Old Yue language

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Old Yue
Yue
Native to
Unclassified
Language codes
ISO 639-3–
Warring States Period
in the 5th century BC.
Map of the Warring States Period, after Yue conquered Wu. Other Baiyue peoples are shown in the south.

The Old Yue language (Chinese: 古越語; pinyin: Gu Yueyu; Jyutping: Gu2 Jyut6 Jyu5; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Kó͘-oa̍t-gí / Kó͘-oa̍t-gír / Kó͘-oa̍t-gú, Vietnamese: Tiếng Việt cổ) is an unknown unclassified language, or groups of various languages, spoken in ancient southern China, and northern Vietnam circa 700s BCE or later. It can refer to Yue, which was spoken in the realm of Yue during the Spring and Autumn period. It can also refer to the different languages spoken by the Baiyue. Possible languages spoken by them may have been of Kra–Dai, Hmong–Mien, Austronesian, Austroasiatic and other origins.

Knowledge of Yue speech is limited to fragmentary references and possible loanwords in other languages, principally

Garden of Stories compiled by Liu Xiang five centuries later.[1]

Native Nanyue people likely spoke Old Yue, while Han settlers and government officials spoke Old Chinese. Some suggest that the descendants of the Nanyue spoke Austroasiatic languages.[2] Others suggest a language related to the modern Zhuang people. It is plausible to say that the Yue spoke more than one language. Old Chinese in the region was likely much influenced by Yue speech (and vice versa), and many Old Yue loanwords in Chinese have been identified by modern scholars.[3]

Classification theories

There is some disagreement about the languages the Yue spoke, with candidates drawn from the non-Sinitic language families still represented in areas of

southern China to this day, which includes Kra–Dai, Hmong–Mien, and Austroasiatic languages;[4] as Chinese, Kra–Dai, Hmong–Mien, and the Vietic branch of Austroasiatic have similar tone systems, syllable structure, grammatical features and lack of inflection, but these features are believed to have spread by means of diffusion across the Mainland Southeast Asia linguistic area, rather than indicating common descent.[5][6]

Behr (2009) also notes that the Chǔ dialect of Old Chinese was influenced by several substrata, predominantly Kra-Dai, but also possibly Austroasiatic, Austronesian and Hmong-Mien.[11]

Kra–Dai arguments

The

proto-Kra–Dai language has been hypothesized to originate in the Lower Yangtze valleys. Ancient Chinese texts refer to non-Sinitic languages spoken across this substantial region and their speakers as "Yue". Although those languages are extinct, traces of their existence could be found in unearthed inscriptional materials, ancient Chinese historical texts and non-Han substrata in various Southern Chinese dialects. Thai, one of the Tai languages and the most-spoken language in the Kra–Dai language family, has been used extensively in historical-comparative linguistics to identify the origins of language(s) spoken in the ancient region of South China. One of the very few direct records of non-Sinitic speech in pre-Qin and Han times having been preserved so far is the "Song of the Yue Boatman
" (Yueren Ge 越人歌), which was transcribed phonetically in Chinese characters in 528 BC, and found in the 善说 Shanshuo chapter of the Shuoyuan 说苑 or 'Garden of Persuasions'.

Willeam Meacham (1996) reports that Chinese linguists have shown strong evidence of Tai vestiges in former Yue areas: Lin (1990) found Tai elements in some Min dialects, Zhenzhang (1990) has proposed Tai etymologies and interpretations for certain place names in the former states of Wu and Yue, and Wei (1982) found similarities in the words, combinations and rhyming scheme between the "Song of the Yue Boatman" and the Kam–Tai languages.[12]

James R. Chamberlain (2016) proposes that the Kra-Dai language family was formed as early as the 12th century BCE in the middle of the

Southwestern Tai and other historical evidence, proposes that the southwestward migration of southwestern Tai-speaking tribes from the modern Guangxi to the mainland of Southeast Asia must have taken place only sometime between the 8th–10th centuries CE,[14] long after 44 CE, when Chinese sources last mentioned Luo Yue in the Red River Delta.[15]

  • Proposed genesis of Daic languages and their relation with Austronesian languages (Blench, 2018)[16]
    Proposed genesis of Daic languages and their relation with Austronesian languages (Blench, 2018)[16]
  • Kra-Dai (Tai-Kadai) migration route according to James R. Chamberlain (2016).[17]
    Kra-Dai (Tai-Kadai) migration route according to James R. Chamberlain (2016).[17]
  • Tai-Kadai migration route according to Matthias Gerner's Northeast to Southwest Hypothesis.[18]
    Tai-Kadai migration route according to Matthias Gerner's Northeast to Southwest Hypothesis.[18]

Ancient textual evidence

In the early 1980s, Zhuang linguist, Wei Qingwen (韦庆稳), electrified the scholarly community in Guangxi by identifying the language in the "Song of the Yue Boatman" as a language ancestral to

Proto-Kam-Tai might have emerged by 6th century BCE, its pronunciation would have been substantially different from Thai.[7] The following is a simplified interpretation of the "Song of the Yue Boatman" by Zhengzhang Shangfang quoted by David Holm (2013) with Thai script and Chinese glosses being omitted:[22][a]

濫

ɦgraams

glamx

evening

兮

ɦee

ɦee

PTCL

抃

brons

blɤɤn

joyful

草

tshuuʔ

cɤɤ, cɤʔ

to meet

濫

ɦgraams

glamx

evening

濫 兮 抃 草 濫

ɦgraams ɦee brons tshuuʔ ɦgraams

glamx ɦee blɤɤn {cɤɤ, cɤʔ} glamx

evening PTCL joyful {to meet} evening

Oh, the fine night, we meet in happiness tonight!

予

la

raa

we, I

昌

thjang < khljang

djaangh

be apt to

枑 澤

gaah draag

kraʔ - ʔdaak

shy, ashamed

予

la

raa

we, I

昌

thjang

djaangh

be good at

州

tju < klju

cɛɛu

to row

予 昌 {枑 澤} 予 昌 州

la {thjang < khljang} {gaah draag} la thjang {tju < klju}

raa djaangh {kraʔ - ʔdaak} raa djaangh cɛɛu

{we, I} {be apt to} {shy, ashamed} {we, I} {be good at} {to row}

I am so shy, ah! I am good at rowing.

州

tju

cɛɛu

to row

𩜱

khaamʔ

khaamx

to cross

州

tju

cɛɛu

to row

焉

jen

jɤɤnh

slowly

乎

ɦaa

ɦaa

PTCL

秦

dzin

djɯɯnh

joyful

胥 胥

sa

saʔ

satisfy, please

州 𩜱 州 焉 乎 秦 {胥 胥}

tju khaamʔ tju jen ɦaa dzin sa

cɛɛu khaamx cɛɛu jɤɤnh ɦaa djɯɯnh saʔ

{to row} {to cross} {to row} slowly PTCL joyful {satisfy, please}

Rowing slowly across the river, ah! I am so pleased!

縵

moons

mɔɔm

dirty, ragged

予

la

raa

we, I

乎

ɦaa

ɦaa

PTCL

昭

tjau < kljau

caux

prince

澶

daans

daanh

Your Excellency

秦

dzin

djin

acquainted

踰

lo

ruux

know

縵 予 乎 昭 澶 秦 踰

moons la ɦaa {tjau < kljau} daans dzin lo

mɔɔm raa ɦaa caux daanh djin ruux

{dirty, ragged} {we, I} PTCL prince {Your Excellency} acquainted know

Dirty though I am, ah! I made acquaintance with your highness the Prince.

滲

srɯms

zumh

to hide

惿

djeʔ < gljeʔ

caï

heart

隨

sɦloi

rɯaih

forever, constantly

河

gaai

graih

to yearn

湖

gaa

gaʔ

PTCL

滲 惿 隨 河 湖

srɯms {djeʔ < gljeʔ} sɦloi gaai gaa

zumh caï rɯaih graih gaʔ

{to hide} heart {forever, constantly} {to yearn} PTCL

Hidden forever in my heart, ah! is my adoration and longing.

Some scattered non-Sinitic words found in the two ancient Chinese fictional texts, the

Mu Tianzi Zhuan (Chinese: 穆天子傳) (4th c. B.C.) and the Yuejue shu (Chinese
: 越絕書) (1st c. A.D.), can be compared to lexical items in Kra-Dai languages. These two texts are only preserved in corrupt versions and share a rather convoluted editorial history. Wolfgang Behr (2002) makes an attempt to identify the origins of those words:

“The Wú say yī for ‘good’ and huăn for ‘way’, i.e. in their titles they follow the central kingdoms, but in their names they follow their own lords.”

伊 yī < ʔjij < *bq(l)ij ← Siamese diiA1, Longzhou dai1, Bo'ai nii1

Dehong li6 < proto-Tai *ʔdɛiA1 | Sui ʔdaai1, Kam laai1, Maonan ʔdaai1, Mak
ʔdaai6 < proto-Kam-Sui/proto-Kam-Tai *ʔdaai1 'good'

緩 [huăn] < hwanX < *awan ← Siamese honA1, Bo'ai hɔn1, Dioi thon1 < proto-Tai *xronA1| Sui khwən1-i, Kam khwən1, Maonan khun1-i, Mulam khwən1-i < proto-Kam-Sui *khwən1 'road, way' | proto-Hlai *kuun1 || proto-Austronesian *Zalan (Thurgood 1994:353)

  • yuè jué shū 越絕書 (The Book of Yuè Records), 1st c. A.D.[24]

絕 jué < dzjwet < *bdzot ← Siamese codD1 'to record, mark' (Zhengzhang Shangfang 1999:8)

  • "姑中山者越銅官之山也, 越人謂之銅, 「姑[沽]瀆」。"[24]

“The Middle mountains of Gū are the mountains of the Yuè’s bronze office, the Yuè people call them ‘Bronze gū[gū]dú.”

「姑[沽]瀆」 gūdú < ku=duwk < *aka=alok

← Siamese kʰauA1 'horn',

Lü xău1, Dioi kaou1 'mountain, hill' < proto-Tai *kʰauA2; Siamese luukD2l 'classifier for mountains', Siamese kʰauA1-luukD2l 'mountain' || cf. OC
谷 gǔ < kuwk << *ak-lok/luwk < *akə-lok/yowk < *blok 'valley'

"... The Yuè people call a boat xūlú. (‘beard’ & ‘cottage’)"

須 xū < sju < *bs(n)o

? ← Siamese saʔ 'noun prefix'

盧 lú < lu < *bra

← Siamese rɯaA2, Longzhou lɯɯ2, Bo'ai luu2,

Be
zoa < proto-Kam-Sui *s-lwa(n)A1 'boat'

  • "[劉]賈築吳市西城, 名曰「定錯」城。"[26]

"[Líu] Jiă (the king of Jīng 荆) built the western wall, it was called dìngcuò ['settle(d)' & 'grindstone'] wall."

定 dìng < dengH < *adeng-s

← Siamese diaaŋA1, Daiya tʂhəŋ2, Sipsongpanna tseŋ2, Malay (Austronesian) dindiŋ2, Tagalog diŋdiŋ2 wall'

錯 cuò < tshak < *atshak

? ← Siamese tokD1s 'to set→sunset→west' (tawan-tok 'sun-set' = 'west'); Longzhou tuk7, Bo'ai tɔk7, Daiya tok7, Sipsongpanna tok7 < proto-Tai *tokD1s ǀ Sui tok7, Mak tok7, Maonan tɔk < proto-Kam-Sui *tɔkD1

Substrate in modern Chinese languages

Besides a limited number of lexical items left in Chinese historical texts, remnants of language(s) spoken by the ancient Yue can be found in non-Han substrata in Southern Chinese dialects, e.g.: Wu, Min, Hakka, Yue, etc. Robert Bauer (1987) identifies twenty seven lexical items in Yue, Hakka and Min varieties, which share Kra–Dai roots.[27] The following are some examples cited from Bauer (1987):[27]

Substrate in Cantonese

Yue-Hashimoto describes the Yue Chinese languages spoken in Guangdong as having a Tai influence.[28] Robert Bauer (1996) points out twenty nine possible cognates between Cantonese spoken in Guangzhou and Kra–Dai, of which seven cognates are confirmed to originate from Kra–Dai sources:[29]

Substrate in Wu Chinese

Li Hui (2001) finds 126 Kra-Dai cognates in

Maqiao Wu dialect spoken in the suburbs of Shanghai out of more than a thousand lexical items surveyed.[36] According to the author, these cognates are likely traces of the Old Yue language.[36] The two tables below show lexical comparisons between Maqiao Wu dialect and Kra-Dai languages quoted from Li Hui (2001). He notes that, in Wu dialect, final consonants such as -m, -ɯ, -i, ụ, etc don't exist, and therefore, -m in Maqiao dialect tends to become -ŋ or -n, or it's simply absent, and in some cases -m even becomes final glottal stop.[37]

Kra-Dai Maqiao Wu
dialect 		Gloss
-m , -n become -ŋ
tam33
(
Zhuang
)		 təŋ354 step 跺
fa:n31
(Sui)		 fəŋ55 du53 snore/to snore 鼾
ɕam21
(
Zhuang
)		 pəʔ33 ɕhaŋ435 to have fun (游) 玩
final consonant/vowel missing
va:n31li55
(
Zhuang
)		 ɑ:31 li33 still, yet 尚；还
tsai55
(
Zhuang
)		 tsɔ:435 to plow 犁(地)
thaŋ55
(Dai)		 dᴇ354 hole/pit 坑
hai21
(
Zhuang
)		 hɑ53 filth 污垢
za:n11
(Bouyei)		 ɕhy55 zᴇ53 building/room 房子
kăi13
(Dai)		 kᴇ435 to draw close to 靠拢
fɤŋ13
(Dai)		 fɛ435 to sway/to swing 摆动
ɕa:ŋ33
(Bouyei)		 ɕhɑ55 tsɑ53 capable/competent 能干
tjeu44
(Maonan)		 thɛ435 to crawl 爬
becoming final glottal stop -ʔ
loŋ21
(
Zhuang
)		 lɔʔ33 below/down 下(雨)
kem55
(
Zhuang
)		 tɕiʔ33 ku53 cheek 腮
kam33
(
Zhuang
)		 kheʔ55 to press 按
kau33 son213
(
Lingao
)		 khəʔ55 tɕoŋ55 to doze/to nap 瞌睡
tɯ11
(Bouyei)		 ʔdəʔ55 end/extremity 端
ka:u11
(Bouyei)		 kuaʔ55 to split/to crack 裂
peu55
(Sui)		 pəʔ33 ɕaŋ435 to have fun(游)玩
Kra-Dai Maqiao Wu
dialect 		Gloss
-m , -n become -ŋ
kam11
(Dai)		 kaŋ354 to prop up/to brace 撑住
tsam13
(Sui)		 tshoŋ53 to bow the head 低头
final consonant/vowel missing
ve:n55
(
Zhuang
)		 ve:55 to hang/to suspend 悬挂；吊
lɒi55
(Dai)		 lu354 mountain/hill 山(地名用)
xun—55 (Dai)
ha:k55 (
Zhuang
)		 xɔ55 lɔ53 government official/official 官
məu53
(
Dong
)		 nɑ55 mo53 tadpole 蝌蚪
pai21
(
Zhuang
)		 pɛ435 fu53 classifier for times 趟；次
la:m33
(
Zhuang
)		 lɛ435 to tie up 拴(牛)
tsam33
(Sui)		 tsɿ55 to bow the head 低头
(ɣa:i42) ɕa:i42
(
Zhuang
)		 ɕɑ:354 very, quite, much 很
becoming final glottal stop -ʔ
sa:ŋ33 səu53
(
Dong
)		 seʔ33 zo55 ɦɯ11 wizard/magician 巫师
tɕe31
(Bouyei)		 tɕiʔ55 ɕhiŋ55 market/bazaar 集市
pleu55
(
Zhuang
)		 pəʔ33 to move 搬
wen55
(
Dong
)		 veʔ33 to pour 倒(水)
thăi55
(Dai)		 theʔ55 to weed 耘
ta55 jɯ55
(Dai)		 teʔ55 to narrow one's eyes 眯
lom24
(
Zhuang
)		 lɔʔ33 nɒn35 pitfall/to sink 陷
ɣa:i42 (ɕa:i42)
(
Zhuang
)		 ʔɔʔ55 very/quite/much 很
tom13
(Dai)		 thoʔ55 to cook/to boil 煮(肉)

Austroasiatic arguments

Jerry Norman and Mei Tsu-lin presented evidence that at least some Yue spoke an Austroasiatic language:[38][39][40]

  • A well-known loanword into Sino-Tibetan
    Proto-Austroasiatic
    *kalaʔ (compare Vietic *k-haːlʔ > kʰaːlʔ > Vietnamese khái and Muong khảl).
  • The early Chinese name for the Yangtze (Chinese: 江; pinyin: jiāng; EMC: kœ:ŋ; OC: *kroŋ; Cantonese: "kong") was later extended to a general word for "river" in south China. Norman and Mei suggest that the word is cognate with Vietnamese sông (from *krong) and Mon kruŋ "river".

They also provide evidence of an Austroasiatic substrate in the vocabulary of Min Chinese.[38][42] For example:

  • *-dəŋA "shaman" may be compared with Vietnamese đồng (/ɗoŋ2/) "to shamanize, to communicate with spirits" and Mon doŋ "to dance (as if) under demonic possession".[43][44]
  • *kiɑnB 囝 "son" appears to be related to Vietnamese con (/kɔn/) and Mon kon "child".[45][46]

Norman and Mei's hypothesis has been criticized by Laurent Sagart, who demonstrates that many of the supposed loan words can be better explained as archaic Chinese words, or even loans from Austronesian languages; he also argues that the Vietic cradle must be located farther south in current north Vietnam.[10][47]

  • Norman & Mei also compares Min verb "to know, to recognize"
    Proto-Min *pat; whence Fuzhou /paiʔ˨˦/ & Amoy /pat̚˧˨/) to Vietnamese biết, also meaning "to know, to recognize". However, Sagart contends that the Min & Vietnamese sense "to know, to recognize" is semantically extended from well-attested Chinese verb 別 "to distinguish, discriminate, differentiate" ((Mandarin: bié; MC: /bˠiɛt̚/; OC: *bred);[48]
    thus Sagart considers Vietnamese biết as a loanword from Chinese.
  • According to the Shuowen Jiezi (100 AD), "In Nanyue, the word for dog is (Chinese: 撓獀; pinyin: náosōu; EMC: nuw-ʂuw)", possibly related to other Austroasiatic terms. Sōu is "hunt" in modern Chinese. However, in Shuowen Jiezi, the word for dog is also recorded as 獶獀 with its most probable pronunciation around 100 CE must have been *ou-sou, which resembles proto-Austronesian *asu, *u‑asu 'dog' than it resembles the palatal‑initialed Austroasiatic monosyllable Vietnamese chó, Old Mon clüw, etc.[7]
  • Yue people (越人) to mean "die". Norman and Mei reconstruct this word as OC *tsət and relate it to Austroasiatic words with the same meaning, such as Vietnamese chết and Mon chɒt. However, Laurent Sagart points out that 扎 is a well‑attested Chinese word also meaning "to die", which is overlooked by Norman and Mei.[48] That this word occurred in the Old Yue language in Han times could be because the Old Yue language borrowed it from Chinese.[48] Therefore, the resemblance of this Chinese word to an Austroasiatic word is probably accidental.[48]
  • According to Sagart, the resemblance between the Min word *-dəŋA "shaman" or "spirit healer" and the Vietnamese term đồng is undoubtedly by chance.[48]

Moreover, Chamberlain (1998) posits that the Austroasiatic predecessor of the modern Vietnamese language originated in modern-day

Ninh Bình Province, Vietnam) have close proximity to modern Austroasiatic speakers, while "mixed genetics" from Đông Sơn culture's Núi Nấp site showed affinity to "Dai from China, Tai-Kadai speakers from Thailand, and Austroasiatic speakers from Vietnam, including the Kinh"; these results indicated that significant contact happened between Tai speakers and Vietic speakers.[51]

Ye (2014) identified a few Austroasiatic loanwords in Ancient Chu dialect of Old Chinese.[52]

Writing system

There is no known evidence of a writing system among the Yue peoples of the

Central University of Nationalities, said that the ancient Zhuang had their own proto-writing system but had to give it up because of the Qinshi Emperor's tough policy and to adopt the Han Chinese writing system, which ultimately developed into the old Zhuang demotic script alongside the classical Chinese writing system, during the Tang dynasty (618–907).[53]

Notes

  1. ^ The upper row represents the original text, the next row the Old Chinese pronunciation, the third a transcription of written Thai, and the fourth line English glosses. Finally, there is Zhengzhang's English translation.
  2. ^ The second syllable na:3 may correspond to Tai morpheme for 'field'.

References

  1. ^ a b c Zhengzhang 1991, pp. 159–168.
  2. ISBN 9780521470308
    .
  3. ^ Zhang & Huang, 320-321.
  4. ISBN 978-90-272-0181-2
    .
  5. hdl:11858/00-001M-0000-0013-167B-C. Archived from the original
    (PDF) on 2013-05-24. Retrieved 2013-06-05.
  6. ^ LaPolla, Randy J. (2010). Language Contact and Language Change in the History of the Sinitic Languages. Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences, 2(5), 6858-6868.
  7. ^ a b c Sagart 2008, p. 143.
  8. ^ "Some thoughts on the problem of the Austro-Asiatic homeland" (PDF). Peiros (2011).
  9. ^ Reconstructing Austroasiatic prehistory; Chapter in the forthcoming Jenny, M. & P. Sidwell (eds.). forthcoming 2015. Handbook of the Austroasiatic Languages. Leiden: Brill. (Page 1: “Sagart (2011) and Bellwood (2013) favour the middle Yangzi”)
  10. ^ a b Sagart 2008, pp. 141–145.
  11. ^ Behr, Wolfgang (2009). "Dialects, diachrony, diglossia or all three? Tomb text glimpses into the language(s) of Chǔ", TTW-3, Zürich, 26.-29.VI.2009, “Genius loci”
  12. doi:10.7152/bippa.v15i0.11537
    .
  13. ^ a b c Chamberlain (2016)
  14. ^ Pittayaporn 2012, pp. 47–64.
  15. ^ Kiernan 2019, p. 84.
  16. ^ Blench, Roger (2018). Tai-Kadai and Austronesian Are Related at Multiple Levels and Their Archaeological Interpretation (Draft) – via Academia.edu. The volume of cognates between Austronesian and Daic, notably in fundamental vocabulary, is such that they must be related. Borrowing can be excluded as an explanation
  17. ^ Chamberlain (2016), p. 67
  18. ^ Gerner, Matthias (2014). Project Discussion: The Austro-Tai Hypothesis. The 14th International Symposium on Chinese Languages and Linguistics (IsCLL-14) (PDF). The 14th International Symposium on Chinese Languages and Linguistics (IsCLL -14). p. 158. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2022-02-01. Retrieved 2021-10-18.
  19. ^ Holm 2013, p. 785.
  20. ^ a b Edmondson 2007, p. 16.
  21. ^ Edmondson 2007, p. 17.
  22. ^ Holm 2013, pp. 784–785.
  23. ^ Behr 2002, pp. 1–2.
  24. ^ a b Behr 2002, p. 2.
  25. ^ Behr 2002, pp. 2–3.
  26. ^ Behr 2002, p. 3.
  27. ^ a b Bauer, Robert S. (1987). 'Kadai loanwords in southern Chinese dialects', Transactions of the International Conference of Orientalists in Japan 32: 95–111.
  28. ISBN 978-0-521-08442-0
  29. ^ Bauer (1996), pp. 1835–1836.
  30. ^ Bauer (1996), pp. 1822–1823.
  31. ^ Bauer (1996), p. 1823.
  32. ^ Bauer (1996), p. 1826.
  33. ^ a b Bauer (1996), p. 1827.
  34. ^ Bauer (1996), pp. 1828–1829.
  35. ^ Bauer (1996), p. 1834.
  36. ^ a b Li 2001, p. 15.
  37. ^ Li 2001, p. 19.
  38. ^
    JSTOR 40726203
    .
  39. ISBN 978-0-521-29653-3
    .
  40. ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8
    .
  41. ^ Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus
  42. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 18–19, 231
  43. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 18–19.
  44. ^ Norman & Mei (1976), pp. 296–297.
  45. ^ Norman (1981), p. 63.
  46. ^ Norman & Mei (1976), pp. 297–298.
  47. ^ Sagart 2008, p. 165-190.
  48. ^ a b c d e Sagart 2008, p. 142.
  49. ^ Chamberlain, J.R. 1998, "The origin of Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history", in The International Conference on Tai Studies, ed. S. Burusphat, Bangkok, Thailand, pp. 97-128. Institute of Language and Culture for Rural Development, Mahidol University.
  50. ^ a b Ferlus, Michael (2009). "A Layer of Dongsonian Vocabulary in Vietnamese" (PDF). Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society. 1: 95–108.
  51. ^ Alves 2019, p. 7.
  52. ^ Ye, Xiaofeng (叶晓锋) (2014). 上古楚语中的南亚语成分 Archived 2021-01-14 at the Wayback Machine (Austroasiatic elements in ancient Chu dialect). 《民族语文》. 3: 28-36.
  53. ^ Huang, Bo (2017). Comprehensive Geographic Information Systems, Elsevier, p. 162.

Sources

Further reading

  • Zhengzhang Shangfang 1999. "An Interpretation of the Old Yue Language Written in Goujiàn's Wéijiă lìng" [句践"维甲"令中之古越语的解读]. In Minzu Yuwen 4, pp. 1–14.
  • Zhengzhang Shangfang 1998. "Gu Yueyu" 古越語 [The old Yue language]. In Dong Chuping 董楚平 et al. Wu Yue wenhua zhi 吳越文化誌 [Record of the cultures of Wu and Yue]. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1998, vol. 1, pp. 253–281.
  • Zhengzhang Shangfang 1990. "Some Kam-Tai Words in Place Names of the Ancient Wu and Yue States" [古吴越地名中的侗台语成份]. In Minzu Yuwen 6.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Old_Yue_language&oldid=1216578924"