reveals connections with the island. Although the poem undoubtedly exaggerates Rǫgnvaldr's feats, its claims of devastating raids into Ireland may not be complete fantasy, as evidenced by the summons.[169]

Affrica, at Carrickfergus Castle. The mannequin is looking through the window of the castle's great hall
.

The poem also alludes to Rǫgnvaldr's right to the kingship of Tara,[170] and appears to evince the prospect of seizing power in Dublin.[171] Rǫgnvaldr's antecessors were certainly closely associated with the Norse-Gaelic Kingdom of Dublin.[172] However, with the kingdom's collapse at the hands of English adventurers in 1170, and the ongoing entrenchment of the English throughout Ireland itself, the Crovan dynasty found itself surrounded by this threatening, rising new power in the Irish Sea zone.[173] Despite the dynasty's original opposition to the English in Dublin, it did not take long to realign itself with this new power,[174] as exemplified through a marital alliance between Rǫgnvaldr's sister, Affrica, and one of the most powerful incoming Englishmen, John de Courcy.[175]

In 1177, Courcy led an invasion of

Cenél nEógain, another traditional foe of the Ulaid. Courcy would have almost certainly attempted to use such alignments to his advantage,[178] whilst Guðrøðr Óláfsson would have used Courcy's campaigning against the Ulaid as a means of settling old scores.[179]

Photograph of a ruinous stone castle
Ruinous late twelfth-century inner curtain wall, and early thirteenth-century keep of Dundrum Castle.[180] Rǫgnvaldr's forces assisted those of Courcy against the castle in 1205.

Courcy's fall from power occurred in a series of conflicts with the English Crown between 1201 and 1204. By 1205 he was forced from Ireland altogether, and his lands were awarded to Hugh de Lacy. During Courcy's subsequent revolt within the year,[181] he received military support from Rǫgnvaldr, his brother-in-law.[182] The Chronicle of Mann specifies that Courcy's massive force was reinforced by Rǫgnvaldr with one hundred ships, and states that they laid siege to a certain castle of "Roth", before being beaten back with the arrival of Walter de Lacy.[183][note 12] The expedition is also recorded by the sixteenth-century Annals of Loch Cé, which states that Courcy brought a fleet from the Isles to battle the Lacys. Although the expedition ultimately proved a failure, the source indicates that the surrounding countryside was plundered and destroyed by the invaders.[186] The identity of the castle named by the chronicle is almost certainly Dundrum Castle,[187] which was possibly constructed by Courcy before 1203. The defeat of 1205 marks the downfall of Courcy, who never regained his Irish lands.[188]

Relations with John of England

Map of Britain and Ireland
Locations in Britain and Ireland relating to the life and times of Rǫgnvaldr.

Rǫgnvaldr's involvement in Ireland, and his connection with Courcy, may have led to contact with the English kings John and Henry III.

Pipe Rolls reveal that the sheriff associated twenty librates of land with Rǫgnvaldr during the year spanning Michaelmas 1205 and Michaelmas 1206.[195][note 14] Since the rolls do not name any estate associated with Rǫgnvaldr, he does not appear to have been assigned any lands, but rather a charge upon the ferm of the county.[195] On 29 April, John ordered his treasurer to pay thirty marks to Rǫgnvaldr.[197] About a year later, on 17 June 1207, John ordered the sheriff to assign Rǫgnvaldr with twenty liberates of land,[198] a payment which is also confirmed by the Lancashire Pipe Rolls.[199]

Thomas fitz Roland, and Rǫgnvaldr himself.[200] Donnchad, the FitzRolands, and Rǫgnvaldr were important agents of the English Crown in Ireland.[201]

Rǫgnvaldr's increasing interaction with the English Crown after Courcy's fall suggests that the English king not only orchestrated Courcy's undoing, but purposely detached Rǫgnvaldr from the latter. Such an act not only considerably weakened Courcy, but lessened the chance of a Lacy counterstroke against Rǫgnvaldr that could potentially destabilise the Irish Sea region. In fact, the collapse of Rǫgnvaldr's marital alliance with Llywelyn ap Iorwerth took place at about the same time, and it is possible that this breakup was masterminded by the English as well.[202]

In 1210, the Chronicle of Mann reports that John led five hundred ships to Ireland. Whilst Rǫgnvaldr and his men were absent from Mann, part of John's forces are recorded to have landed and ravaged it for a fortnight before departing with hostages.

Donnchad mac Gilla Brigte, Earl of Carrick.[206]

Refer to caption
Coat of arms of William de Briouze as it appears on folio 33v of Cambridge Corpus Christi College 16 II.[207]

A link between the flight of the Briouzes and Rǫgnvaldr appears in the thirteenth-century

Historia rerum Anglicarum,[211] In his own account of events, John declared that he had learned of the capture of Briouze's wife and children whilst at Carrickfergus,[212] a statement which may hint that the attack on Mann was punitive in nature.[213][note 15]

If the attack was indeed a case of retaliation it may not have been due to Rǫgnvaldr's own involvement with enemies of the English Crown.

Carlingford Castle, and repay the damages which he had caused in capturing it.[217] The fact that Rǫgnvaldr received restoration of his nearby knight's fee in 1219 could indicate that these lands had also been overrun and seized by the Lacys.[218]

Divided loyalties: England and Norway

Historia Anglorum).[219]

In the years between the death of

Henry II, King of England, William, and the Bishop of the Isles, where it was stated that the kings of the Isles were obliged to pay the kings of Norway ten marks of gold upon the latter's accession.[222]

Whilst bound to the English Crown in 1210, Rǫgnvaldr appears to have found himself the target of renewed Norwegian hegemony in the Isles.

Ingi Bárðarson, King of Norway, whereupon the two took their lands from Ingi as a lén (fief).[226]

Hákon Hákonarson as it appears on folio 217v of Cambridge Corpus Christi College 16 II.[227]

The two submitting monarchs of Bǫglunga sǫgur probably represent Rǫgnvaldr and his son,

Guðrøðr Dond.[228][note 16] The skattr (tax) that Rǫgnvaldr and his son rendered to Ingi appears to be the same tribute that Robert noted in his account.[232] The submission of the Islesmen appears to have been undertaken in the context of the strengthening position of the Norwegian Crown following the settlement between the Birkibeinar and Baglar,[233] and the simultaneous weakening of the Crovan dynasty due to internal infighting.[234] The destructive Norwegian activity in the Isles may have been some sort of officially sanctioned punishment from Norway due to Rǫgnvaldr's recalcitrance in terms of, not only his Norwegian obligations, but his recent reorientation towards the English Crown.[235] The fact that Ingi turned his attention to the Isles so soon after peace was brokered in Norway may well indicate the importance that he placed on his relations with Rǫgnvaldr and his contemporaries in the Isles.[236]

Rǫgnvaldr may have also used his journey as a means to safeguard the kingship against the claims of Óláfr.[237] His presence there may explain his absence from Mann during the ravaging of the island by the English. In fact, Rǫgnvaldr's submission to Ingi could have been contributed to the English attack, as it may have given the English an incentive to devastate Rǫgnvaldr's lands because he had bound himself to John only a few years previous.[238] Although John had originally installed Hugh as Earl of Ulster, he proceeded to dismantle the lordship after Hugh gave refuge to the Briouzes. The ravaging of Mann, therefore, may have been a further demonstration of English royal power directed at a disloyal vassal. If this was indeed the case, Rǫgnvaldr's submission to the Norwegian Crown—although apparently undertaken to safeguard his kingdom—clearly resulted in severe repercussions.[239]

Enduring links with England

Refer to caption
Thirteenth-century depiction of John, King of England as he appears on folio 9r of British Library Royal 14 C VII.

Numerous sources reveal that, in the years following the ravaging of Mann and plundering of the Isles, Rǫgnvaldr bound himself closer to the English Crown.

Porchester and Dover.[244][note 17]

In another record, also dated 16 May, John authorised his seneschals, governors, and bailiffs in Ireland to come to Rǫgnvaldr's aid in the event that his territory was threatened by "Wikini or others", since Rǫgnvaldr had bound himself to do the same against John's own enemies.[245] The record of "Wikini" or Vikings in this order may refer to the Norwegian raiders, like those who plundered the Isles in 1210.[246] This particular source reveals that, not only was Rǫgnvaldr protected by John, but that he was also obligated to defend John's interests in the Irish Sea region.[247] As such, Rǫgnvaldr's security was enhanced by English assistance, and John's influence was extended over the Isles at the expense of the Scots.[248]

Photograph of Carlingford
Carlingford, where Rǫgnvaldr was granted lands from the English Crown for the service of a knight. At the time, Carlingford was part of Ulster, however today it located in County Louth.

Yet another transaction dated 16 May, in return for the homage and service that he rendered to the English Crown, Rǫgnvaldr and his heirs received a grant consisting of one knight's fee of land at Carlingford, and one hundred measures of corn to be paid yearly at Drogheda for the service of a knight.[249] The grant gave Rǫgnvaldr a valuable foothold in Ireland, and provided his powerful galley-fleet with an additional safe haven.[250] The precise location of the territory granted to Rǫgnvaldr is unrecorded and unknown.[251] Carlingford had until recently been a power centre of Hugh, and Rǫgnvaldr's grant may fit into the context of filling the power vacuum following the destruction of the Lacy lordship.[252][note 18]

Rǫgnvaldr's gifts from the English Crown may fit into the context of John attempting to offset interference from the

Limburg, the Holy Roman Emperor, and Rǫgnvaldr himself. Despite these overtures, however, the Welsh uprisings of 1211 and 1212, as well as an English revolt in 1212, all succeeded in keeping English forces from invading France.[254]

Alan fitz Roland
, Rǫgnvaldr's kinsman and ally.

As a consequence of Rǫgnvaldr's vassalage to the English Crown, and his role as guardian of the English seaways, it is probable that Islesmen were involved in far fewer predatory actions along the English and Irish coasts.

Thomas fitz Roland, Earl of Atholl, and Donnchad. Such grants appear to have been part of a coordinated campaign of the English and Scottish kings to gain authority over outlying territories where royal influence was limited.[257]

At that time King Rǫgnvaldr was the greatest fighting man in all the western lands. For three whole years he had lived aboard longships and not spent a single night under a sooty roof.[258]

— excerpt of Orkneyinga saga celebrating Rǫgnvaldr's qualities as a sea-king.

A record dated 3 January 1214 appears to confirm the English Crown's intentions of protecting the Islesmen, as it prohibits certain "mariners of Ireland" from entering Rǫgnvaldr's territories at his loss.

Domnall—was undertaken in support of Rǫgnvaldr's interests in Ireland.[260] In fact, Thomas fitz Roland and Ruaidrí ransacked Derry again in 1213/1214,[261] and it is also possible that the raids were conducted in the interests of both the Scottish and English Crowns, and specifically aimed at limiting Irish support of the Meic Uilleim dissidents.[262] If these attacks were indeed directed against political enemies of the Scottish and English Crowns, it is not improbable that Rǫgnvaldr and his forces were also involved.[263]

Refer to caption
Thirteenth-century depiction of Henry III as he appears on folio 9r of British Library Royal 14 C VII.

John died in October 1216, and was succeeded by his young son, Henry III.[264] On one hand, the English summons of Rǫgnvaldr, dated 16 January 1218, in which he was ordered to amend certain "excesses" committed upon Henry III's men in Ireland and England, could be evidence that Islesmen took advantage of the somewhat fractured English realm by plundering the coasts of England and Ireland. If this was indeed the case, there is no further evidence of any such depredations.[265] On the other hand, the "excesses" could specifically relate to an instance reported by the Annals of Loch Cé, in which Irish herring-fishermen are stated to have committed violence on Mann, and were slain as a consequence of their actions.[266] Later in May, the English Crown commanded that Rǫgnvaldr was to be given safe passage to England in order account for the misconduct of his men.[267]

Whether Rǫgnvaldr actually travelled there that year is unknown, although various records reveal that he certainly did so the following year.[264] For example, he was granted safe passage by the English Crown on 24 September 1219.[268] Evidence of Rǫgnvaldr's activity in England survives in references of homage rendered to Henry III. One such record shows that, in late September, Rǫgnvaldr rendered homage to Henry III, and received the same fief that John had given him.[269][note 19] In another record of his homage the English Crown added the qualification: "But if our enemies, or his, shall rebel against us, and him, to the loss of our or his land, then you are to be earnest in your help, for the defence of our land and of his, to our safety and convenience, so long as he shall keep himself faithful towards us".[271] Therefore, whatever "excesses" Rǫgnvaldr's men had committed in the past, the surviving evidence reveals that by 1219 he was again amicably allied to the English king.[272]

Under the protection of the Pope

Photograph of a stone church
The Temple Church of London.

In September 1219, whilst in London at the

Louis VIII, King of France from without.[276]

Refer to caption
Late thirteenth-century fresco depicting of Pope Honorius III.

The precise impetus behind Rǫgnvaldr's submission is uncertain, although it may well have been related to the threat of ever-strengthening Norwegian kingship.

Áed na nGall Ua Conchobair, appears to have attempted the procurement of Hákon's assistance at a later date.[286][note 20]

Rǫgnvaldr's papal submission may have also been linked to his feud with Óláfr. For example, in the last hours of his life, John appealed to

Vatican Archives.[291][note 21]

Reunification and Scottish machinations

Photograph of an ivory gaming piece depicting a seated bishop
A bishop gaming piece of the Lewis chessmen.[294][note 22]

Upon Óláfr's return from his pilgrimage, the Chronicle of Mann records that Rǫgnvaldr had him marry "Lauon", the sister of his own wife. Rǫgnvaldr then granted Lewis and Harris back to Óláfr, where the newly-weds proceeded to live until the arrival of

Nicholas de Meaux, Abbot of Furness had vied for the office of bishop. Whilst Reginald appears to have enjoyed the support of Óláfr, Rǫgnvaldr appears to have supported the bid of Reginald's rival, Nicholas.[301]

Photograph of an ivory gaming piece depicting a seated queen
A queen gaming piece of the Lewis chessmen.[302] Although the name of Rǫgnvaldr's wife is unknown, she is styled by the Chronicle of Mann as "regina Insularum" ("Queen of the Isles").[303] Almost nothing is known of queenship in the Isles.[304]

The precise identity of the half-brothers' shared father-in-law is uncertain.[305] The chronicle describes him as a nobleman from Kintyre,[306] which suggests that he was a member of the Meic Somairle, since sources concerning this kindred link them with Kintyre more than any other region.[307] The father-in-law, therefore, may well have been Rǫgnvaldr's first cousin Ragnall,[308] or Ragnall's son Ruaidrí[309]—both of whom appear to have been styled "Lord of Kintyre" in contemporary sources[310]—or possibly Ragnall's younger son, Domnall.[311] It is conceivable that the first union was undertaken before 1210,[312] perhaps not long after 1200 considering the fact that Guðrøðr Dond—a product of Rǫgnvaldr's marriage—was apparently an adult by 1223 and had fathered at least one son by this date.[313][note 23]

The unions themselves appear to have been orchestrated in an effort to patch up relations between the Meic Somairle and the Crovan dynasty, neighbouring kindreds who had bitterly contested the kingship of the Isles for about sixty years.[316] In fact, it is possible that Rǫgnvaldr's kingship was formally recognised by Ruaidrí,[317] the apparent leading Meic Somairle dynast since Áengus' death in 1210,[318] who thereby established himself as a leading magnate within a reunified Kingdom of the Isles.[317] Since the majority of Ruaidrí's territories appear to have been mainland possessions, it is very likely that the Scottish Crown regarded this reunification as a threat to its own claims of overlordship of Argyll. In fact, it is possible that the Scots' release of Óláfr in 1214 was intended to cause dynastic discord in the Isles. If that was indeed the case, then the Scottish Crown's machinations had temporarily come to nought because of Óláfr's reconciliation and arraigned marriage.[319]

Civil war and kin-strife

Photograph of an ivory gaming piece depicting an armed warrior
A rook gaming piece of the Lewis chessmen.[320]

Once freed from his arranged marriage, the Chronicle of Mann states that Óláfr proceeded to marry Cristina, daughter of

Alexander II, King of Scotland in 1221–1222. Óláfr's subsequent realignment with Ferchar—Alexander's protégé—not only appears to evince Óláfr's recognition of the shift of power in north-western Scotland,[323] but may also signal Rǫgnvaldr's loss of support from the Scottish Crown.[324]

If the chronicle is to be believed, Óláfr's separation from Lauon enraged her sister, who surreptitiously tricked her son, Guðrøðr Dond, into attacking Óláfr. Following what he thought were his father's orders, Guðrøðr Dond gathered a force on Skye and proceeded to Lewis and Harris, where the chronicle records that he laid waste to most of the island. Óláfr is said to have only narrowly escaped with a few men, and to have fled to the protection of his father-in-law on the mainland in

castrated. Although the chronicle maintains that Óláfr was unable to prevent this torture,[325] the Icelandic annals record that Óláfr was indeed responsible for his nephew's plight.[326]

Refer to caption
The name of Guðrøðr Dond as it appears on folio 163v of AM 47 fol: "Gudʀeði Svarta s(yni) Raugnualldz konungs".[327] Although Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar (including this excerpt) accords him an epithet meaning "black", the Chronicle of Mann accords him another meaning "brown".[328]

Mutilation and killing of high status kinsmen during power-struggles was not an unknown phenomenon in the peripheral-regions of the British Isles during the High Middle Ages.[329][note 24] In only the century-and-a-half of its existence, at least nine members of the Crovan dynasty perished from mutilation or assassination.[331] As such, there is reason to regard this vicious internecine violence as the Crovan dynasty's greatest weakness.[332] The tribulations inflicted upon Guðrøðr seem to exemplify Óláfr's intent to wrest what he regarded as his birthright from Rǫgnvaldr's bloodline. It is unknown why Rǫgnvaldr had not similarly neutralised Óláfr when he had the chance years before in 1208, although it may have had something to do with international relations. For example, it is possible that his act of showing leniency to Óláfr had garnered Scottish support against the threat of Norwegian overlordship.[313] In any case, the neutralisation of Guðrøðr Dond appears to mark a turning point in the struggle between the Óláfr and Rǫgnvaldr.[333]

kings of the Isles laid in their armed galley-fleets.[336] If the contemporary Baile suthach síth Emhna is to be believed, Rǫgnvaldr's own vessel was named Black Swan,[337] or The Swan.[338][note 25]

Roughly about this point in time, correspondence between Joan, Queen of Scotland and her brother, Henry III, reveals that the Norwegian Crown was rumoured to have been planning a naval expedition west-over-sea. Although Joan's letter places this campaign in the context of a threat to English interests in Ireland,[287] it may be more likely that Hákon's attention was focused upon the escalating situation in the Isles.[340] One possibility is that the queen's correspondence is evidence that Óláfr had appealed to Hákon for supported against Rǫgnvaldr.[341]

The kin-strife largely took place on Skye and Lewis and Harris, islands that were clearly important within the kingdom. In fact, there is evidence to suggest that the kingdom's northern territories were granted by reigning kings to

heir-apparents or disaffected dynasts.[342] For example, during the eleventh-century reign of the dynasty's founder, Guðrøðr Crovan, the northern portion of the realm may have been governed by Guðrøðr Crovan's succeeding son, Lǫgmaðr.[343] The fact that Rǫgnvaldr was residing in the Hebrides when his father died in 1187 may indicate that, despite the chronicle's claims to the contrary, Rǫgnvaldr was indeed the rightful heir to the kingship.[344] Furthermore, since Rǫgnvaldr's son is recorded on Skye, the possibility exists that he resided there as his father's heir-apparent. Rǫgnvaldr's grant of Lewis and Harris to Óláfr may, therefore, indicate that Óláfr was at least temporarily regarded as Rǫgnvaldr's rightful successor. On the other hand, it is also possible that Rǫgnvaldr's grant was given in the context of appeasing a disgruntled dynast passed over for the kingship.[345] In any event, it is apparent that such territorial fragmentation would have severely weakened the realm.[346]

Contested episcopate

Refer to caption
The name of Cristinus, Bishop of the Isles as it appears on folio 50v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Cristinus".[347] Cristinus seems to have been a Meic Somairle appointee, and was evidently replaced by a bishop aligned with the Crovan dynasty early in Rǫgnvaldr's reign.

The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Rǫgnvaldr's realm was the far-flung

Archdiocese of Niðaróss.[349] In effect, the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles—its territorial borders and nominal subjection to Norway—appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles.[350] Before the close of the twelfth century, however, evidence of a new ecclesiastical jurisdiction—the Diocese of Argyll—begins to emerge during ongoing contentions between the Meic Somairle and the Crovan dynasty.[351]

Archbishop of Niðaróss to the Bishop of the Isles during the reign of Rǫgnvaldr's father.[355]

In the early 1190s, the Chronicle of Mann reveals that Cristinus, Bishop of the Isles, an Argyllman who was probably a Meic Somairle candidate, was deposed and replaced by Michael, a Manxman who appears to have been backed by Rǫgnvaldr.[356] The tenure of Cristinus seems to have spanned at least two decades during a sustained period of Meic Somairle power in the Isles. His downfall, however, came about at the time of the Crovan dynasty's resurgence under the then-recently enthroned Rǫgnvaldr.[357]

After Michael's death in 1203, a certain Koli is recorded to have been consecrated in 1210. The situation between this span of years is uncertain.[358] On one hand, it is possible that the see was vacant between these years. On the other hand, Koli could have been elected bishop in 1203, but only consecrated in 1210. Another possibility is that the see was administered from Lismore—the future seat of the Diocese of Argyll—under the ultimate authority of Áengus, the aforementioned Meic Somairle dynast slain in 1210.[359]

There is also a possibility that Koli's consecration was connected to the attack on Iona in 1209/1210.[360] Not only does the Norwegian expedition appear to have compelled Rǫgnvaldr and his son to submit to the Norwegian Crown in 1210, but it also made landfall in Orkney, and brought back to Norway the joint Orcadian earls and their bishop.[361] The entire undertaking, therefore, may have been designed to reassert Norwegian overlordship over both secular and ecclesiastical authorities in Norwegian satellites overseas. If correct, the voyage would seem to have been orchestrated by both Ingi and his chief prelate, Þórir Guðmundarson, Archbishop of Niðaróss. Although the Meic Somairle controversially refounded Iona at the turn of the century, and further secured its independence from the Diocese of the Isles by placing it under the protection of the papacy, the Norwegian sack of the island may not have been a sanctioned act One possibility is that a visit to the island by the Norwegian delegation disastrously deteriorated into otherwise unplanned violence.[362]

The next bishop after Koli was Reginald.

Walter de Gray, Archbishop of York, concerning Nicholas' final resignation, states that the latter had long been exiled from his see because "the lord of the land and others" were "altogether opposed to him".[365] As early as November 1219, papal correspondence reveals that the pope had urged the leading men of the Isles to accept Nicholas' episcopacy.[366]

Photograph of a stone chapel
St Oran's Chapel, the oldest intact building on Iona,[367] dates to the mid twelfth century, and may have been built by either the Meic Somairle or the Crovan dynasty.[368]

Rǫgnvaldr's remarkably warm relations with the papacy, and his deteriorating relationship with Óláfr, could be evidence that the papal correspondence in support of Nicholas was directed at Óláfr instead of Rǫgnvaldr.

Archbishop of Niðaróss, and whose tenure outlived both Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr.[363]

Alliance with Alan of Galloway

Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway.[373]

In 1224, the year following the defeat of Rǫgnvaldr's son, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr took hostages from the leading men of the Hebridean portion of the realm, and with a fleet of thirty-two ships, landed on Mann at

Fergus, Lord of Galloway;[384] both had received Ulster lands from the English at about the same time; and it is possible that connections between the Isles and Galloway had led to Rǫgnvaldr's involvement with the Scottish Crown in Caithness.[385]

In a letter from Alan to Henry III, dated the year of the partitioning between the half-brothers, Alan mentioned that he was preoccupied with his army and fleet, travelling from island to island.[386] This statement may well evince the beginning of the joint military operations, conducted by Alan and Rǫgnvaldr against Óláfr, assigned by the chronicle to the following year.[387] According to the latter source, however, the campaigning came to nought because the Manx were unwilling to battle against Óláfr and the Hebrideans.[388] This record appears to show that Alan portrayed his actions in the Isles as related to his conflict with the Lacys in Ireland. As such, the correspondence could be further evidence that the Lacys' Ulster ambitions were aligned with Óláfr in the Isles.[389]

Óláfr, as it appears on folio 163r of AM 47 fol (Eirspennill): "Olafr suárti".[390]

Also in 1224, the thirteenth-century Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar reports that Hákon was visited by a certain Gillikristr, Óttar Snækollsson, and many Islesmen, who presented the king with letters concerning certain needs of their lands.[391] One possibility is that these needs refer to the violent kin-strife and recent treaty between the half-brothers.[392] The saga may therefore reveal that the Norwegian Crown was approached by either representatives of either side of the inter-dynastic conflict, or perhaps by neutral chieftains caught in the middle.[393][note 28] Further attempts to quell the infighting by way of the Norwegian Crown may have been undertaken in 1226, when it is remarked by the same source that Simon, Bishop of the Isles met with Hákon.[395]

Refer to caption
Alan's name as it appears on folio 28v of British Library Cotton Faustina B IX (the Chronicle of Melrose): "Alanus filius Rolandi".[396]

A short time later, perhaps in about 1225 or 1226, the chronicle reveals that Rǫgnvaldr oversaw the marriage of a daughter of his to Alan's young illegitimate son,

feudal laws of the English and Scottish realms.[402]

Tynwald Hill, near St John's may have been a national assembly site of the Kingdom of the Isles.[403] It may well have been the place where the Islesmen publicly inaugurated their kings,[404] proclaimed new laws, and resolved disputes.[405] Be that as it may, much of the visible site dates only to the eighteenth-, nineteenth-, and twentieth century.[403] Tynwald was the site of the final conflict between Óláfr and Rǫgnvaldr.[406]

At this low point of his career, the deposed Rǫgnvaldr appears to have gone into exile at Alan's court in Galloway.

bailiffs on Mann, with instructions to collect tribute from the island and send it back to Galloway, may reveal the price Rǫgnvaldr had to pay for Alan's support in the affair. In fact, Rǫgnvaldr's role in the takeover is unrecorded.[409] Suffering serious setbacks at the hands of his enemies, Óláfr reached out for English assistance against his half-brother, as evidenced by correspondence between Henry III and Óláfr in which the latter alluded to aggression dealt from Alan.[410] Eventually, after Alan vacated Mann for home, Óláfr and his forces reappeared on the island, and routed the remaining Gallovidians; and thus, the chronicle declares, peace was restored to Mann.[411]

In the same year, English records reveal that Henry III attempted to broker a peace between the half-brothers, and gave Óláfr safe passage to England.[412] This correspondence may have led to Óláfr's temporary absence from Mann that year.[313] It could also roughly mark the point when Rǫgnvaldr finally lost English support.[413] Although the English Crown technically recognised Óláfr's kingship in correspondence sent to him the year before, the aggressive tone directed at him suggests that the preferred dynast may well have Rǫgnvaldr at that point in time.[414][note 29]

Final confrontation and death

St Mary's Abbey, Furness
, has been dubiously associated with Rǫgnvaldr since the nineteenth century.

In what was likely early January 1229, the chronicle records that Rǫgnvaldr caught the forces of Óláfr unaware, as Rǫgnvaldr sailed from Galloway with five ships, and launched a nocturnal raid upon the harbour at

Meic Uilleim insurrection against the Scottish Crown.[420] Even if this was the case, Rǫgnvaldr may have also considered Alan's involvement a detriment at this stage.[313]

Rǫgnvaldr followed up on his assault by establishing himself in the southern part of Mann, as the chronicle records that he won over the support of the southerners. Meanwhile, Óláfr is stated to have assembled his forces in the north of Mann,

Tynwald.[423][note 30] The derivation of this place name—from the Old Norse elements þing ("assembly") and vǫllr ("field", "meadow")—reveals that it was an assembly site,[424] which in turn suggests that negotiations may have been intended.[406]

Photograph of St Mary's Abbey, Furness
Ruinous St Mary's Abbey, Furness, where Rǫgnvaldr was laid to rest.

On

mail-clad warrior, found in the north aisle of the abbey, has been associated with Rǫgnvaldr since the first half of the nineteenth century. Such an association is nevertheless dubious at best.[429]

Ancestry

Notes

  1. Gaelic, and Welsh primary sources. It is unknown what form he would have felt most comfortable with, although one Latin charter of St Bees Priory renders his name "Ragdnaldus", an attempt at Latinising the Old Norse form of his name.[37]
  2. dán díreach poetic metre.[47] The poem evidences the multilingual nature of Rǫgnvaldr's court,[48] and may reveal that Old Norse was to declining in the Isles.[49] Its depiction of Rǫgnvaldr as a handsome young Viking, destined to become an Irish king, suggests that it was composed early in his career.[50]
  3. Guðrøðr Crovan, founder of the Crovan dynasty.[54] The identities of the last four people in this pedigree are uncertain.[55]
  4. ^ There is evidence to suggest that Guðrøðr Óláfsson had another son named Ruaidrí.[60]
  5. ^ There may be evidence of earlier conflict between the Meic Somairle and the Crovan dynasty.[90] According to Hebridean tradition preserved by the seventeenth-century Sleat History, at one point during Ragnall's tenure his followers fought and slew a certain "Muchdanach", ruler of Moidart and Ardnamurchan, and thereby acquired the latter's lands.[91] Muchdanach may be identical to a certain "Murcardus", a man described by the Chronicle of Mann as one whose "power and energy" were felt throughout the Kingdom of the Isles, and whose slaying is recorded in 1188, at about the time of Rǫgnvaldr's assumption of the kingship.[92] The chronicle's brief account of Murcardus appears to reveal that he was a member of the kingdom's elite, but whether his killing was connected to Rǫgnvaldr's accession is unknown.[93] If Muchdanach and Murcardus were indeed the same individual, the Sleat History would appear to preserve the memory of Meic Somairle intrusion into Garmoran, and the episode itself may be an example of feuding between the Meic Somairle and Crovan dynasty.[90] Another source that may preserve evidence of conflict amongst the competing kindreds is Baile suthach síth Emhna. At one point, the poem declares that Rǫgnvaldr "brought a crushing defeat on Maelbheirn". If Maelbheirn represents a poetic term for Morvern, a region controlled by the Meic Somairle, it could indicate a battle was fought in the area.[94] On the other hand, Maelbheirn may instead represent a personal name.[17]
  6. consummated, whereas correspondence had maintained that the marriage was unconsummated. The letter further reveals that the girl's attendants, relatives, as well as the Bishop of the Isles, insisted in vain that her marriage to Rhodri had been unconsummated.[140]
  7. ^ Contemporary English records reveal that Llywelyn and Joan's betrothal took place in 1204.[143] In 1226, Pope Honorius III declared Joan legitimate.[144]
  8. ^ The personal name Rhanullt corresponds to the Old Norse Ragnhildr.[145]
  9. ^ The pedigree runs: "Mam John ap Llewelyn, Elen v̄ Ffylib ap David ap Ierwerth ap Rȳs ap Mredydd ap Howel ap Reinallt vab brenin Manaw ne brenin y Gogledd".[148]
  10. ^ An excerpt of the colophon in National Library of Wales Peniarth 10 reads: "Hyt hynn y traetha yr Istoria a beris Reinallt vrenhin yr ynyssoed y athro idaw ythrossi ae hymchwelut o rwmawns yn lladin o weithredoed chiarlymaen nyt amgen oe amrysson ar ỽrenhines. ac yd aeth gaerussalem. ac oe gyurageu a hu gadarn. yr hynn nyt ymyrrawd turpin y draethu onadunt".[154] This excerpt translates: "Thus far is related the History of Charlemagne's deeds which Reinallt King of the Isles had his clerk translate and turn from Romance into Latin, namely his quarrel with the Queen and his journey to Jerusalem and his conversion with Hugh the Mighty, which Turpin did not bother to relate".[155]
  11. Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain.[165]
  12. ^ Although it is uncertain if this number is an accurate sum of Rǫgnvaldr's ships, if the total is even remotely accurate it would appear to represent a very large proportion of his royal fleet.[184] The numbers could be evidence that Rǫgnvaldr's forces numbered between four thousand and six thousand men.[185]
  13. mark of gold or silver yearly.[194]
  14. ^ A librate is a piece of land worth a pound a year.[196]
  15. ^ Another seemingly relevant source revealing English involvement on the island within the year is the administrative record of the English Crown's payment for the protection of an English supply on Mann.[214]
  16. patronym.[230]
  17. ^ The circumstances under which these men were detained is unknown.[242]
  18. St Mary's Abbey, Dublin.[253]
  19. ^ This record shows that Henry III allowed Rǫgnvaldr the allowance of wheat and wine that John had originally gifted him. Numerous repeated orders, dated 17 June 1220, 4 November 1220, 8 August 1222, 12 March 1225, and 3 October 1226, could well be evidence that the justiciars were less than willing to dole out the grant.[270]
  20. ^ In 1224, Henry III's sister, Joan, Queen of Scotland, warned her brother that Hákon was rumoured to be preparing an invasion of Ireland in support of Hugh.[287]
  21. ^ The fresco was noted in the eighteenth century, and seems to date to about the seventeenth century. It is part of a series of frescoes dealing with the grants of papal fiefs.[292] It contains a Latin inscription which runs: "HONORIO III PONT MAX REGINALDUS REX INSULAE MONAE IN HIBERNICO MARI CORAM LEGATO PONTIFICIO REGNUM SUUM APOSTOLICAE SEDI DONAT".[293]
  22. monastery of St Bees rights to some of the lands of Ormesham.[297]
  23. ^ One reason why the chronicle fails to name the father-in-law of Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr could be that the chronicle is biased against him. Another possibility is that the chronicler may have simply not known his name.[314] Likewise, the fact that the chronicle fails to name Lauon's sister—a woman alleged to have played a significant role in the kin-strife between Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr—could be evidence of a specific bias against her.[315]
  24. Descriptio Kambriæ, in an English account of succession dispute disputes among the Welsh, "the most frightful disturbances occur in their territories as a result, people being murdered, brothers killing each other and even putting each other's eyes out, for as everyone knows from experience it is very difficult to settle disputes of this sort".[330]
  25. ^ The inscription of the vessel may date to about the time of the Crovan dynasty, possibly from about the eleventh- to the thirteenth century.[335] The vessel appears to be similar to those that appear on seals borne by members of the dynasty.[339]
  26. ^ The monks of Furness were granted the right to elect a Bishop of the Isles by Rǫgnvaldr's grandfather.[370] In 1194/1195, Pope Celestine III confirmed these rights to Furness.[371]
  27. lochans, also preserve the personal name on the island.[380] At one point, Baile suthach síth Emhna acclaims Rǫgnvaldr as "King of Coll".[381]
  28. ^ Another possibility is that the visiting delegation was concerned with the threat of Scottish aggression in the Isles, following the Scottish Crown's conquest of Kintyre in 1221/1222.[394]
  29. ^ There are several other sources evidencing Rǫgnvaldr's amiable relationship with Henry III in the 1220s. On 4 November 1220, for instance, Rǫgnvaldr was confirmed of his knight's fee by the English king.[415] In 1222,[416] and again in October 1226—the year of his overthrow—Rǫgnvaldr's English privileges were also renewed.[417]
  30. ^ The chronicle's account of this episode and another dating to 1237 are the earliest records of the place name.McDonald (2007b) p. 174; Broderick (2003).
  31. ^ Although it is unknown where Rǫgnvaldr's paternal-grandfather was buried, his own father was buried on Iona. Óláfr, and two of his sons, were buried at Rushen.[428]
  32. ^ Guðrøðr Crovan's ancestry is uncertain, although he very well may have been an Uí Ímair dynast.[432]
  33. ^ Fergus' ancestry is uncertain.[433]
  34. Henry I, King of England (died 1135).[435]

Citations

  1. ^ a b Jesus College MS. 111 (n.d.); Oxford Jesus College MS. 111 (n.d.).
  2. ^ Jamroziak (2008).
  3. ^ McDonald (2019); Byrne (2016); McDonald (2016); Wadden (2014); Clancy (2012); McDonald (2012); Coira (2008); McDonald (2008); Clancy (2007); Duffy (2007); McDonald (2007a); Caball; Hollo (2006); MacInnes (2006); MacQuarrie (2006); McLeod (2002); Clancy; Márkus (1998); Mac Mathúna (1992); Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.).
  4. ^ Jamroziak (2011).
  5. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018); Simms (2018); Wadden (2014); Flanagan (2010); McDonald (2008); McDonald (2007a); Brown, M (2004); Duffy (2004c); McDonald (2004); Hudson (2004); Woolf (2004); Beuermann (2002); Duffy (2002); Sellar (2000); Sellar (1997–1998); Thornton (1996); Duffy (1993); Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.).
  6. ^ Pollock (2015); McDonald (2007a); Murray (2005); Pollock (2005); Duffy (2004a); Duffy (2004b); Duffy (2004c); Flanagan (2004); McNamee (2005); Scott (2004); Oram (2004a); Oram (2004c); Beuermann (2002); Stringer (1998); McDonald (1997).
  7. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015); McDonald (2007a); Brown, M (2004); Sellar (2000).
  8. ^ McDonald (2019); Rejhon (2017); McDonald (2016); Wiedemann (2016); McDonald (2012); Boyd (2011); Hurlock (2011); McDonald (2008); McDonald (2007a); Davey, PJ (2006a); Davey, PJ (2006b); Power (2005); Broderick (2003); Davey, P (2002); Duffy (2002); Turvey (2002); Moore, D (1996); Jennings (1994); Johnston (1991); Power (1986); Rejhon (1984); de Mandach (1983); Cowan (1982); Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.).
  9. ^ McDonald (2019); McDonald (2007a).
  10. ^ de Mandach (1983).
  11. ^ Thornton (1996).
  12. ^ a b Williams, G (2004).
  13. ^ McDonald (2019); Crawford, BE (2014); Crawford, BE (2013); Fee (2012); Oram (2011); Oram; Adderley (2010); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005); Murray (2005); Brown, M (2004); Crawford, BE (2004a); Crawford, BE (2004b); Rekdal (2003–2004); Woolf (2003); Oram (2000); Topping (1983); Cowan (1982).
  14. ^ McDonald (2016); Brown, DJF (2015); Beuermann (2014); Oram (2013); McDonald (2008); Woolf (2008); Duffy (2007); McDonald (2007a); Williams, G (2007); Duffy (2005); Duffy (2004c).
  15. ^ a b Williams, DGE (1997).
  16. ^ McDonald (2019); McDonald (2016); MacDonald (2013); Beuermann (2012); McDonald (2012); Beuermann (2011); Beuermann (2010); Valante (2010); Beuermann (2009); Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2007b); Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.).
  17. ^ a b Downham (2008).
  18. ^ Coira (2008).
  19. ^ a b McLeod (2002).
  20. ^ a b Duffy (2007).
  21. ^ Mac Mathúna (1992).
  22. ^ Hudson (2005); Hudson (2004).
  23. ^ Veach (2014); Woolf (2004); Beuermann (2002); Duffy (1993).
  24. ^ Beuermann (2002).
  25. ^ Moore, D (1996).
  26. ^ Crawford, BE (2004a).
  27. ^ McDonald (2019); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005); Oram (2000).
  28. ^ a b Oram (2011).
  29. ^ Topping (1983).
  30. ^ Rekdal (2003–2004).
  31. ^ Crawford, BE (2014); Crawford, BE (2013).
  32. ^ Beuermann (2012); Beuermann (2011).
  33. ^ Veach (2014); McDonald (2012); Beuermann (2010); Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2007b).
  34. ^ McDonald (2016); Brown, DJF (2015); Oram (2013); McDonald (2008); Duffy (2007); McDonald (2007a); Williams, G (2007).
  35. ^ Oram (2013); McDonald (2007a).
  36. ^ Williams, G (2007).
  37. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 39–40; Wilson, J (1915) p. 74 § 44, 74 n. 1; Wilson, J (1915) p. 74 § 44; Document 1/15/3 (n.d.).
  38. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 336.
  39. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 336; Wadden (2014) p. 36; Crawford, BE (2013); McDonald (2007a) pp. 45, 56; McDonald (2007b) pp. 17, 29, 41, 101, 108, 120; Williams, G (2007) p. 147; MacQuarrie (2006); Sellar (1997–1998); Duffy (1993) p. 63; Barrow; Scott (1971) p. 25 n. 74.
  40. ^ Munch; Goss (1874a) p. 78; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  41. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 151–152; McDonald (2007b) pp. 37–38.
  42. ^ Oram; Adderley (2010) p. 128; Woolf (2008); McDonald (2007b) pp. 37–38; Davey, PJ (2006b).
  43. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 38.
  44. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 39.
  45. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 39, 117.
  46. ^ Clancy (2012) p. 23; Clancy (2007) pp. 66–67; Caball; Hollo (2006) p. 10; MacInnes (2006) p. 11.
  47. ^ Sellar (2000) p. 193; Mac Mathúna (1992) p. 89.
  48. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 134; Sellar (2000) p. 193.
  49. ^ Davey, PJ (2006b).
  50. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 117.
  51. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 25.
  52. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1.
  53. ^ Sellar (1997–1998); Thornton (1996) pp. 94–96.
  54. ^ Sellar (1997–1998); Thornton (1996) pp. 95–96.
  55. ^ Thornton (1996) pp. 95–96.
  56. ^ Duffy (2004b).
  57. ^ a b Sellar (2004).
  58. ^ Duffy (2004b); Sellar (2004).
  59. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1, 70.
  60. ^ Valante (2010); McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1, 75.
  61. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 77; McDonald (2007b) p. 70.
  62. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1, 71–72.
  63. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 71–72.
  64. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 24, 66, 77; Beuermann (2014) p. 87; Oram (2011) pp. 156, 169; Flanagan (2010) p. 195 n. 123; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70–71, 94, 170; Duffy (2004c); Broderick (2003); Oram (2000) p. 105; Anderson (1922) pp. 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 78–79.
  65. ^ Oram (2011) p. 156; McDonald (2007b) p. 94.
  66. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 24, 46, 48, 66, 77; Oram (2011) pp. 156, 169; Flanagan (2010) p. 195 n. 123; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70–71; Duffy (2004c); Oram (2000) pp. 105, 124; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 260; Anderson (1922) pp. 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 78–79.
  67. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 72; Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 239; Bardic Poetry Database (n.d.) § 279. Baile suthach sith Eamhna (or "suthain�?) $.
  68. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 72–73.
  69. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 72–73; Simpson; Galbraith (n.d.) p. 136 § 9; Document 1/16/1 (n.d.).
  70. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 78; Wadden (2014) p. 33; McDonald (2008) p. 134; McDonald (2007b) pp. 72–73; Duffy (2004c); Clancy; Márkus (1998) pp. 237, 239; Skene (1890) pp. 410–427; Bardic Poetry Database (n.d.) § 279. Baile suthach sith Eamhna (or "suthain�?) $.
  71. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 78; McDonald (2007b) pp. 72–73.
  72. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 78–79; McDonald (2007b) p. 73.
  73. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 167.
  74. ^ McDonald (2019) p. ix tab. 1; Oram (2011) pp. xiii tab. 3, xv tab. 4, xvi tab. 5, xvii tab. 6; McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1, 28 tab. 2; Duncan (1996) pp. 630–631 tab. 2, 632 tab. 3; Oram (1988) p. 397.
  75. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 156 fig. 1a, 188 fig. 15.
  76. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 197–198.
  77. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 165, 197–198.
  78. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 155; McDonald (2007a) p. 48.
  79. ^ a b McDonald (2012) p. 167; Oram; Adderley (2010) p. 128; McDonald (2007b) pp. 44, 77; Power (2005) p. 40; Oram (2000) p. 125; McDonald (1997) pp. 85, 151; Anderson (1922) pp. 456–457; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 82–85.
  80. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 44 n. 8; McDonald (1997) p. 151 n. 86.
  81. ^ Oram; Adderley (2010) p. 128.
  82. ^ a b c McDonald (2019) p. 66; McDonald (2012) p. 167; Oram (2013); McDonald (2008) p. 145, 145 n. 74; McDonald (2007b) p. 78; Pollock (2005) p. 18 n. 93; Oram (2000) p. 125; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Duffy (1993) p. 64; Anderson (1922) p. 457; Munch; (Goss 1874a) pp. 84–85.
  83. ^ Oram (2013); Oram (2011) p. 169.
  84. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 78; Scott (2004).
  85. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 66; McDonald (2012) p. 176 n. 73; McDonald 2007 p. 78.
  86. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 120; Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 241; Ó Cuív (1956–1957) p. 296; Skene (1890) pp. 424–425; Bardic Poetry Database (n.d.) § 279. Baile suthach sith Eamhna (or "suthain�?) $; Royal Irish Academy MS 23 E 29 (n.d.).
  87. ^ Oram (2011) p. 168; McDonald (2007a) p. 57; Annala Uladh (2005) § 1209.2; Brown, M (2004) p. 71; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1209.2; Sellar (2000) p. 195; Anderson (1922) p. 378.
  88. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 168–169.
  89. ^ Oram (2013); Woolf (2007) p. 80.
  90. ^ a b Raven (2005) p. 58.
  91. ^ Raven (2005) p. 58; Macphail (1914) pp. 12, 17.
  92. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 38, 169; Raven (2005) p. 58; Anderson (1922) p. 314; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 78–81.
  93. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 169.
  94. ^ McDonald (2007a) pp. 57–58; McDonald (2007b) pp. 115–116; Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 241; Ó Cuív (1956–1957) p. 296; Skene (1890) pp. 424–425, 427 n. 12; Bardic Poetry Database (n.d.) § 279. Baile suthach sith Eamhna (or "suthain�?) $.
  95. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 78, 114.
  96. ^ Scott (2004).
  97. ^ Crawford, BE (2013); Crawford, BE (2004a).
  98. ^ Crawford, BE (2013); Oram (2011) p. 141; Crawford, BE (2004a); Topping (1983) pp. 112–113, 112 n. 3; Vigfusson (1887a) p. 221; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) p. 192.
  99. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 158–159; Crawford, BE (2004a); Topping (1983) p. 113.
  100. ^ Crawford, BE (2013); Topping (1983).
  101. ^ Jónsson (1916) p. 198 ch. 14; AM 47 Fol (n.d.).
  102. ^ Crawford, BE (2004a); Topping (1983) pp. 117–118; Crawford or Hall (1971) pp. 76–77.
  103. ^ Crawford, BE (2013); McDonald (2012) p. 157; Somerville; McDonald (2014) pp. 473–475 §§ 110–112; McDonald (2007a) pp. 55–56, 72; McDonald (2007b) p. 108; Williams, G (2007) pp. 146–147; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 292–293; Crawford, BE (2004a); Crawford, BE (2004b) p. 31; Rekdal (2003–2004) p. 264; Sellar (2000) pp. 196–197; Williams, DGE (1997) pp. 135, 150; Duffy (1993) p. 63; Topping (1983) p. 118; Cowan (1982) p. 41; Crawford or Hall (1971) pp. 77–78; Anderson (1922) p. 350 n. 2; Vigfusson (1887a) pp. 225–228; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) pp. 195–199 §§ 114–116.
  104. ^ Crawford or Hall (1971) p. 80; Vigfusson (1887a) p. 226; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) p. 197.
  105. ^ Crawford, BE (2013); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 288 fig. 55.
  106. ^ Crawford, BE (2013); McDonald (2007a) p. 56; McDonald (2007b) pp. 109–113; Williams, G (2007) p. 147; Murray (2005) p. 286, 286 n. 7; Crawford 2004a; Sellar (2000) p. 197; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 150; Barrow (1992) p. 83 n. 65; Barrow; Scott (1971) pp. 16 n. 65, 25 n. 74; Crawford or Hall (1971) pp. 77–78, 77 n. 3; Anderson (1908) p. 318; Stubbs (1871) p. 12; Oliver (1860) p. 42; Riley (1853) p. 393.
  107. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 56; McDonald (2007b) p. 110.
  108. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) pp. 66–67; McDonald (2012) p. 157; McDonald (2007a) pp. 70–71, 111; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 292; Topping (1983) p. 118; Anderson (1908) p. 317; Stubbs (1871) p. 11; Oliver (1860) pp. 40–41; Riley (1853) p. 393.
  109. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 111.
  110. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 292.
  111. ^ Lelong (2002) pp. 236, 340; Gunn; Mackay (1897) p. 152; Mackay (1896) p. 519; Mackay (1890–1891) pp. 110–112; Joas (1862–1864).
  112. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 158–159; McDonald (2007b) p. 111; Williams, G (2007) p. 147; Crawford, BE (2004b) p. 31; Cowan (1982) p. 41; Crawford or Hall (1971) pp. 78–79.
  113. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 158–159; Crawford, BE (2004b) p. 41 n. 61.
  114. ^ Crawford or Hall (1971) pp. 78–79.
  115. ^ Beuermann (2009); Beuermann (2008).
  116. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 111 n. 42; Oram (2000) p. 108.
  117. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 111, 111 n. 42.
  118. ^ a b c McDonald (2007b) p. 40.
  119. ^ Murray (2005) pp. 286–287, 286 n. 7; Oram (2000) pp. 105, 108.
  120. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 112.
  121. ^ Ross, AD (2003) pp. 174–186.
  122. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 111–112; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 289–292.
  123. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 111–112.
  124. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 54; McDonald (2007b) pp. 101–107; Carr (1982) pp. 41–42.
  125. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 101–102.
  126. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 102; Carr (2004a); Pryce (2004); Davies (2000) pp. 238–239; Carr (1982) pp. 44–46.
  127. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 102; Carr (2004a); Carr (1982) p. 45.
  128. ^ Carr (1982) pp. 45–46, 46 n. 25; Lloyd (1912) pp. 588, 588 n. 70, 617 n. 29; Jones; Williams; Pughe (1870) p. 683.
  129. ^ McDonald (2007a) pp. 54–55; McDonald (2007b) pp. 102–103; Davies (2000) p. 10 n. 5; Carr (1982) pp. 45–46, 46 n. 25; Lloyd (1912) p. 588, 588 n. 70; Rhŷs; Evans (1890) p. 337; Williams Ab Ithel (1860) pp. 238–239.
  130. ^ McDonald (2007a) pp. 55, 72; McDonald (2007b) pp. 102–103; Carr (2004a); Moore, D (1996) p. 28, 28 n. 205; Jennings (1994) p. 103; Duffy (1993) pp. 63, 232; Longley (1991) p. 79; Carr (1982) p. 46; Rhŷs; Evans (1890) p. 405.
  131. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 80 n. 17; McDonald (2007b) pp. 103–104; Carr (2004a); Carr (2004b); Duffy (1993) p. 63.
  132. ^ a b McDonald (2007a) p. 55; McDonald (2007b) p. 103; Pryce (1993) pp. 84–85; Lloyd (1912) p. 617, 617 n. 29; Bliss (1893) p. 8; Migne (1890) pp. 791–792 § 233.
  133. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 55; McDonald (2007b) p. 103.
  134. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 103; Carr (2004a); Turvey (2002) p. 86; Davies (2000) p. 240.
  135. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 103; Pryce (2005) p. 25; Pryce (1993) pp. 84–85.
  136. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 103.
  137. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 103–104; Wilkinson (2005) p. 83; Carr (2004b); Turvey (2002) pp. 86–87; Davies (2000) pp. 10–11; Pryce (1993) pp. 84–85.
  138. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 103; Pryce (2005) p. 26; Wilkinson (2005) p. 83 n. 11; Carr (2004b); Pryce (1993) pp. 84–85; Davies (2000) p. 194; Richter (1971) p. 207 n. 14; Lloyd (1912) p. 617 n. 29; Bliss (1893) p. 13; Migne (1891) pp. 49–50 § 47.
  139. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 103; Pryce (2005) p. 26; Wilkinson (2005) p. 83 n. 11; Pryce (1993) pp. 84–85; Lloyd (1912) p. 617 n. 29; Bliss (1893) p. 19; Migne (1891) pp. 534–537 § 220.
  140. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 103; Pryce (2005) p. 26; Pryce (1993) pp. 84–85.
  141. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 103–104; Wilkinson (2005) p. 83, 83 n. 11; Pryce (1993) pp. 84–85.
  142. ^ Gillingham (2010); McDonald (2007b) pp. 103–104; Wilkinson (2005) p. 83, 83 n. 11; Carr (2004b); Pryce (1993) pp. 84–85; Lloyd (1912) p. 616.
  143. ^ Wilkinson (2005) p. 83.
  144. ^ Pollock (2015) pp. 54–55 n. 26; Carr (2004b); Bliss (1893) p. 109.
  145. ^ a b c d McDonald (2007b) p. 104.
  146. ^ Brut y Tywysogion (n.d.); NLW MS. Peniarth 20 (n.d.) p. 198.
  147. ^ a b McDonald (2019) pp. 76, 85 n. 86; Smith, JB (2014) pp. 37–38; McDonald (2007b) p. 104.
  148. ^ a b McDonald 2007 pp. 75–76, 104–105; Meyrick 1846 p. 94.
  149. ^ McDonald 2007 pp. 75–76, 104–105.
  150. ^ Lewis (1987) p. 455; Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 016II (n.d.).
  151. ^ Clancy (2012) pp. 22–23; Boyd (2011) p. 28; Hurlock (2011) pp. 48–57; Rejhon (1984) pp. 29–30, 71–74, 89; de Mandach (1983).
  152. ^ Rejhon (2017); Rejhon (1984) pp. 1–21, 1 n. 1.
  153. ^ Rejhon (2017); Rejhon (1984) pp. 22–23, 29.
  154. ^ Rejhon (1984) p. 29; NLW MS. Peniarth 10 (n.d.) p. 14v.
  155. ^ a b Rejhon (1984) p. 29.
  156. ^ Rejhon (1984) p. 71–74.
  157. ^ Hurlock (2011) p. 49; Rejhon (1984) p. 74–75.
  158. ^ Rejhon (2017); Hurlock (2011) p. 49; Davies (2000) p. 105; Rejhon (1984) pp. 74–75.
  159. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 342; McDonald (2008) p. 131; McDonald (2007a) p. 53; Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 239; Bardic Poetry Database (n.d.) § 279. Baile suthach sith Eamhna (or "suthain�?) $.
  160. ^ Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 353.
  161. ^ Wadden (2014) p. 33; Beuermann (2010) p. 103.
  162. ^ Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 359.
  163. ^ Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 348.
  164. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 118.
  165. ^ Wadden (2014) p. 33.
  166. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 117–120.
  167. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 157; McDonald (2008) p. 137; McDonald (2007a) pp. 55–56, 72; McDonald (2007b) pp. 118–120; Vigfusson (1887a) p. 225; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) pp. 195–196 § 114.
  168. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 119, 142; Oram (2000) pp. 124–125; McDonald (1997) p. 87; Johnsen (1969) pp. 24–25; Anderson (1922) p. 439 n. 1; Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (1901) p. 133; Oliver (1861) pp. 40–41; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 75; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 115.
  169. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 53; McDonald (2007b) pp. 117–120; Skene (1890) pp. 410–427; Bardic Poetry Database (n.d.) § 279. Baile suthach sith Eamhna (or "suthain�?) $.
  170. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) pp. 148, 156.
  171. ^ Byrne (2016) p. 162; McDonald (2008) p. 131; McDonald (2007b) pp. 119–120; Duffy (2002) p. 54.
  172. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 52; McDonald (2007b) pp. 117–118; Duffy (2002) pp. 54–56.
  173. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 135–136; McDonald (2007b) pp. 124–125; Duffy (1992) p. 133.
  174. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 136; McDonald (2007b) p. 125.
  175. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) pp. 145–146; McDonald (2008) p. 136; McDonald (2007b) p. 125; Duffy (2005); Duffy (2004a); Oram (2000) p. 105.
  176. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 136–137; Crooks (2005); Duffy (2005); Duffy (2004a).
  177. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 137–138; McDonald (2007b) pp. 126–127; Duffy (1996b) p. 7.
  178. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 137–138; McDonald (2007b) p. 127; Duffy (1995) pp. 25–26; Duffy (1993) pp. 58–59; Duffy (1991) pp. 54–56.
  179. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 127; Duffy (2002) pp. 54–56.
  180. ^ Halpin; Newman (2006) pp. 83–85, 84 fig. 17.
  181. ^ Downham (2018) p. 245; McDonald (2008) p. 139; McDonald (2007b) pp. 128–127; Smith, B (2006); Duffy (2005).
  182. ^ Veach (2014) pp. 117–118; Oram (2011) p. 168; McDonald (2008) p. 139; McDonald (2007a) p. 53; McDonald (2007b) pp. 128–127; Duffy (2005); McDonald (2004) p. 190; Oram (2000) p. 124; McDonald (1997) p. 87; Duffy (1993) pp. 63–64; Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.) pp. 10–12 §§ 2.5.8–2.5.10.
  183. ^ Brown, DJF (2015) p. 9; McDonald (2012) p. 157; Oram (2011) p. 168; McDonald (2008) p. 139; McDonald (2007a) pp. 62–63, 53; McDonald (2007b) p. 128; Flanagan (2004); McDonald (2004) p. 190; Oram (2000) p. 124; McDonald (1997) p. 87; Duffy (1993) p. 64, 64 n. 86; Anderson (1922) pp. 363–365; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 80–83; Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.) pp. 10–11 § 2.5.8.
  184. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 63.
  185. ^ Veach (2014) pp. 117–118.
  186. ^ Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1205.5; McDonald (2008) p. 139; McDonald (2007a) p. 53; McDonald (2007b) pp. 128–129; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1205.5; McDonald (1997) p. 87; Duffy (1993) pp. 63–64; Anderson (1922) p. 364 n. 4; Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.) pp. 10–11 § 2.5.8.
  187. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 139; McDonald (2007b) p. 129; Duffy (2005); Duffy (1993) p. 63, 63 n. 86; Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.) pp. 9–12 § 2.5.6–2.5.10.
  188. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 139; McDonald (2007b) p. 129.
  189. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 140; McDonald (2007b) pp. 130–131; Oram (2000) p. 124.
  190. ^ Oram (2011) p. 168.
  191. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 140; McDonald (2007a) p. 74; McDonald (2007b) p. 131; Oram (2000) p. 124; McDonald (1997) p. 87; Duffy (1993) p. 64; Oliver (1861) p. 25; Hardy (1835) p. 50; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 44; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 84.
  192. ^ Veach (2014) p. 118; McDonald (2008) p. 140; McDonald (2007b) p. 131; Duffy (1993) p. 64; Bain (1881) p. 63 § 380; Oliver (1861) p. 26; Hardy (1835) p. 92; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 44; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 87.
  193. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 140; McDonald (2007b) p. 131; Duffy (1993) p. 64; Farrer (1902) p. 206; Oliver (1861) p. 27; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 88.
  194. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 131 n. 46; Oliver (1861) p. 27.
  195. ^ a b McDonald (2008) p. 140; McDonald (2007) p. 131; Duffy (1993) p. 64; Bain (1881) p. 64 § 383; Farrer (1902) pp. 199, 206.
  196. ^ Oxford English Dictionary (2009) § "librate".
  197. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 140–141; McDonald (2007b) p. 131; Oliver (1861) p. 28; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 89.
  198. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 131; Oliver (1861) p. 29; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 90.
  199. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 131; Farrer (1902) p. 228.
  200. ^ a b Oram (2011) pp. xv tab. 4, xvi tab. 5.
  201. ^ Brown, DJF (2015) p. 22, 22 n. 126; Veach (2014) pp. 145–146; Pollock (2005) pp. 4, 26–27, 27 n. 138.
  202. ^ Veach (2014) pp. 118, 121.
  203. ^ Oram (2011) p. 170; McDonald (2008) p. 141; McDonald (2007a) p. 74; McDonald (2007b) pp. 129, 133; Pollock (2005) pp. 11, 18–19; Oram (2000) p. 116; Duffy (1996a) p. 13; Anderson (1922) pp. 387–388; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 82–83.
  204. ^ Oram (2011) p. 168; Pollock (2005) p. 19 n. 94.
  205. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 142; McDonald (2007b) pp. 132–132.
  206. ^ Oram (2011) p. 169; McDonald (2008) p. 142; McDonald (2007b) p. 132; Pollock (2005) pp. 11–12, 18–19; Turner (2006); Holden (2001) p. 15; Oram (2000) p. 116; Duffy (1993) pp. 73, 75.
  207. ^ Lewis (1987) p. 448; Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 016II (n.d.).
  208. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 132; Duffy (1996a) pp. 13, 22–23; Anderson (1922) p. 387; Michel (1840) pp. 113–114.
  209. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 133; Pollock (2005) p. 18.
  210. ^ Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1210.7; McDonald (2007b) p. 133; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1210.7; Duffy (1996a) p. 13; Anderson (1922) p. 383 n. 4.
  211. ^ Duffy (1996a) p. 13; Howlett (1885) p. 511.
  212. ^ Pollock (2005) pp. 11–12; McDonald (2007b) p. 133; Oram (2000) p. 116; Duffy (1996a) pp. 13–14; Duffy (1993) pp. 73, 75; Anderson (1922) pp. 384–385 n. 4; Bain (1881) pp. 81–82 § 480; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 52.
  213. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 133.
  214. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 74; McDonald (2007b) p. 132; Duffy (1996a) p. 13; Sweetman (1875) p. 64 § 407; Hardy (1844a) p. 209.
  215. ^ a b Pollock (2005) pp. 18–19.
  216. ^ Veach (2014) p. 121; Pollock (2005) pp. 11–12, 18.
  217. ^ Duffy (1993) pp. 104–105, 105 n. 19; Sweetman (1875) p. 114 § 755.
  218. ^ Duffy (1993) p. 105 n. 19; Anderson (1922) p. 439 n. 1; Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (1901) p. 205; Sweetman (1875) pp. 133–134 § 898; Oliver (1861) p. 47; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 79; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 124.
  219. ^ Lewis (1987) p. 461.
  220. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 135–136.
  221. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 135; Power (2005) p. 22; Johnsen (1969) p. 21.
  222. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) pp. 70–71; McDonald (2007b) p. 135; Power (2005) p. 22; Johnsen (1969) pp. 20–22; Lawrie (1910) pp. 114–115; Anderson (1908) p. 245; Howlett (1889) pp. 228–229.
  223. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 133–137.
  224. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 163; McDonald (2007b) p. 133; Power (2005) p. 38; Oram (2000) p. 115; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 143 § 4; Storm (1977) p. 123; Anderson (1922) pp. 378, 381–382; Vigfusson (1878) pp. 366–367; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 523.
  225. ^ Michaelsson (2015) p. 30 ch. 17; Beuermann (2012) p. 1; McDonald (2012) p. 163; McDonald (2008) pp. 142–143; McDonald (2007b) p. 133; Power (2005) p. 38; Beuermann (2002) p. 420 n. 6; Oram (2000) p. 115; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 143 § 4; Anderson (1922) pp. 378–381, 379 n. 2; Jónsson (1916) p. 468 ch. 18; Fornmanna Sögur (1835) pp. 192–195.
  226. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) pp. 72–73; McDonald (2012) p. 163; Beuermann (2011) p. 125; Oram (2011) p. 169; Beuermann (2010) pp. 106–107, 106 n. 19; McDonald (2008) pp. 142–143; McDonald (2007b) p. 134; Brown, M (2004) p. 74; Beuermann (2002) p. 420 n. 6; Oram (2000) p. 115; Williams, DGE (1997) pp. 114–115; Johnsen (1969) p. 23, 23 n. 3; Anderson (1922) p. 381, 381 nn. 1–2; Fornmanna Sögur (1835) pp. 194–195.
  227. ^ Lewis (1987) p. 456; Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 016II (n.d.).
  228. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) pp. 72–73; Crawford, BE (2013); McDonald (2012) p. 163; Beuermann (2011) p. 125; Beuermann (2010) pp. 106–107, 106 n. 20; McDonald (2008) p. 143; McDonald (2007b) p. 134; Duffy (2004c); Oram (2000) p. 115; Johnsen (1969) p. 23.
  229. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 180 n. 140; McDonald (2008) p. 143 n. 63; McDonald (2007b) p. 134 n. 61; Power (2005) p. 39.
  230. ^ a b Power (2005) p. 39.
  231. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 13, 39.
  232. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 143; McDonald (2007b) pp. 134–135; Power (2005) p. 39; Johnsen (1969) pp. 23–24.
  233. ^ Beuermann (2011) p. 125; Beuermann (2010) p. 106; McDonald (2008) pp. 142–144; McDonald (2007b) pp. 134–135.
  234. ^ Beuermann (2010) p. 106.
  235. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 135.
  236. ^ Beuermann (2011) p. 125.
  237. ^ Williams, DGE (1997) p. 115.
  238. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 168–170; Beuermann (2010) p. 106 n. 20; McDonald (2008) p. 144; McDonald (2007b) p. 136.
  239. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 168–170.
  240. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 144–145; McDonald (2007b) pp. 137–143.
  241. ^ a b Pollock (2015) p. 56 n. 36; McDonald (2008) p. 144; McDonald (2007b) p. 137; Duffy (1993) p. 64; Johnsen (1969) p. 24; Munch; Goss (1874b) p. 289 § 7; Oliver (1861) pp. 31–32; Hardy (1837) p. 191; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 51; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 94; Document 1/15/6 (n.d.).
  242. ^ a b McDonald (2007b) p. 137.
  243. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 137; Oliver (1861) p. 30; Cole (1844) p. 232.
  244. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 144, 144 n. 68; McDonald (2007b) p. 137, 137 n. 75; Oliver (1861) p. 33; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 95.
  245. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 144–145, 144 n. 68; McDonald (2007a) pp. 74–75; McDonald (2007b) p. 137, 137 n. 75; Pollock (2005) pp. 26–27; Duffy (2002) p. 49; Duffy (1993) p. 65; Johnsen (1969) p. 24; Sweetman (1875) p. 70 § 429; Oliver (1861) p. 34; Hardy (1835) p. 92.
  246. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 145; McDonald (2007a) p. 75 n. 40; McDonald (2007b) p. 138.
  247. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 138–139.
  248. ^ Duffy (1993) p. 65.
  249. ^ Veach (2018) p. 173; McDonald (2016) p. 341; Pollock (2015) p. 56 n. 35; Wadden (2014) p. 36; McDonald (2008) pp. 144–145, 144 n. 68, 145 n. 71; McDonald (2007a) pp. 53, 75; McDonald (2007b) pp. 137–138, 137 n. 75, 138 n. 78; Power (2005) p. 46; Davey, P (2002) p. 91; Duffy (2002) p. 54; McDonald (1997) p. 87; Duffy (1993) p. 64; Power (1986) p. 130; Johnsen (1969) p. 24; Sweetman (1875) p. 70 § 428; Oliver (1861) pp. 35–36; Hardy (1837) p. 186; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 93.
  250. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 146; McDonald (2007a) pp. 53, 75; McDonald (2007b) p. 139; Duffy (2002) p. 54.
  251. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 139.
  252. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 146; McDonald (2007b) p. 139.
  253. ^ Duffy (1993) pp. 60, 62; Gilbert (1884) p. 14.
  254. ^ a b Pollock (2015) pp. 54–58, 56 n. 35.
  255. ^ Pollock (2015) p. 54; Church (1998) p. 49 n. 28; Hardy (1844a) p. 227.
  256. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 54.
  257. ^ Brown, DJF (2015) p. 22, 22 n. 126; Veach (2014) pp. 145–146; McDonald (2008) pp. 146–147; McDonald (2007b) pp. 140–141; Stringer (1998) pp. 85–88.
  258. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 336; McDonald (2012) p. 164; Vigfusson (1887a) p. 225; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) p. 195 § 114.
  259. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 145; McDonald (2007b) p. 138; Pollock (2005) pp. 26–27; McDonald (1997) p. 87; Duffy (1993) p. 104; Johnsen (1969) p. 24; Sweetman (1875) p. 80 § 502; Oliver (1861) p. 37; Hardy (1835) p. 108.
  260. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1211.3; Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1211.3; Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1211.7; Annala Uladh (2005) § 1212.4; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1211.7; Pollock (2005) pp. 26–27, 27 n. 138; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1212.4.
  261. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 10; Ross, A (2007); Pollock (2005) p. 27; Oram (2000) p. 117; Duffy (1993) p. 67.
  262. ^ Oram (2011) p. 171; Ross, A (2007); Oram (2004c); Ross, AD (2003) pp. 198–199; Oram (2000) p. 117; Stringer (1998) pp. 87–88; Duffy (1993) pp. 78–79.
  263. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 146–147.
  264. ^ a b McDonald (2007b) p. 142.
  265. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 142; Johnsen (1969) pp. 24–25; Anderson (1922) p. 439 n. 1; Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (1901) p. 133; Oliver (1861) pp. 40–41; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 75; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 115.
  266. ^ Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1217.2; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1217.2; Duffy (1993) pp. 103–104.
  267. ^ Hudson 2004 p. 62; Duffy (1993) p. 104; Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (1901) p. 150; Bain (1881) p. 122 § 696; Sweetman (1875) p. 123 § 828; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 116.
  268. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 142; Oram (2000) p. 88; Anderson (1922) p. 439 n. 1; Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (1901) pp. 204–205; Oliver (1861) pp. 43–44; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 79.
  269. ^ Duffy (2002) p. 54; Oram (2000) p. 88; Duffy (1993) pp. 104, 105 n. 19; Johnsen (1969) p. 25; Anderson (1922) p. 439 n. 1; Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (1901) p. 205; Sweetman (1875) pp. 133–134 § 898; Oliver (1861) p. 47; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 79; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 124.
  270. ^ Duffy (1993) p. 104, 104 n. 16; Sweetman (1875) pp. 143 § 944, 149–150 § 977, 159–160 § 1040, 189 § 1240, 218–219 § 1447.
  271. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 142–143; Anderson (1922) p. 439 n. 1; Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (1901) p. 205; Oliver (1861) pp. 45–46; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 79.
  272. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 143.
  273. ^ Wiedemann (2018) pp. 512–513; McDonald (2016) p. 342; Wiedemann (2016) pp. 220–221, 224–225 n. 67, 230; Crawford, BE (2014) p. 73; McDonald (2007b) pp. 143–144, 186, 190; Power (2005) p. 40; Watt (2000) p. 40 n. 62; Richter (1971) p. 212; Johnsen (1969) pp. 25–26; Anderson (1922) pp. 427 n. 1, 439 n. 1; Munch; Goss (1874b) pp. 290–293 § 8; Theiner (1864) pp. vi, 11 § 26; Oliver (1861) pp. 53–57; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 pp. 78–79; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 123; Document 1/15/7 (n.d.).
  274. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 342; McDonald (2007b) pp. 149, 186; Richter (1971) p. 212; Johnsen (1969) pp. 25–26; Anderson (1922) p. 455 n. 2; Munch; Goss (1874b) pp. 301–302 § 13; Theiner (1864) pp. vi, 21–22 § 51; Oliver (1861) pp. 64–66; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 7 § 11; Document 2/139/75 (n.d.).
  275. ^ Wiedemann (2016) pp. 221, 224–225 n. 67, 230; Gillingham (2010); McDonald (2007b) p. 144; Power (2005) p. 40; Vincent (2004); Richter (1971) pp. 211–212.
  276. ^ Gillingham (2010).
  277. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 146–147.
  278. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 146; Helle (2003) p. 385.
  279. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 143–144, 146, 148; Johnsen 1969 p. 25.
  280. ^ Johnsen (1969) p. 23.
  281. ^ Power (2005) p. 40; Johnsen (1969) p. 23.
  282. ^ Duffy (1993) p. 104; Sweetman (1875) pp. 134–135 § 902.
  283. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 13; McDonald (2007b) pp. 146–147; Duffy (2002) p. 49; Duffy (1993) p. 104; Sweetman (1875) p. 149 § 976; Oliver (1861) pp. 58–59; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 132.
  284. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1220.2; Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1220.2; Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1221.7; Duffy (2007) pp. 9–10; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1221.7; Duffy (1993) p. 103.
  285. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 13.
  286. ^ Duffy (2007) pp. 13, 22–23.
  287. ^ a b Oram (2013) ch. 4; Duffy (2007) pp. 13–14, 13 n. 60; McDonald (2007b) p. 151, 151 n. 37; Oram (2000) pp. 125, 139 n. 102; Stringer (1998) p. 95, 95 n. 3; Duffy (1993) p. 105; Bain (1881) p. 151 § 852; Sweetman (1875) p. 179 § 1179; Shirley (1862) pp. 219–220 § 195; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 157; Document 1/11/1 (n.d.).
  288. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 147–148, 186.
  289. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 149; Johnsen 1969 p. 26.
  290. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 149.
  291. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 31, 144; Moore, TM (1966).
  292. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 31; Moore, TM (1966).
  293. ^ Moore, TM (1966) p. 9.
  294. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 158 fig. 3a, 186 fig. 13.
  295. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 343; McDonald (2007b) p. 200; Davey, PJ (2006a).
  296. ^ Jamroziak (2011) pp. 82–83; Jamroziak (2008) pp. 32–33; McIntire (1943) p. 6; Grainger; Collingwood (1929) pp. 94–95 § 266; Document 1/15/4 (n.d.).
  297. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 203; Wilson, J (1915) p. 74 § 44; Document 1/15/3 (n.d.).
  298. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 61, 63, 66; McDonald (2016) pp. 339, 342; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) pp. 78–79, 116, 152, 190; Woolf (2007) p. 81; Murray (2005) p. 290 n. 23; Pollock (2005) p. 27, 27 n. 138; Brown, M (2004) pp. 76–78; Duffy (2004c); Woolf (2003) p. 178; Oram (2000) p. 125; Sellar (1997–1998); McDonald (1997) p. 85; Anderson (1922) pp. 457–458; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 84–87.
  299. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; McDonald (2007b) p. 152.
  300. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 190.
  301. ^ a b McDonald (2007b) pp. 189–192.
  302. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 157 fig. 2b, 163 fig. 8f, 188 fig. 15.
  303. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 79, 163; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 86–87.
  304. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 163.
  305. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 60–61; Oram (2013); McDonald (2007b) pp. 116–117.
  306. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 60, 66; McDonald (2016) p. 339; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; Oram (2013); McDonald (2007a) p. 73 n. 35; McDonald (2007b) pp. 78, 116; Woolf (2007) p. 81; Pollock (2005) p. 27 n. 138; Duffy (2004c); Woolf (2003) p. 178; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Anderson (1922) p. 457; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 84–85.
  307. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 60–61; McDonald (2007a) p. 73 n. 35; Woolf (2007) p. 81.
  308. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) pp. 117, 152; Woolf (2007) p. 81.
  309. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 60–61; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 189; McDonald (2007b) pp. 117 n. 68, 152; Woolf (2007) p. 81; Pollock (2005) pp. 4, 27, 27 n. 138; Woolf (2004) p. 107; Woolf (2003) p. 178; Oram (2000) p. 125.
  310. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 117; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 219 § 3; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 565–565; Paul (1882) pp. 670 § 3136, 678 § 3170; Document 3/30/1 (n.d.); Document 3/32/1 (n.d.); Document 3/32/2 (n.d.).
  311. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 82.
  312. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 81.
  313. ^ a b c d e Oram (2013).
  314. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 60–61.
  315. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 76–77.
  316. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) p. 117; Woolf (2007) p. 81.
  317. ^ a b Oram (2013) ch. 4; Woolf (2007) p. 81.
  318. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Woolf (2007) pp. 80–81.
  319. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4.
  320. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 161 fig. 6g, 185 fig. 12.
  321. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 61, 66; McDonald (2016) p. 339; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; Oram (2013); McDonald (2007b) pp. 79, 152–153, 190; Murray (2005) p. 290 n. 23; Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Oram (2000) p. 125; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Anderson (1922) p. 458; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 86–87.
  322. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 153; Pollock (2005) p. 24, 24 n. 122.
  323. ^ Oram (2013); Oram (2011) p. 189; Oram (2000) p. 125.
  324. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 153.
  325. ^ Oram (2013); McDonald (2012) p. 155; McDonald (2007b) pp. 79–80; Broderick (2003); Oram (2000) p. 125; Gade (1994) p. 199; Anderson (1922) pp. 458–459; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 86–89.
  326. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 80; Storm (1977) p. 126; Anderson (1922) pp. 454–455; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 526; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 526.
  327. ^ Jónsson (1916) p. 558 ch. 169; AM 47 Fol (n.d.).
  328. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 86, 86 n. 93; Duffy (2002) p. 191 n. 18; Megaw (1976) pp. 16–17; Anderson (1922) pp. 472, 472 n. 5, 478; Dasent (1894) p. 154 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887b) p. 148 ch. 167; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 92–93.
  329. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 73; McDonald (2007b) pp. 96–98; pp. 96–98; Gillingham (2004).
  330. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 73; Thorpe (1978) p. 261 bk. 2 ch. 4; The Itinerary Through Wales (1908) p. 193 bk. 2 ch. 4; Dimock (1868) pp. 211–212 bk. 2 ch. 3.
  331. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 96.
  332. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 72–73; McDonald (2007b) p. 91.
  333. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 67; McDonald (2012) p. 155.
  334. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 59; McDonald (2007b) pp. 128–129 pl. 1; Rixson (1982) pp. 114–115 pl. 1; Cubbon (1952) p. 70 fig. 24; Kermode (1915–1916) p. 57 fig. 9.
  335. ^ a b McDonald (2012) p. 151; McDonald (2007a) pp. 58–59; McDonald (2007b) pp. 54–55, 128–129 pl. 1; Wilson, DM (1973) p. 15.
  336. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 337; McDonald (2012) p. 151; McDonald (2007b) pp. 120, 128–129 pl. 1.
  337. ^ Clancy (2007) p. 66; Clancy; Márkus (1998) pp. 241, 338.
  338. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 62; McDonald (2007b) p. 57; MacInnes (2006) p. 514 n. 31; Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 338.
  339. ^ McDonald (2007a) pp. 58–60; McDonald (2007b) pp. 54–55; Wilson, DM (1973) p. 15, 15 n. 43.
  340. ^ Oram (2013); Oram (2000) p. 125.
  341. ^ Oram (2000) p. 125.
  342. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 154; McDonald (2007b) p. 94.
  343. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 74; McDonald (2007b) pp. 92, 94.
  344. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 94; Oram (2000) p. 105.
  345. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 94.
  346. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 95.
  347. ^ Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 114–115; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  348. ^ Woolf (2003) pp. 171, 180.
  349. ^ Davey, PJ (2006c); Woolf (2003) p. 174.
  350. ^ Davey, PJ (2006a); Davey (2006c).
  351. ^ MacDonald (2013) pp. 31–33.
  352. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 159 fig. 4d.
  353. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 159 fig. 4, 192 tab. 5, 193.
  354. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 168–169, 182 n. 175; Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 197–198.
  355. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 152.
  356. ^ Beuermann (2014) pp. 92–93; MacDonald (2013) pp. 31–33; Beuermann (2012); Woolf (2003) pp. 175–177; McDonald (1997) p. 210; Watt (1994) pp. 111–114, 118; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 114–115.
  357. ^ MacDonald (2013) pp. 31–33; Beuermann (2012); Watt (1994) p. 118.
  358. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 177; Beuermann (2002) p. 420 n. 6.
  359. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 177.
  360. ^ Beuermann (2012); Anderson (1922) pp. 381–382 n. 4.
  361. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) pp. 72–73; Beuermann (2012).
  362. ^ Beuermann (2012).
  363. ^ a b Woolf (2003) p. 178.
  364. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 189; Brownbill (1919) pp. 711–712 § 6; Beck (1844) p. 169; Document 2/11/5 (n.d.).
  365. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 189–190; Raine (1894) pp. 122–123; Oliver (1861) pp. 67–68.
  366. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 190–191; Theiner (1864) pp. vi, 14 § 31; Document 2/139/35 (n.d.).
  367. ^ Power (2013) p. 65.
  368. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 156.
  369. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 191; Brownbill (1919) p. 711 § 5; Oliver (1861) pp. 17–18; Document 1/15/1 (n.d.).
  370. ^ Tinmouth (2018) p. 56; Crawford, DKE (2016) p. 107; McDonald (2016) pp. 342–343; Beuermann (2014) p. 85; Oram (2011) p. 103; Flanagan (2010) p. 161; Davey, PJ (2008) p. 1; Davey, PJ (2006c); McDonald (2007b) p. 66, 66. n. 45; Hudson (2005) p. 202; Power (2005) p. 25; Bridgland (2004) p. 86; Woolf (2003) p. 173; Beuermann (2002) p. 427, 427 n. 42; McDonald (1997) pp. 207–208; Watt (1994) p. 111; Lowe (1988) pp. 33–34, 42; McIntire (1943) p. 2; Brownbill (1919) pp. 708–709 § 1; Oliver (1861) pp. 1–3; Beck (1844) p. 123; Document 1/13/1 (n.d.).
  371. ^ Thomas (2010) p. 23 n. 8; McIntire (1943) pp. 7–8; Atkinson (1887) pp. 642–643 § 413; Oliver (1861) pp. 21–24.
  372. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 191.
  373. ^ Oram (2000) p. 148.
  374. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 47, 67; Veach (2014) p. 200; Oram (2013); Oram (2011) p. 189; McDonald (2007a) p. 63; McDonald (2007b) pp. 52–53, 80, 153, 212; Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Oram (2000) p. 126; Duffy (1993) p. 105; Anderson (1922) p. 459; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 88–89.
  375. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 47, 211–212; Broderick (2002a) p. 198; Broderick (2002b) p. 162.
  376. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 40 n. 55, 212; Broderick (2002b) pp. 161–162.
  377. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 83–84, 211–213.
  378. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 40, 212–213.
  379. ^ Broderick (2002a) p. 198.
  380. ^ Johnston (1991) p. 127.
  381. ^ Clancy; Márkus (1998) p. 240; Johnston (1991) p. 127; Skene (1890) pp. 420–421; Bardic Poetry Database (n.d.) § 279. Baile suthach sith Eamhna (or "suthain�?) $.
  382. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 189–190; McDonald (2007b) pp. 80–81, 153, 155–156; McNamee (2005); Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Oram (2000) p. 126.
  383. ^ Stringer (1998) p. 83.
  384. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 154; Stringer (1998) pp. 83, 94.
  385. ^ a b McDonald (2007b) p. 155.
  386. ^ Oram (2013); Oram (2000) pp. 125–126; Duffy (1993) p. 105; Oram (1988) pp. 136–137; Bain (1881) pp. 158–159 § 890; Sweetman (1875) pp. 185–186 § 1218.
  387. ^ Oram (1988) pp. 136–137; Bain (1881) pp. 158–159 § 890; Sweetman (1875) pp. 185–186 § 1218.
  388. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 47–48; Oram (2013); Oram (2011) p. 189; McDonald (2007b) pp. 81, 155; Oram (2000) p. 126; McDonald (1997) p. 86; Duffy (1993) p. 105; Oram (1988) p. 137; Anderson (1922) p. 459; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 88–89.
  389. ^ Duffy (1993) p. 105.
  390. ^ Jónsson (1916) p. 556 ch. 168; AM 47 Fol (n.d.).
  391. ^ Veach (2014) p. 201; Beuermann (2010) p. 111, 111 n. 39; Power (2005) p. 44; McDonald (2004) p. 195; McDonald (1997) pp. 88–89; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 117, 117 n. 142; Gade (1994) pp. 202–203; Cowan (1990) p. 114; Anderson (1922) p. 455; Jónsson (1916) p. 522 ch. 98; Kjær (1910) p. 390 ch. 106/101; Dasent (1894) pp. 89–90 ch. 101; Vigfusson (1887b) p. 87 ch. 101; Unger (1871) p. 440 ch. 105; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 61 ch. 84; Regesta Norvegica (n.d.) vol. 1 p. 168 § 501.
  392. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 89; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 117; Gade (1994) p. 203; Regesta Norvegica (n.d.) vol. 1 p. 168 § 501 n. 1.
  393. ^ Williams, DGE (1997) p. 117; Regesta Norvegica (n.d.) vol. 1 p. 168 § 501 n. 1.
  394. ^ McDonald (1997) pp. 88–89; Cowan (1990) p. 114.
  395. ^ Williams, DGE (1997) p. 117; Anderson (1922) p. 461; Jónsson (1916) p. 546 ch. 147; Kjær (1910) p. 442 ch. 159/147; Dasent (1894) p. 134 ch. 147; Vigfusson (1887b) p. 128 ch. 147; Unger (1871) p. 466 ch. 153; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 89 ch. 121.
  396. ^ Stevenson (1835) p. 108; Cotton MS Faustina B IX (n.d.).
  397. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 24–25, 46, 48, 62; Oram (2013); Oram (2011) pp. 189–190; McDonald (2007a) pp. 64–65 n. 87; McDonald (2007b) pp. 81, 155, 172; Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Oram (2000) p. 126; Duffy (1993) p. 105; Oram (1988) p. 137; Anderson (1922) pp. 459–460; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 88–91.
  398. ^ Oram (2013); McDonald (2007b) pp. 155, 157; McNamee (2005); Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Oram (2000) p. 126; Stringer (1998) p. 96; McDonald (1997) p. 92.
  399. ^ Oram (2000) p. 126.
  400. ^ Oram (2000) pp. 126, 139 n. 107.
  401. ^ Oram (2013); Oram (2011) p. 190; Oram (2004a); Oram (2000) p. 127; Stringer (1998) pp. 96–97.
  402. ^ Oram (2000) pp. 126–127; Stringer (1998) pp. 96–97.
  403. ^ a b Broderick (2003).
  404. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) pp. 74–75.
  405. ^ Insley; Wilson (2006).
  406. ^ a b McDonald (2019) p. 68; Fee (2012) p. 129; McDonald (2007b) p. 82.
  407. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 67; McDonald (2007b) p. 81; Duffy (1993) p. 106.
  408. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 38; Oram (2013); Oram (2011) p. 190; McDonald (2007b) pp. 81, 155–156; Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Duffy (2004c); Oram (2004c); Oram (2000) p. 127; Stringer (1998) p. 95; Duffy (1993) p. 106; Oram (1988) p. 137; Anderson (1922) pp. 465–466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 90–91.
  409. ^ Oram (2013); McDonald (2007b) pp. 81, 155–156; Anderson (1922) pp. 465–466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 90–91.
  410. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 149; Oram (2000) p. 127; Duffy (1993) p. 105; Oram (1988) p. 137; Simpson; Galbraith (n.d.) p. 136 § 9; Document 1/16/1 (n.d.).
  411. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) pp. 81, 156; Anderson (1922) pp. 465–466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 90–91.
  412. ^ Oram (2013); McDonald (2008) p. 148 n. 89; McDonald (2007b) p. 148; McNamee (2005); Bain (1881) p. 182 § 1001; Oliver (1861) p. 69; Rymer; Sanderson; Holmes (1739) pt. 1 p. 104; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 188.
  413. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 148–149.
  414. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 148 n. 89; McDonald (2007b) pp. 148, 191, 191 n. 88; Oliver (1861) p. 42; Beck (1844) p. 187; Hardy (1844b) p. 175; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 185.
  415. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 148 n. 89; McDonald (2007b) p. 148; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 129.
  416. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 148 n. 89; McDonald (2007b) p. 148.
  417. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 148 n. 89; McDonald (2007b) p. 148; Hardy (1844b) p. 139; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 179.
  418. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 67–68; Crawford, DKE (2016) p. 105; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 38; Oram (2013); Oram (2011) p. 190; McDonald (2007a) p. 63; McDonald (2007b) pp. 53, 70, 81; Oram (2000) pp. 127–128; Anderson (1922) p. 466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 90–91.
  419. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 156; Oram (2000) p. 127.
  420. ^ Oram (2013); Oram (2011) p. 190.
  421. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 47; Oram (2013); McDonald (2007b) pp. 81–82, 83; McDonald (1997) p. 86; Anderson (1922) p. 466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 90–93.
  422. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 83.
  423. ^ a b c McDonald (2019) pp. 24, 68; Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 190; McDonald (2007b) pp. 82, 174; Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Oram (2000) pp. 127–128; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 258; Oram (1988) p. 137; Anderson (1922) p. 466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 92–93.
  424. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 82; Broderick (2003).
  425. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 29; Storm (1977) pp. 128 § iv, 480 § x; Anderson (1922) p. 467; Vigfusson (1878) p. 371; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 527.
  426. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 68; McDonald (2007b) p. 82, 82 n. 72; McLeod (2002) p. 28 n. 12; Anderson (1922) p. 467; Stevenson (1839) p. 40.
  427. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 29, 82; Anderson (1922) p. 466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 92–93.
  428. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 201.
  429. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 82; McIntire (1943) p. 7; Bower (1899) pp. 432–433, plate xvi fig. 1.
  430. ^ a b McDonald (2019) p. ix tab. 1; Oram (2011) pp. xv tab. 4, xvi tab. 5; McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1.
  431. ^ McDonald (2019) p. ix tab. 1; Oram (2011) p. xvi tab. 5; McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1.
  432. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 61–62; Duffy (2004b).
  433. ^ Oram (2004b).
  434. ^ a b Oram (2011) p. xv tab. 4.
  435. ^ Oram (2011) p. xv tab. 4; Oram (2004b).

References

Primary sources

Secondary sources

External links
Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson
 Died: 14 February 1229
Regnal titles
Preceded by
King of the Isles

1187–1226 		Succeeded by
Óláfr Guðrøðarson
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