Min Chinese

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Min
Miin
閩語 / 闽语
Ethnicity
Linguistic classificationSino-Tibetan
Proto-languageProto-Min
Subdivisions
ISO 639-6mclr
Linguasphere79-AAA-h to 79-AAA-l
Glottologminn1248
Distribution of Min languages in mainland China and Taiwan[image reference needed]
Chinese name
Simplified Chinese闽语
Traditional Chinese閩語
Hokkien POJBân-gú / Bân-gír / Bân-gí / Mân-ú

Min (

mutually intelligible with one another nor with any other variety of Chinese (such as Mandarin, Cantonese, Wu, Gan, Xiang, or Hakka
).

There are many Min speakers among

can also be found in parts of the Chinese diaspora, such as in Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia.

Many Min languages have retained notable features of

linguistic substrate from the languages of the inhabitants of the region prior to its sinicization
.

History

The Min homeland of Fujian was opened to Han Chinese settlement by the defeat of the Minyue state by the armies of Emperor Wu of Han in 110 BC.[5] The area features rugged mountainous terrain, with short rivers that flow into the South China Sea. Most subsequent migration from north to south China passed through the valleys of the Xiang and Gan rivers to the west, so that Min varieties have experienced less northern influence than other southern groups.[6] As a result, whereas most varieties of Chinese can be treated as derived from Middle Chinese—the language described by rhyme dictionaries such as the Qieyun (601 AD)—Min varieties contain traces of older distinctions.[7] Linguists estimate that the oldest layers of Min dialects diverged from the rest of Chinese around the time of the Han dynasty.[8][9] However, significant waves of migration from the North China Plain occurred:[10]

Jerry Norman identifies four main layers in the vocabulary of modern Min varieties:

  1. A non-Chinese substratum from the
    Austroasiatic.[11][12]
  2. The earliest Chinese layer, brought to Fujian by settlers from Zhejiang to the north during the Han dynasty[13] (compare Eastern Han Chinese).
  3. A layer from the Northern and Southern dynasties period, which is largely consistent with the phonology of the Qieyun dictionary[14] (Early Middle Chinese).
  4. A
    literary layer based on the koiné of Chang'an, the capital of the Tang dynasty[15]
    (Late Middle Chinese).

Laurent Sagart (2008) disagrees with Norman and Mei Tsu-lin's analysis of an Austroasiatic substratum in Min.

Geographic location and subgrouping

  Hainan

Min is usually described as one of seven or ten groups of varieties of Chinese but has greater dialectal diversity than any of the other groups. The varieties used in neighbouring counties, and in the mountains of western Fujian even in adjacent villages, are often mutually unintelligible.[20]

Early classifications, such as those of Li Fang-Kuei in 1937 and Yuan Jiahua in 1960, divided Min into Northern and Southern subgroups.[21][22] However, in a 1963 report on a survey of Fujian, Pan Maoding and colleagues argued that the primary split was between inland and coastal groups. A key discriminator between the two groups is a group of words that have a lateral initial /l/ in coastal varieties, and a voiceless fricative /s/ or /ʃ/ in inland varieties, contrasting with another group having /l/ in both areas. Norman reconstructs these initials in Proto-Min as voiceless and voiced laterals that merged in coastal varieties.[22][23]

Coastal Min

The coastal varieties have the vast majority of speakers, and have spread from their homeland in Fujian and eastern Guangdong to the islands of Taiwan and Hainan, to other coastal areas of southern China and to Southeast Asia.[24] Pan and colleagues divided them into three groups:[25]

The Language Atlas of China (1987) distinguished two further groups, which had previously been included in Southern Min:[30]

Coastal varieties feature some uniquely Min vocabulary, including pronouns and negatives.[32] All but the Hainan dialects have complex tone sandhi systems.[33]

Inland Min

Although they have far fewer speakers, the inland varieties show much greater variation than the coastal ones.[34] Pan and colleagues divided the inland varieties into two groups:[25]

The Language Atlas of China (1987) included a further group:[30]

  • Shao-Jiang Min, spoken in the northwestern Fujian counties of Shaowu and Jiangle, were classified as Hakka by Pan and his associates.[22] However, Jerry Norman suggested that they were inland varieties of Min that had been subject to heavy Gan or Hakka influence.[35]

Although coastal varieties can be derived from a proto-language with four series of stops or affricates at each point of articulation (e.g. /t/, /tʰ/, /d/, and /dʱ/), inland varieties contain traces of two further series, which Norman termed "softened stops" due to their reflexes in some varieties.[36][37][38] Inland varieties use pronouns and negatives cognate with those in Hakka and Yue.[32] Inland varieties have little or no tone sandhi.[33]

Vocabulary

Most Min vocabulary corresponds directly to cognates in other Chinese varieties, but there are also a significant number of distinctively Min words that may be traced back to proto-Min. In some cases a semantic shift has occurred in Min or the rest of Chinese:

  • *tiaŋB 鼎 "wok". The Min form preserves the original meaning "cooking pot", but in other Chinese varieties this word (MC tengX > dǐng) has become specialized to refer to ancient ceremonial tripods.[39]
  • *dzhənA "rice field". In Min this form has displaced the common Chinese term tián 田.
    terraced fields commonly found in Fujian.[42]
  • *tšhioC 厝 "house".[43] Norman argues that the Min word is cognate with shù 戍 (MC syuH) "to guard".[44][45]
  • *tshyiC 喙 "mouth". In Min this form has displaced the common Chinese term kǒu 口.[46] It is believed to be cognate with huì 喙 (MC xjwojH) "beak, bill, snout; to pant".[45]

Norman and Mei Tsu-lin have suggested an Austroasiatic origin for some Min words:

  • *-dəŋA "shaman" may be compared with Vietnamese đồng (/ɗoŋ2/) "to shamanize, to communicate with spirits" and Mon doŋ "to dance (as if) under demonic possession".[47][48]
  • *kiɑnB 囝 "son" appears to be related to Vietnamese con (/kɔn/) and Mon kon "child".[49][50]

However, Norman and Mei Tsu-lin's suggestion is rejected by Laurent Sagart (2008),

Red River delta.[51]

In other cases, the origin of the Min word is obscure. Such words include:

Writing system

When using Chinese characters to write a non-Mandarin form, a common practice is to use characters that correspond etymologically to the words being represented, and for words with no evident etymology, to either invent new characters or borrow characters for their sound or meaning.[54] Written Cantonese has carried this process out to the farthest extent of any non-Mandarin variety, to the extent that pure Cantonese vernacular can be unambiguously written using Chinese characters. Contrary to popular belief, a vernacular written in this fashion is not in general comprehensible to a Mandarin speaker, due to significant changes in grammar and vocabulary and the necessary use of large number of non-Mandarin characters.

For most Min varieties, a similar process has not taken place. For Hokkien, competing systems exist.

Peranakans and Chinese Malaysians in Northern Malaya
. The result is that adapting Chinese characters to write Min requires a substantial effort to choose characters for a significant portion of the vocabulary.

Other approaches to writing Min rely on

Foochow Romanized (Bàng-uâ-cê, BUC), for Putian dialect it is called Hinghwa Romanized (Hing-hua̍ Báⁿ-uā-ci̍), for Jian'ou dialect it is called Kienning Colloquial Romanized (Gṳ̿ing-nǎing Lô̤-mǎ-cī), for Hainanese it is called Bǽh-oe-tu (BOT). These systems were developed by British, Irish, Danish, and American Protestant Christian missionaries over the course of the 19th century. In 2006, Tâi-lô (Tâi-uân Lô-má-jī Phing-im Hong-àn) which was derived from Pe̍h-ōe-jī (POJ) was officially promoted by Taiwan's Ministry of Education (MOE). There are also some uncommon publications that use mixed writing, with mostly Chinese characters but using the Latin alphabet to represent words that cannot easily be represented by Chinese characters. In Taiwan, a mix of Chinese characters and Latin letters written in Pe̍h-ōe-jī (POJ) or Tâi-lô has recently been practised. In Singapore, Malaysia, Philippines, and Indonesia, some also occasionally write Hokkien and/or Teochew using Latin letters via ad-hoc means using the writer's knowledge of the local mainstream orthography they grew up being literate in, such as Singaporean or Malaysian English orthography (descended from British English), Malay orthography / Indonesian orthography, Mandarin Pinyin for those in Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia, then Philippine English orthography (descended from American English), Filipino orthography, Mandarin Pinyin, and sometimes Spanish orthography
(for older writings), for those in the Philippines.

See also

  • Chinese in New York City

Notes

  1. ^ Min is believed to have split from Old Chinese, rather than Middle Chinese like other varieties of Chinese.[1][2][3]

References

Citations

  1. ^ Mei (1970), p. ?.
  2. ^ Pulleyblank (1984), p. 3.
  3. from the original on 2023-10-13. Retrieved 2023-10-13.
  4. ^ Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (2012). 中国语言地图集(第2版):汉语方言卷 [Language Atlas of China (2nd edition): Chinese dialect volume]. Beijing: The Commercial Press. p. 110.
  5. ^ Norman (1991), pp. 328.
  6. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 210, 228.
  7. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 228–229.
  8. ^ Ting (1983), pp. 9–10.
  9. ^ Baxter & Sagart (2014), pp. 33, 79.
  10. ^ Yan (2006), p. 120.
  11. ^ Norman & Mei (1976).
  12. ^ Norman (1991), pp. 331–332.
  13. ^ Norman (1991), pp. 334–336.
  14. ^ Norman (1991), p. 336.
  15. ^ Norman (1991), p. 337.
  16. ^ . In conclusion, there is no convincing evidence, linguistic or other, of an early Austroasiatic presence on the south‑east China coast.
  17. ^ Chamberlain, James R. (2016). "Kra-Dai and the Proto-History of South China and Vietnam", p. 30. In Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 104, 2016.
  18. doi:10.7152/bippa.v22i0.11805 (inactive 2024-02-13).{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of February 2024 (link
    )
  19. .
  20. ^ Norman (1988), p. 188.
  21. ^ Kurpaska (2010), p. 49.
  22. ^ a b c d Norman (1988), p. 233.
  23. ^ Branner (2000), pp. 98–100.
  24. ^ a b Norman (1988), pp. 232–233.
  25. ^ a b Kurpaska (2010), p. 52.
  26. ^ a b "Reclassifying ISO 639-3 [nan]: An Empirical Approach to Mutual Intelligibility and Ethnolinguistic Distinctions" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2021-09-19.
  27. ^ Li & Chen (1991).
  28. ^ Simons & Fennig (2017), Chinese, Min Nan.
  29. ^ Zhang (1987).
  30. ^ a b Kurpaska (2010), p. 71.
  31. ^ Lien (2015), p. 169.
  32. ^ a b Norman (1988), pp. 233–234.
  33. ^ a b Norman (1988), p. 239.
  34. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 234–235.
  35. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 235, 241.
  36. ^ Norman (1973).
  37. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 228–230.
  38. ^ Branner (2000), pp. 100–104.
  39. ^ Norman (1988), p. 231.
  40. ^ Norman (1981), p. 58.
  41. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 231–232.
  42. ^ Baxter & Sagart (2014), pp. 59–60.
  43. ^ Norman (1981), p. 47.
  44. ^ a b Norman (1988), p. 232.
  45. ^ a b Baxter & Sagart (2014), p. 33.
  46. ^ Norman (1981), p. 41.
  47. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 18–19.
  48. ^ Norman & Mei (1976), pp. 296–297.
  49. ^ Norman (1981), p. 63.
  50. ^ Norman & Mei (1976), pp. 297–298.
  51. ^ Chamberlain, J.R. 1998, "The origin of Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history", in The International Conference on Tai Studies, ed. S. Burusphat, Bangkok, Thailand, pp. 97-128. Institute of Language and Culture for Rural Development, Mahidol University.
  52. ^ Norman (1981), p. 44.
  53. ^ Norman (1981), p. 56.
  54. ^ .

Works cited

Further reading