Rashid Rida

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Muhammad Rashid Rida
محمد رشید رضا
Shafiʽi[6]
OccupationMufti, Mufassir, Faqīh, Muhaddith[22]
Muslim leader
Influenced by

Muhammad Rashid Rida (

Islamic world following the abolition of the Ottoman sultanate and championed a global pan-Islamist program aimed at re-establishing an Islamic caliphate.[25][26][24]

As a young

jurists of his generation, leading the Arab Salafi movement and championing its cause.[32][33][34]

He was Abduh's de facto successor and was responsible for a split in Abduh's disciples into one group rooted in modernism and secularism and the other in the

revival of Islam. Salafism, also known as Salafiyya, which sought the "Islamization of modernity," emerged from the latter.[35][36][32]

During the 1900s, Riḍā abandoned his initial rationalist leanings and began espousing Salafi-oriented methodologies such as that of

ibn Taymiyyah, and shifted the Salafism movement into a more conservative and strict Scripturalist approach. He is regarded by a number of historians as "pivotal in leading Salafism's retreat" from the rationalist school of Abduh.[40][41][42][27][43] He strongly opposed liberalism, Western ideas, freemasonry, Zionism, and European imperialism, and supported armed Jihad to expel European influences from the Islamic World.[44] He also laid the foundations for anti-Western, pan-Islamist struggle during the early 20th century.[45]

Early life and education

Muhammad Rasheed Riḍā was born in

masjid. The family, who were Sayyids, claimed descent from the Ahl al-Bayt, specifically Husayn ibn Ali.[23][46][27]

Riḍā received a traditional religious education, attending elementary school at the local

Ibn Taymiyya, Ibn Qayyim, Ibn Qudama, Ghazzali, Mawardi, Razi, Taftasani, and Ibn Rajab.[48][49] Riḍā began preaching at the communal level and taught tafsir and other religious sciences at the village's central mosque. He also taught separate ibadah classes for women. Around this time, he first read al-Urwa al-Wuthqa, a periodical that was highly influential to him.[46][50][51] It was published by Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh. According to Lebanese-British historian Albert Hourani, Riḍā belonged to the last generation of traditionally trained Islamic scholars who could be "fully educated and yet alive in a self-sufficient Islamic world of thought."[52]

Muhammad Abduh

A Photo of Muhammad Rashid Rida dated 1315 A.H / 1897 C.E

Riḍā met

ibn Taymiyya and his disciples, which eventually led him to embrace ideas including revulsion against folk Sufism, criticism of taqlid, and the desire to revive hadith studies. All of these became foundational themes of the Salafism.[54]

Following Abduh's death in 1905, Riḍā was seen as his

revival of Islam. Salafism, also known as Salafiyya, which sought the "Islamization of modernity," emerged from the latter.[35][6][13][57][58]

Islamic unity under Ottomanism

In 1897, Riḍā, along with

Rafiq al-‘Azm and Saib Bey, formed the Ottoman Consultative Society in Cairo. The group consisted of Turks, Armenians, and Circassians living in Egypt and called for Islamic unity under Ottomanism; at this time, their ideas were consistent with those of the Young Turks. They condemned the autocratic Hamidian rule and European imperialism, and their ideas were distributed in Arabic and Turkish via al-Manar. The society disbanded in 1908 following the Young Turk Revolution, after which Azm joined the Committee of Union and Progress to pursue modernism and Riḍā became a vocal critic of the Young Turks.[59][60]

In 1898, Riḍā began publishing articles encouraging Ottoman authorities to adopt a new religious strategy within the existing

caliph in Mecca for two reasons: the pilgrimage would bring branch leaders to Mecca, where the caliph would be able to disseminate knowledge; and because it was away "from the intrigues and suspicions of [non-Muslim] foreigners."[61] He envisioned a Congress-published religious journal to counter innovative and heretic ideas and to share translations of religious works. The caliph would oversee affairs but was otherwise just like any other Congress member. Scholars would compile legal works from madhāhib (law schools) and adapt them to contemporary situations, and resulting legislation would be implemented by the caliph in all Muslim societies.[61]
The desire for a Muslim Congress would reappear in later works.

This global religious society, according to Riḍā, would pave the way for a spiritual caliphate. Islamic unity required the abolition of sectarian differences as well as the revival of doctrines practiced by the

Sultan Abdul Hamid II himself opposed the idea of a Congress altogether, claiming it to be a ploy for Arab separatism and Hejazi autonomy. The proposals were also in direct contradiction to the established Ottoman policy on the Sultan's ability to enforce absolute authority.[63][64][65][66]

Riḍā's denunciation of Sufism and condemnation of the Rifaʽi and Qadiriyya orders for ritualising innovated practices enraged Abū l-Hudā al-Sayyādī, the Sultan's Syrian advisor. Ottoman authorities began harassing Riḍā's family in Syria and al-Sayyādī requested that his brother-in-law Badrī Bāšā, the governor of Tripoli, send military authorities after Riḍā's brothers. They later attempted to confiscate his family mosque and Riḍā wrote that al-Sayyādī planned to assassinate him in Egypt. Riḍā's journal al-Manar was subsequently banned in Ottoman regions[40] though the censorship did not dissuade him from continuing to write and publish. In 1901, Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi published Umm al-qura, which detailed the idea of a World Muslim Congress for the first time. Al-Kawakibi also set the Congress in Mecca, which was seen as a staunch anti-Ottoman elaboration of the pan-Islamist movement, as he argued for replacing Ottoman rule with an Arabic Qurayshi caliphate elected by the Congress. He also condemned Sufism. Riḍā expanded this idea in a series of articles in al-Manar.[67][68]

Despite rejection from the Empire, Riḍā continued supporting the preservation of the

dynastic nature of the Ottoman state was reconciled with the classical legal approach that allowed caliphs to rule through force rather than with shura, consent, and adherence to Islamic law. While holding the Ottoman rule to be based on tribalism, he eventually decided not to rebel so openly against the Empire out of concern that it would damage the only Islamic temporal power. Instead, he focused on advocating reform for consultative governance within the confines of the state and writing to condemning partisanship in madhāhib and all forms of factionalism. He continued supporting pan-Arabism and promoted Arab preeminence and Islamic unity. Riḍā believed that Arabs were better suited for Islamic leadership, thus linking Arab revival to Islamic unity.[69][64] He condemned ethnic prejudice,[70][71] strongly believing that racial conflict was the cause of "Muslim weakness in the past."[72]

Riḍā's resentment for Abdul Hamid grew following the

1909 Ottoman countercoup, which Riḍā saw as delegitimising Hamid's rule and his deposition as God putting an end to tyranny. After the revolution in October, he visited Istanbul hoping to establish a school for Islamic missionaries and to reconcile Arabs and Turks in the Empire. Both of his goals were rejected and he became a sworn enemy of the Young Turks and the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP). His initial optimism about the newly-appointed Sultan Mehmed V was short-lived as the effective power focused on supporting the Young Turks. Riḍā re-asserted his belief that the Young Turks had abandoned Islamism and that Ottomanism to pursue a nationalist Turkification policy.[70][73][64][74]

When Riḍā supported the Young Turks, he put aside concerns about CUP's nationalism; by 1909, however, he accused the group of spreading heresy, Westernising Islamic government, and creating chaos. He wrote a number of articles in the Turkish press condemning policies based on nationalism and race and warned that nationalism was a European concept that violated Islamic principles, and would lead to the collapse of the multi-ethnic, multi-racial Ottoman Empire. He sought decentralisation of the Empire without challenging the legitimacy of the Ottoman Sultan, and made sure to distinguish between his opposition to CUP and his loyalty to the Ottoman state.[74] Until World War I, Riḍā advocated autonomy for imperial territories while seeking to maintain the caliphate in Istanbul.[70][75] In 1911, he wrote: "Islam is a religion of authority and sovereignty... Muslims all over the world believe that the Ottoman state is fulfilling the role of defender of the Muslim faith" and that mistakes made by sultans would disappear once European colonisation was no longer a threat.[74]

pan-Islamist book Umm al-Qura which openly challenged Ottoman authority
Islamic revivalist
ideals

Criticism of CUP

By the

amirs and Arab leaders in Hejaz, Najd, Yemen, and tribes in the Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Gulf, called for Arab unity. It warned of the imminent European threat to Syria and the Arabian Peninsula, which would be followed by the occupation of Islamic holy cities. He also warned that sacred Islamic relics would be stolen and displayed in European museums.[78]

Around this time, Riḍā established the Society of the Arab Association (Jam'iyyat ul-Jami‘a al-Arabiyya), a secret society seeking union between the Arabian Peninsula and the Ottoman Arab provinces.

Watani Party, attacked the society, calling it a conspiracy that sought conflict with the Turks, secession of Arab countries from the Ottoman Empire, and establishment of an Arab caliphate. Riḍā denied these allegations, but later explicitly advocated via the Society for Arab secessionism from the Ottoman Empire.[78][81][64]

He sought to pressure the Ottoman state on behalf of Arabs, urging them to prepare a contingency plan for defense against European ambitions in the event that the Ottoman Empire fell. He corresponded with

Bombay and never made it to ibn Sa'ud. In 1912, Riḍā met with Mubarak al-Sabah, the shaykh of Kuwait, but his relationships with Yahya and al-Idrisi were ruptured by the war.[77][80] Riḍā was convinced that Ottoman statesmen had developed a "European complex" that threatened the security of Arabs and Turks. He also believed that Europeanisation of the Ottoman Empire was impossible to reform since it was solely dependent on Europe. He proposed that Istanbul be made a military outpost and shift the capital either to Damascus or the Anatolian city of Konya. He wrote that Arabs and Turks should then create "local Asiatic military formations" capable of defending themselves in case of foreign danger, with priority given to defending the Hejaz and two holy sanctuaries in Mecca and Medina and the lands adjacent to them.[82]

1913 coup d'état

In 1913, CUP launched a

Sharif Hussain.[76] Riḍā condemned the coup and continued to call the Young Turks an "enemy of Arabs and of Islam." By 1913, he began organizing against the Ottoman government to establish a new Islamic pan-Arab empire, which would include the Arabian Peninsula, Syria, and Iraq.[81][64]

Riḍā joined the ranks of

anti-semitism in the months leading up to World War I, portraying Jewish people as the controllers of European finances.[79]

World War I

During

Sykes-Picot Agreement, which was intended to divide Ottoman Arab provinces between Britain and France. Riḍā saw this as an attack on all Muslims, not just Arabs.[85]

Post-war

Riḍā's militant opposition to Westernisation reached its peak in the aftermath of the war. In his 1922–23 work al-Khilafa aw al-Imama al-‘Uzma (

Islamic renaissance, but also because of their promising military-political capabilities to bring stability and security to the Hejaz, and to defend it from any European imperial aggressions. Ibn Sa'ud and his followers were orthodox Muslims in line with the doctrines of the Salaf, which attracted Riḍā. He remained devoted to ibn Sa'ud to his end despite mixed results from rehabilitation campaigns and difficulties encountered by his Riḍā's own disciples. Riḍā considered him the best available Muslim statesman and believed his kingdom offered the best prospect of becoming the political arm of the balanced Islahi movement. At this point, based on past experiences, Riḍā had come to understand that reform required money as well as political support.[89]

The

colonial powers' agenda for the sake of their personal dynastic ambitions. He warned of British manipulations dominating the region and subjugating Muslims.[83]

Wahhabism

Riḍā's views of Wahhabism became more favorable upon his arrival in Egypt in the 1890s, when he read about the movement and

Saudi Rashidi War.[97] He became a major proponent of Wahhbism following World War I, when he began seeing Muslim scholars as pro-Westernisation Muslim intelligentsia.[25] His opposition to innovation and mysticism in Islam was another of his principles seen within Wahhabism, which called for "pristine Islam" and a total rejection of sainthood and superstitions.[68] He eventually began advocating for their rehabilitation into the Islamic world.[87][40]

In 1919, he published

ibn Qudama, and ibn Rajab, reportedly at the request of a Najdi merchant. This created friction between Sufi and Salafi factions in Syria.[100][101]

By 1926, references to "excessive zeal" had disappeared and the Wahhabi's initial failure was instead blamed on corrupt Ottomans and the British Empire.[102] Riḍā asked followers of his Islah movement to support Wahhabis against three hazards that threatened the community from within: the "Shi‘a fanatics," Sufism, and "Westernised preachers of atheism."[97] In 1927, Riḍā wrote that the Wahhabis had become a large group in Egypt, with adherents among the religious scholars at institutions such as Al-Azhar University. He had begun to adopt some of the Wahabbis' more uncompromising attitudes to religious reform.[103] Detractors accused him of becoming an official spokesperson for the Wahhabis due to financial assistance from ibn Sa'ud, which Riḍā denied.[104]

Riḍā's endorsement of Wahhabism was the decisive factor in the spread of its influence beyond the kingdom's borders. Wahhabi scholars consistently emphasised that their affinity to mainstream Sunni legal schools and affirm their tradition was among the several manifestations of Salafism. Al Sa'ud encouraged Saudi Muslims to tone down their dogmatic views and in the 1920s facilitated the movement of several of Riḍā's disciples to Hejaz, where, through education, their beliefs were shifted from exclusivist, narrow-minded

flat earth. While Riḍā did damage control on the rumours, prominent Wahhabi scholars like Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Latif Al al-Shaykh refuted his beliefs and affirmed the sphericity of earth. In an al-Manar article about education and the dangers of stagnation, Riḍā criticized flat-earthers and enemies of science.[107]

Imam Rashid Rida alongside his sons Muhammad Shafi’ (right) and Al-Mu’tasim (left)

Attacks on Hejaz and Damascus

Riḍā strongly championed

ibn Sa'ud's campaigns in Hejaz in 1924 and 1925. He wrote in al-Manar that the nascent Saudi state was the best hope for Islamic revival and portrayed it as the last major bastion of Islamic resistance to the colonial order. He celebrated Sharif Hussein's defeat in the Battle of Mecca, which he called a historic event. Ibn Sa'ud united Hejaz and Northern Arabia over the next several years, making his rule an Islamic alternative to Atatürk in Turkey. Riḍā saw his independence, religiosity, and pragmatism as an exemplification of balanced reform.[87][97][108]

Riḍā defended the

Shi'ites rafidites and instruments of the Persians.[109] Ibn Sa'ud continued to impress Riḍā by condemning rumours of Wahhabis desecrating graves and slaughtering women and children in their conquests as "British propaganda."[88][87]

The city of Damascus in flames after French artillery shelling during the Syrian Revolt of 1925

Riḍā's subsequent political efforts focused on two fronts: campaigning for Syrian independence and supporting ibn Sa'ud's efforts to unify the Arabian Peninsula. When the Great Syrian Rebellion broke out in 1925, Riḍā and the Syro-Palestinian Congress provided it full support, with financial backing from the nascent Saudi state. By 1927, the rebellion had been stymied and nationalist factions of Syro-Palestinian Congress approached the British Empire and French Third Republic to seek a compromise. This angered Riḍā and only served to strengthen his respect of ibn Sa'ud, who he believed the only sovereign Islamic ruler who stood up to colonial powers and guarded the holiest sites of Islam. British Intelligence in Cairo, concerned about Riḍā's influence, monitored his activities.[93][90]

World Islamic Congresses

Riḍā was a delegate in the preparatory subcommittee for the 1926 Islamic Congress for Caliphate held in Cairo, which declared that the caliphate was still possible. He was not, however, an active participate in the Cairo Congress itself and considered its organizers to be inefficient. He enthusiastically joined the Pan-Islamic Congress established by ibn Sa'ud the same year. He became a prominent delegate and organizer of the Congress, whose objectives were international Islamic recognition of the Saudi rule of Hejaz, consultations on hajj services, and erasure of past reputation of sectarianism associated with the Wahhabis. Riḍā drafted conference protocols on behalf of ibn Sa'ud and wrote the king's opening address. Riḍā pressed for a collective oath of Congress delegates to pledge to rid the Arabian Peninsula of its foreign influences, and proposed an Islamic pact between Muslim governments, envisioning the assembly as a precursor to a league of Muslim nations. Despite his enthusiasm, no significant resolutions were passed and no subsequent congresses were held in Mecca due to the deep religious, doctrinal, and political differences across the Muslim world. Still, with prominent figures like Grand Mufti of Jerusalem al-Husseini in attendance, the conference marked the consolidation of the alliance between pan-Islamists and the leaders of the new Wahhabi state.[83][110][111][112] In defense of the Wahhabis' religious credentials, Riḍā cited Tarikh Najd, a treatise composed by 'Abd Allah ibn Muhammad Aal-al Shaykh, the son of al-Wahhab. He asserted that Wahhabis had sincere zeal for the Islamic faith and were amongst the most hostile to foreign influences.[83] Riḍā later backed ibn Sa'ud's campaign to eradicate fanatical Ikhwan rebels.

Salafism

A 1912 photo of the meeting of Riḍā with the scholars of the Nadwatul Ulama during Rida's visit to Darul Uloom Nadwatul Ulama, Lucknow. Riḍā is sitting at the middle of seated row

Riḍā's early exposure to the Hanbali school in Syria informed his vision of a puritanical renewal based on the revival of the values of the Salaf, the first three generations of Islam,[113] and argued that Salafism was "an Islam purged of impurities and Western influences."[58][114][115]

In 1905, he spoke of the Salafis as a collective noun, theologically distinct from the

Athari theology. This was how Riḍā initially learned to view the term. He and Syrian reformer Jamal al-Din al-Qasimi later referred to Salafi more distinctly as Sunni Muslims who adopted Athari theology and rejected allegorical interpretations of God's attributes.[120][118]

He was critical of

ibn Taymiyya, Riḍā was more sharply critical of ibn Arabi for his metaphysical doctrine, Wahdat al Wujud.[26] However, Riḍā argued that allegorical interpretation of Scriptures was sometimes appropriate because he believed that many Muslims would have abandoned their faith without them. He counseled Najdi scholars on the necessity of balanced reform and sent them copies of Tafsir al-Manar to study. In a letter to al Sa'adi, he wrote that "[i]t is necessary that you distinguish between natural sciences... and philosophy, both ancient and modern. Philosophy consists of opinions and theoretical thoughts whereas natural sciences are an expression of the science by which God gave benefits to His creation, such as water, steam, [and] air."[121][122]

In the 1920s, Riḍā came to see Salafism as religious fervour and puritanical revival of old Islamic practices. He also became a committed supporter of Saudi military expansions.[123] While politically pan-Islamist,[124] Salafism became increasingly puritanical and faced opposition by conservative quarters like Al-Azhar University. It did, however, find support from the Arabian Peninsula and the Ahl-i Hadith movement on the subject of Wahhabi revival.[106] Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi, one of Riḍā's disciples, was appointed president of the Meccan Department of Printing and Publication, where he started a new al-Manar-adjacent Islamic journal, al-Islah, on Riḍā's recommendation. The journal pushed the key doctrines of Salafism and integrated Arabia into the transnational network of Islamic reformist efforts while fostering a broader sense of Islamic identity among the Arab elite.[125][126][127][128]

Years prior, in 1912, Salafi scholars

Deobandi school, and Indian Islamic revivalist Shah Waliullah Dehlawi. Riḍā highly praised this lecture.[133]

From the 1920s onwards, Riḍā and his disciples conceptually expanded Salafism in a legal sense. He claimed to use scriptural proofs on legal issues as the

madhab or pre-madhab approach to Islamic law, Riḍā and his followers did not dismiss the classical system of fiqh. They maintained that all four schools of law were virtuous, and promoted reconciliation between them, while still condemning sectarianism between schools.[134] In a 1913 article in al-Manar, Riḍā declared Najd as the region in which Salafi theology was most widespread.[95]

Riḍā believed only

philosophical doubts and the currents of theoretical investigation."[136] In 1922–23, he published a series of articles in al-Manar titled The Caliphate or the Supreme Imamate, where he proposed gradualist measures of education, reformation, and purification through Salafism.[137]

Death

in early 1935 C.E

Riḍā died on the return trip from Suez to Cairo after seeing off King

ibn Sa'ud.[46] Because most of his money was funneled into publishing and other revivalist efforts, Riḍā faced financial difficulties throughout his life and died in debt.[138] The Sheikh of al-Azhar, Mustafa al Maraghi, remarked that Rida had three main opponents: Muslim modernists, non-Muslims, and religious obscurantists.[90]

Views

Tawhid

Rida's vision of

religious innovation.[140] Riḍā called for the destruction of tombs and structures built above graves and banning practices associated with grave veneration, which he condemned as polytheism.[141] Among these acts were worshipping creatures as deities besides God; believing God granted part of his divine powers or shares aspects of his dominion with the humans; and believing in the lordship of God, but worshipping worldly beings, such as seeking aid from the dead during sorrow.[142]

Muhammad Abduh, Rashid Rida's early mentor, had adopted an Ash'ari methodology of metaphorical and interpretive view of what he viewed as potentially anthropomorphic descriptions of

ibn Taymiyyah. In Riḍā's editions of Abduh's works, his views that contradicted traditionalist creed were either deleted or critiqued in commentaries to conform to Salafi doctrines.[143][144]

Tajdid and taqlid

Riḍā believed that the early Muslims' upholding of tawhid and sunnah were the primary reasons for their spiritual and material success. He praised their independence, free from blind adherence and motivated by Quaranic teachings. He believed Muslim decline began after the end of the Islamic caliphates in the 13th century, when the Arab rule, and the influence of their adherence to sunnah, ended. Riḍā also believed that non-Arab rulers engaged in religiously-harmful innovation and superstition. Based on his reading of hadith, he believed that a second Islamic victory was prophesised and undertook initiatives for global revivalism as a result.[139] He thought the Muslim world faced crises in spiritual, educational, and legislative affairs, and identified Islamic religious reform as a "triple unification of doctrine, law, and ethics." His adoption of Wahhabism's puritanical tenets after 1918 symbolised his adoption of a Hanbalite reformist framework. To achieve this comprehensive Islamic system, Riḍā sought to revive the classical Islamic theory of life. To him, the reconstitution of the Islamic system was only possible by directly returning to the original sources. In this, he also defended the superiority of naql (textual sources) over aql (rational sources), and condemned philosophy and Sufism.[66][145]

Riḍā travelled to Europe only once, on political grounds; he did not speak English or other European languages. He disliked the social life and was critical of Christianity. Despite this, he had a robust sensitivity to challenges faced by Muslims in the modern world. He believed that the inner decay of Muslims, as well as the efforts by the Catholic Church, prevented Europeans from embracing Islam. He wanted Muslims to accept aspects of modernity only to the extent to which it was essential for the recovery of Islamic strength. He considered it a duty for Muslims to study modern science and technology. He repeatedly urged legal experts and the scholars to come together and produce modernised legal works based directly from the Qur'an and hadith in a way that was accessible for all believers.[52]

Riḍā was a leading exponent of Salafism[146] and was especially critical of what he considered taqlid (blind following) of excessive Sufism, which he believed to have distorted the original message of Islam. He encouraged both laymen and scholars to read and study directly the primary sources of Islam by themselves.[147][148] This principle enabled Riḍā to examine contemporary subjects through a modern lens. He believed that the "fragmentation of Muslims into sects and parties" resulting from taqlid was particularly harmful and would lead to worship of someone other than God, which was in direct contradiction of tawhid.[149]

Theologically, Riḍā argued that rigid adherence to

ibn Taymiyyah was more relevant for contemporary Muslims in practice.[150][148] Riḍā believed that the Saved Sect was indisputably Sunni Islam.[151]

Riḍā's criticism of taqlid extended beyond sharia and Islamic theology to include socio-political developments. He believed these associations and the consequent partisanship influenced mad'hab affiliations and fanaticism. He was more critical of al-Mutafarnijun, Europeanised emulators who he regarded as guilty of taqlid for abandoning the path of the Salaf. While the madhab partisans are influenced by administrative positions of power and promote governmental interests, the Mutafarijun divided the Muslim community based on differences in language, nationality, and geography, and conceived new identities within the nation-states, which Riḍā considered significantly more harmful.[152]

Secularism and modernism

Riḍā believed that the management of state affairs and its principles were an integral part of Islamic faith. Accordingly, he called for the restoration of an

ibn Taymiyyah and ibn Abd al-Wahhab in particular and was inspired to adopt a more conservative and orthodox outlook.[156]

Riḍā called upon Muslims to reject Westernisation and labelled Islamic modernists as "false renewers" and "heretics" whose efforts were harming Muslim societies. He accused Westernised modernizers of corruption, immorality, and treason. He was a fierce believer that any reforms going against Scripture is heresy and should be censured. His campaigns were instrumental in putting modernists like Ali Abd al-Raziq to trial for what Riḍā viewed as attacks on sharia. Riḍā was a strong literalist[157] opposed the trend of rejecting hadith in Egypt. Prominent in this movement was the Egyptian physician Muhammad Tawfiq Sidqi who grew out of Abduh's modernist traditions.[158] Riḍā disagreed with Sidqi's beliefs that hadith was prone to corruption due to flawed transmission and that Muslims should rely solely on the Qur'an, which Riḍā took as a minimisation of Muhammad's importance.[159] He believed modernists had gone too far into Westernism in their reformist attempts, leading Muslims to lose their faith. He used the Qur'anic term Jahiliyya to refer to ignorance of pre-Islamic Arabia and the conditions of contemporary Muslims, and believed that governance not adhering to sharia was apostasy. This idea would become a major rationale behind the armed Jihad of future militant organisations.[156][58]

He strongly criticised scholars who issued fatwas aligning with modernist ideals.[160] Riḍā believed that a society that properly obeyed sharia would be successfully resistant to both capitalism and class-based socialism, since this ideal society would be immune to temptations.[161] He dismissed modernist advocacy of cultural synthesis, emphasizing the self-sufficiency and comprehensiveness of Islamic faith.[162] He believed that the rising individualism, irreligion, materialism, rationalisation, and scientism in Europe following World War I would lead to their downfall.[44] In his treatise Yusr al-Islam wa Usül at-Tashri' al-'Ämm (The Accommodating Spirit of Islam and the Sources of General Jurisprudence), Riḍā explained that reform advocates who fall between mad'han partisanship and modernist Westernisation are "those who affirm that it is possible to resuscitate Islam and renew its true guidance."[163] His aggressive rejection of Westernisation eventually led to the formation of transnational Islamist movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood and Jamaat-e-Islami.[162]

Anti-Zionism

You complacent ones, raise your heads and open your eyes. Look at what other peoples and nations do. Do you surrender to what is being told about you in the world? Are you happy to see the newspapers of every country reporting that the poor of the weakest peoples [the Jews], whom the governments of all nations are expelling, master so much knowledge and understanding of civilization methods that they are able to possess and colonize your country, and turn its masters into laborers and its wealthy into poor?.. Think about this question (Zionism), and make it the subject of your discussion.. Then [contemplate] whether it is clear to you that you have neglected the rights of your homeland and service to your people and your community. Examine and contemplate, consider and consult, talk and discuss this matter. It is more worthy of consideration than creating disasters and insulting innocent ones.

Muhammad Rashid Rida, —

Al-Manar, p. 108 (April 9, 1898)[164][165]

Riḍā published an article condemning Zionism in 1898, making him one of the earliest scholarly critics of the movement.[166] He warned that the Jewish people were being mobilised to migrate to Palestine with European backing to establish a Zionist state, and urged Arabs to take action,[84][166] as he thought the Zionists' ultimate ambition was to convert al-Aqsa mosque into a synagogue and to cleanse Palestine of all of its Arab inhabitants.[167][168][169]

In his 1929 treatise Thawrat Filastin (The Palestinian Revolution), he claimed that the Jewish people were historically fanatic observers of

in-group solidarity and exclusivity, and refused to assimilate with other cultures. Riḍā listed a number of historical crimes against the Israelites including polytheism, usury, and offenses against the prophets of Islam. He claimed that God was punishing them for this by taking away their kingdom and subjecting them to centuries of Christian persecution. In one of his final texts, published in 1935, Riḍā told Muslims to unite and "take the path traced by our ancestors, who defeated the Jewish in the first epoch [of Islam] and expelled them from the Arabian Peninsula."[170] Riḍā considered the Zionist enterprise part of the wider British imperial scheme to consolidate their regional dominion and provoke civil strife
amongst Muslims.

Riḍā propagated

global Jewish conspiracy, and, in the 1930s, he also promoted the ideas of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.[11] He believed Jewish people were controlling the Western banking system and were behind turning Christian states against Muslims. He wrote that the establishment of a Jewish state was preparation for the arrival of their Messiah, which Riḍā thought to be the anti-Christ and would be killed by Jesus, the true Messiah in Islam. He believed that Jewish people were competent only in the financial sector and required British military backing to make up for their inadequate skills in other areas.[172] He also claimed the Jewish people were a "selfish and chauvinist, cunning and perfidious" people who sought to exploit and exterminate other people.[166]

Riḍā alleged that the Jewish people had undermined the power of the

fifth columnists and were engineering a war between the Islamic and Western worlds.[45][173][168] He believed Jewish people created capitalism as a tool of manipulation[84][166] and that they were attacking religious governments across the world to spread atheism and communism.[171]

Riḍā believed that the term "freemason" itself referred to the re-construction of

Judeo-Bolshevism were a predominant component of Rida's writings until his death.[170]

Christianity

Riḍā was highly sensitive to the openly hostile and

colonial powers.[180] Riḍā believed the only 'true' mission of solid faith in Christian history was that of Jesus' disciples and that any later missionary attempt was false. He perceived Christian missions as an integral part of the colonial presence in the Muslim world and was convinced that Europe used religion as a political instrument for mobilising European Christians by inflaming their ‘fanatic’ feelings against other nations.[181]

In spite of this, Rida did promote efforts to reconcile between Muslims and Christians.[40] His caliphate proposal recognised both Judaism and Christianity and granted non-Muslims the right to serve in administration and the judicial system, with the exception of the Islamic sharia courts.[180]

abib Jamati said in his eulogy for Riḍā that Riḍā "had also befriended Christians and struggled alongside them for their common nation."[90] He did, however, accuse Oriental Christians in general of being the tools of colonial powers and of conspiring with "atheist Westerners" against Islam. In a series of articles published in 1911 compiled under the title al-Muslimun wa-l-qutb (The Muslims and the Copts), he condemned Muslims for dividing over nationalism. In his view, nationalist slogans were exploited by the colonial powers and would only favor the Coptic minority. He mocked the Copts' claim to be descended from the "heathen, God-hating" Pharaohs and their demand for positions of power despite what he viewed as inexperience. Riḍā applauded the 1911 Muslim Congress, which was organised in response to the 1911 Congress of Asyut that demanded Coptic minority rights. He believed Western civilisation could not be considered Christian, only materialistic, and predicted that its vices would lead to self-destruction. He alleged that the West sought to turn Muslims away from their religion, either by degrading their moral values, converting them to Christianity, or both.[182]

Shi'ism and Baháʼí

Riḍā gradually became a sharp critic of Shi'ism throughout his life. In a 1929 book, he wrote that he was once willing to work with the balanced reformers among Shias but that the situation has changed. He alleged that they "worship the dead," attributing to their incessionary practices towards Awliyaa in their shrines. He called upon Shias to condemn these practices and, while he did not censure all Shias, he left them with few options but to comply. Pan-Islamic unity was still conceivable, but it had to be on Salafi terms. In 1927, following heightened communal tensions, al-Manar published a series of anti-Shi'i articles written by Riḍā's disciple Muhammad Taqi ud din al-Hilali.[183]

Rida condemned the Shia for "supporting the Tatar and Crusader invasions" and alleged that

Awliyaa in their graves, which he equated with polytheism. He thought this was the only way they would be incorporated into the pan-Islamic ecumenical paradigm.[183] Despite all of this, Riḍā heavily influence modern Shiite exegesis. His prolific Quaranic commentary, Tafsir, is studied by both Sunni and Shiite scholars.[184]

Riḍā considered the

esotericists pretending to be Muslim and that they were a destructive internal threat to Islam. He saw Abduh's friendship with Baháʼí leader 'Abdu'l-Baha Abbas as a betrayal to Islam.[185][186][187]

Women

Riḍā believed that men and women were treated equally in Islam in terms of spiritual obligations and their ability to earn God's favor. To support

Hanafi school who didn't adhere to this stipulation as bigoted partisans to mad'habs guilty of abandoning the Qur'an and sunnah in favour of their law schools.[188]

Riḍā was also a firm defender of traditional Islamic views on polygamy, presenting it as a solution to the emerging social ills afflicting societies, such as free mixing of men and women in workplaces and consequent sexual freedoms. In one of his last treatises, A Call to the Fair Sex (1932), he argued that polygamy not only solved the problems associated with promiscuity and its resultant evils, but also addressed the difficulties produced by the loss of men in war. The book condemned the calls for equality between men and women in the workplace and in politics and warned about the folly of imitating Western women in their misguided ways. Rida declared that calls for "the liberation of women" and other social reforms by the modernisers were destroying the very fabric of Islamic societies. Riḍā discussed the etiquettes of veiling, emphasizing modesty for Muslim women, and addressed legal issues such as divorce. Although Riḍā wanted Muslim women not to be involved in politics, he encouraged association-based female Islamic activism that called upon the government to outlaw free-mixing, wine-drinking, and fronts of prostitution, and demanded expansion of Islamic education for both males and females. In marital affairs, he held the view that wives were not obliged to cook, clean, or take care of their children in sharia and decried the hypocrisy of men who demanded more from their wives. Still, he believed husbands could discipline their wives using force, if necessary.[188][160][189]

Riḍā encouraged Muslim women to participate in the social life of Islam as they did in earlier Islamic eras, but stressed that men were more capable and superior in terms of strength, intelligence, learning, and physical labour, which is why they have legal guardianship over women. However, like a ruler over his subjects, male authority should be exercised through shura and that they should strive to be like Muhammad, who exemplified kind treatment of wives. Riḍā also defended Islamic slavery, asserting that it protected women from harm and gave everyone chance to bear children, and therefore is not in conflict with justice. Riḍā wrote that every woman should have a legal guardian, so that women who are "prevented from being wife or mother [are] not thereby prevented from enjoying protection and honour."[190] He felt that Muslim men, but not Muslim women, could marry non-Muslims to expand the reach of Islam.[191][192][193]

On riba

Riḍā considered that certain types of usury (riba) may be permitted in certain cases, such as extreme poverty or larger public interest. He was influenced by both ibn Qayyim and Abduh in his beliefs about riba, though some of the beliefs he glossed from Abduh were tweaked to fit his agenda.[194][195][196][197] Riḍā believed that only the first increase in a termed loan was permissible in sharia, classifying it as riba al-fadl, a term used by ibn Qayyim. Based on his analysis of the reports in Tafsir al Tabari that described the practice of riba during the pre-Islamic period, Riḍā distinguished the former from the usury practised during the pre-Islamic period (Ribā Âl-Jāhilīyyá). However, he considered any further increase in returns or postponement of maturity date unlawful.[198] Riḍā wrote that riba rendered capitalism fundamentally at odds with an Islamic system as it directly violated Divine command.[199]

When state-sponsored Turkish translations of the Qur'an in the newly established

Mustafa Kemal's regime promoted heretical ideas to undermine Islam and that God "revealed it to the Arabian Prophet Muhammad in the clear Arabic tongue."[200] Riḍā issued a fatwa prohibiting Qur'anic translations. Among his objections were that identical translation of the Qur'an was impossible; translation would serve to sever "Islamic ties of unity" by stoking racial divisions; and the translation would be lesser in quality, as the reader would be "limited" by the translator's understanding. He was clear, however, that the prohibition was only on translations meant to substitute the Arabic Qur'an.[201] He viewed the Arabic language as the common medium uniting Muslims of all nations and promoted Arabic as an integral pillar of his reform efforts and later issued a fatwa stipulating that knowledge of Arabic is obligatory for every Muslim.[58]

Law and government

Riḍā believed that

muamalat (social transactions) were of only a general character, allowing for considerable adaptation by successive generations of Muslims to understand their modern problems.[51] Ibadah (governing matters of ritual and worship), on the other hand, did not allow for interpretive change. Riḍā believed that the Hanafi principle of istihsan (ruling in which a benefit to the community is confirmed) is essentially an application of the spirit.[204] However, he expanded the legal realm of the ibadah to incorporate personal and civil laws, including marriage and divorce.[205]

Riḍā divided

ibn Taymiyya considered istislah as a logical extension of Qiyas, whereby a consideration of utility neither explicitly enjoined nor excluded by the revealed texts would be assumed as a valid basis for judgment. Riḍā adopted this rationale, acknowledging that conclusions of istislah were not legally binding as a firmly-grounded Qiyas (as opposed to Qiyas without precise textual basis), as "no individual is entitled to require or forbid others to perform an act without Divine authorization".[207]

He believed that this rationale did not prevent the government from enacting ordinances based on utility in public policy, provided that the government rested on proper

ahl al-hall wal-aqd or ulul amr) through mutual consultation. This, he thought, would negate the fear that public interest could be a means for corruption, thus lifting the restrictions on deduction of legal ordinances.[207] Overturning muamalat rulings were predicated on the condition of compulsion (darurah) and were only to be undertaken by a competent jurist, who may derive the appropriate ruling based on his ijtihad.[203][205]

Riḍā thought that the best possible way to bring about a strong caliphate was through a detailed application "of the rules of the Shariah." One of these rules involved the appointment of

ahl al-hal wa-l 'aqd, a group of Muslim representatives with the right to take council with a caliph and the power to both appoint and remove him of behalf of the community. As the state would use Islamic law as its guiding principle, scholars were not only responsible for the sacred mission of reforming the society, but also responsible for correcting the monarch, by holding him accountable to sharia. Jurors were also to engage in ijtihad by referring to the Scriptures, and evaluate contemporary conditions to enhance the vitality of the law.[64][65][66]

Drawing on

Muslim community epitomized pristine Islam to its perfection.[209]

However, Riḍā was clear in specifying that general principles cannot supersede clear-cut texts. He stated that a soundly transmitted Scriptural text could only be superseded by a specific text which is more superior or by general texts of Qur'an and authentic hadiths that allow believers to prevent damage to themselves or to commit prohibited actions in a state of emergencies. He wrote that this permission was only valid during cases of extreme necessity and that the degree of allowance was proportional to the scope of necessity. Maintaining that Revealed texts were superior to

ibn Taymiyyah. During these four centuries, Islamic jurists had commonly employed maslaha as an amenity for legal resolution and juristic dynamism. As Riḍā saw it, the classical jurists had sufficiently elaborated the "philosophical, moral and hermeneutical controls" for valid utilisation of the principles of maslaha. Riḍā credited al-Ghazali and al-Shatibi for his revivalism of maslaha, which revamped the principle within the traditional legal framework of Qiyas.[210]

Riḍā's doctrines were later extended by

mujtahids unquestionably on wordly Transactions and their consensus was a legal source (hujja shar'iyya).[211]

Politics

Riḍā sitting in his library

Riḍā believed that problems faced by Muslims required political reform and his

Rightly Guided Caliphs, and leveled his attacks at subsequent rulers who could not maintain Muhammad's example. He thought it was feudal monarchs and depraved scholars who ruined the ideal caliphate system, leading to social chaos and the institutionalisation of corruption of authoritarian rulers.[65] He also blamed the weakness and corruption of Muslim societies on Sufist pacifism and excess,[40] the blind imitation of the past (taqlid), the stagnation of the scholars, and the resulting failure to achieve progress in science and technology.[212] He criticized Islamic scholars for compromising their integrity, and the integrity of the Islamic law, by associating with corrupt worldly powers.[213]

In advocating the

restoration of the caliphate, he reiterated the unity of both the spiritual and temporal aspects of Islam, which was in direct opposition to the emerging tides of secularism across the Arab and Turkish worlds. He suggested conditions necessary for the revival of the ideal caliphal rule and proposed ways to prevent the return to the Ottoman imperial system. Instead of criticising Sufism based on its perceived role in the Islamic historical scheme, Riḍā opposed Sufis because he considered their activities to be innovations without textual precedents or any sanction in the practices of the earliest generations.[56][157]

Riḍā opposed secularist criticisms accusing religion of being responsible for wars and human suffering, asserting that the materialist and irreligious conceptions of humanity were the prime instigators of warfare and bloodshed throughout history. In Riḍā's view, wars were an integral component of human history, and Islamic law regulated conflicts to just wars based on the doctrine of Jihad. He praised the religious campaigns of Muhammad and Rashidun Caliphate as an exemplary model of Jihad to be emulated against the European imperial powers.[44] He saw Jihad as a binding duty for all capable male Muslims, not only to defend the religion but also to bring non-Muslims into the Islamic faith. However, since the obligation of Jihad could only be fulfilled by strong men, the more immediate task was to acquire scientific and technical knowledge. Riḍā nonetheless distinguished between wars to spread Islam (Jihad al-Talab) and wars to defend Islam (Jihad al-Daf). While the latter was always obligatory, the expansion of Islam into non-Muslim territories was not obligatory unless Muslims were not allowed to live according to sharia or unless Islamic preaching efforts were hampered by the non-Muslim state.[214]

Riḍā's final substantial treatise, The Muhammadan Revelation (al-Waḥī al-Muḥammadī), published in 1933, was a manifesto in which he proclaimed that Islam was the only saviour for the deteriorating West. Insisting that Islam called for the unity of all people, opposing all forms of racist hierarchies that were responsible for the World War I and the corrupted League of Nations, Riḍā presented a Universal Islamic Order as a substitute for the crumbling Wilsonian system.[215][90] He wrote that "[w]hen Islam came into the world, humankind was widely divided; on the basis of origin, color, language, geography, religion, tribal affiliation, government, and politics. Moreover, on the basis of anyone of these differences, humans went to war." He asserted that Islam was widespread during the first century of the Muhammadan Revelation and blamed ignorance and tyranny for stymieing an Islamic state at that time.[216]

Influence and legacy

Riḍā is widely regarded as one of "the ideological forefathers" of contemporary Islamist movements[217][75][218][219][220] and many of his ideas were foundational to the development of the modern Islamic state. He "was an important link between classical theories of the caliphate... and 20th-century notions of the Islamic state."[221] Though Riḍā held some unconventional ideas, his work was highly influential.[128] Salafi scholar Albani wrote that al-Manar was "a good nucleus that drew the attention of Muslims to take care of the hadiths of the Prophet Peace be upon him."[222]

The status of Riḍā and his works, however, are a matter of contention among some contemporary

kufr akbar (major non-belief) and that Muslims are obliged to force rulers to annul such laws; overthrow them; or lose the land's status as Dar-al-Islam (abode of Islam).[223][224] Some Salafi Purists criticise Riḍā for straying from quietist Salafi principles. The pro-government Madkhali Salafists condemn Riḍā for his influence on Salafi activists, Islamists, and Salafi-Jihadists.[225] Others, however, including Salafi scholars such as Albani, generally praise him and popularised his treatises in Jordan, while also making commentaries on Rida's works.[226][227] Ali al-Halabi, a disciple of Albani, has praised Riḍā for his contributions to Salafi revival in Jordan.[228] Salafi activists (harakis) also used Riḍā's works to build a revivalist platform focused on Islamic socio-political and cultural reforms (Islah) with a long-term objective to establish an Islamic state. Prominent figures in this rival camp include Abu Hanieh, Safar Al-Hawali, Abu Qatada, Muhammad Surur, and Abdurrahman Abdulkhaliq. Abu Qatada and Abu Hanieh established a Jordan-based movement known as Ahl Al-Sunnah Wal Jama’a and published a new al-Manar magazine to commemorate Riḍā's monthly publication.[229]

Riḍā's political doctrines deeply influenced Islamists like Hasan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb, as well as subsequent fundamentalist movements across the Arab world.[230][231] Al-Banna was highly influenced by Riḍā's Salafism movement as well his pan-Islamist activities through socio-political means to re-generate an Islamic state and established the Muslim Brotherhood, a mass political party which sought to establish an Islamic state in Egypt within the existing constitutional framework. The movement demanded the Egyptian government to recognize sharia as the supreme source of law and remove the European law codes.[232][233][124][83] Riḍā's anti-Western sentiments set the foundations of future Salafi-Jihadist ideologies.[114][234]

Riḍā published Majmuʿat al-rasaʾil wa al-masaʾil al-najdiyya (Collection of Treatises and Questions from Najd) in 1928; this was one of the earliest occurrences wherein the doctrine of

A rare photo of Riḍā accompanied by his acolytes

Under Saudi rule, Sufi institutions in Mecca were closed and replaced with Riḍā's Salafi comrades and Najdi scholars. In 1961, the

ibn Taymiyyah, the Najdis, and Riḍā. Their organisation, Ansar al-Sunnah al Muhammadiyyah, became the bastion of Salafism schooling in Egypt.[239] Riḍā and his Salafi disciples also formed the Young Men's Muslim Association
(YMMA), an Islamist youth organisation that spearheaded attacks against liberalism and Western cultural trends, in the 1920s.

In his treatise The Exoneration written in response to

ibn Taymiyyah and commended him as an exemplar scholar of sharia who had the combined knowledge of religious sciences as well political and economic affairs.[242][243][244]

Riḍā's religious efforts not only influenced the

9/11, IANA was subject to intense federal scrutiny and was eventually forced to disband; many members were deported, and others, like Ali al-Timimi, were jailed.[245]

Riḍā was an important source for many 20th century Salafi scholars, including

Selected works

Published works by Riḍā include:[201]

  • 1922–23: Al-Khilafa aw al-Imama al-‘Uzma (The Caliphate or the Supreme Imamate)
  • 1928: Yusr al-Islam wa Uskl al-Tashri‘ al-‘Āmm (The Accommodating Spirit of Islam and the Sources of General Jurisprudence)
  • 1984: Mukhtasar Tafsir al-Manar (originally Al-Tafsir al-Mukhtasar al-Mufid) - intended to be a summary of his work, started by Riḍā and published by Muhammad Ahmad Kan'an and Zuhayr al-Shawish in three volumes.
  • Quranic commentary initially written by Abduh but continued by Riḍā, after his death. Riḍā wrote from surat al-Nisa‘ IV, verse 125 to surat Yusuf XII, verse 100 but did not complete the book either.[46]
  • Tarikh al-Ustaz al-Imam al-Shaykh Muhammad ‘Abduh - a three-volume biography of Muhammad Abduh
  • Nida’ lil Jins al-Latif or Huqkq al-Mar’ah fi al-Islam (A Call to the Fair Sex)
  • Al-Wahy al-Muhammadi - rational and historical proofs indicating that the Qur'an is a Divine Revelation
  • Dhikra al-Mawlid al-Nabawi - summary of a Prophetic biography
  • Al-Wahda al-Islamiiyya (Islamic Unity) (initially Muhawarat al-Muslih wa al-Muqallid; Debates between the Reformer and the Imitator)
  • Al-Sunna wa al-Shari‘a (The Prophetic Tradition and Islamic Law)
  • Al-Muslimin wa al-Qibt (Muslims and the Copts)
  • Al-Wahhabiyyun wa al-Hijaz (The Wahhabites and the Hijaz)

See also

  • List of Islamic scholars

References

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  4. .
  5. ^ .
  6. ^ . Although he was a Shāfiʿī, Riḍā defended the Ḥanbalī Wahhābīs.
  7. .
  8. . He rejected the ulema unquestioning imitation of their medieval predecessors (taqlid), and the practice of blindly following a particular school of jurisprudence (madhhab).
  9. . (Rida)... claimed to be Salafi in creed and relied more heavily on transmitted knowledge (naql) than did Muhammad Abduh.
  10. . ... the early progressive liberalism of these modernists quickly gave way to the arch-conservatism of Athari thinkers who held even greater contempt for the ideas of the nonbelievers (as well as liberals). This shift was most pronounced in the person of Rashid Rida (d. 1935), once a close student of 'Abduh, who increasingly moved to rigid Athari thought under Wahhabite influences in the early twentieth century. From Rida onward, the "Salafism" of al-Afghani and 'Abduh became increasingly Athari-Wahhabite in nature, as it remains today.
  11. ^ – via JSTOR. "At the turn of the nineteenth century, the Jews' love for money, selfishness, and racial solidarity were discussed in al-Manar... An article entitled "The Jews, the Freemasons, and the Novelty of Nationalism,".. claimed that "there is no other nation as the people of Israel, which is so associated with money and racial solidarity ('asabiyya)" and so eager to exploit all nations' wealth for its own benefit."... "by the 1930s,... (Rida).. embraced the spirit and the letter of the Protocols without explicitly quoting them".
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  14. ^ a b Olidort, Jacob (2015). "A New Curriculum: Rashīd Riḍā and Traditionalist Salafism". In Defense of Tradition: Muhammad Nasir Al-Din Al-Albani and the Salafi Method (Thesis). Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University. pp. 52–62. Rashīd Riḍā presented these core ideas of Traditionalist Salafism, especially the purported interest in ḥadīth of the early generations of Muslims, as a remedy for correcting Islamic practice and belief during his time.
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  16. – via JSTOR. Rida was motivated by celebrated revivalist influences – the doctrine of the conservative Sunni Hanabali school, Ibn Taymiyya, and the Wahabbi movement – and became increasingly Islamist throughout his lifetime....
  17. . The suspicion of Sufism... was one of the factors which in later years was to draw him nearer to the teachings of Ibn Taymiyya and the practices of Wahhabism... Sympathy with Hanbalism led him, in later life, to give enthusiastic support to the revival of Wahhabism...
  18. . The basic premise of Islamism was that Islam was the natural, authentic setting for all believing Muslims. In Rashid Rida's words, it was "the religion of innate disposition." In that sense, Islamism... was meant to resolve the problem of ideology.
  19. – via JSTOR. Rida... became increasingly Islamist throughout his lifetime....Rida's views against modernity added a strong anti-Western element to the Islamist ideology, and were reinforced by the Muslim Brotherhood and other like-minded organizations with a greater intensity...
  20. .
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  22. ^ Olidort, Jacob (2015). In Defense of Tradition: Muhammad Nasir Al-Din Al-Albani and the Salafi Method (Thesis). Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University. pp. 58–59. Albānī's son 'Abd Allāh calls Rashīd Riḍā muḥaddith Miṣr ("the ḥadīth scholar of Egypt")...
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  31. ^ a b Shapoo, Sajid Farid (2017-07-19). "Salafi Jihadism-An Ideological Misnomer". Small Wars Journal. Retrieved 2023-03-20. Rashid Rida during the later years of his life, made a dramatic shift towards Wahhabism and grew closer to the Wahhabis and their ideational approach.
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  34. – via tandfonline. Muhammad Rashīd Riḍā was one of the most prominent religious scholars of Sunni Islam in the first third of the twentieth century...
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  36. ^ . The development of Rida's thought brought him closer to the Puritanical doctrine known as Hanbalism and especially to that of its Wahhabi adherents,.. Rida's fundamentalist turn manifested itself above all in his defence of the Wahhabis.. In his articles he tirelessly reiterated- .. that the Wahhabis were the best Muslims
  37. ^ . After the fall of the Caliphate in 1924, Rida.. promoted Hanbali-Wahhabism.
  38. . Rida's endorsement of Wahhabism was a major factor in the spread of its influence.. It was also one of the reasons why he has been described as advocating return to a medieval, sectarian past...
  39. . The most glaring example of such developments and differences of opinion is Rashid Rida's transformation in the last phase of his life into a spokesman for the Wahhabi movement in the Arabian Peninsula...
  40. ^ .
  41. . ... he was very different from his Shaikh Muhammad Abduh,.. when it comes to a leaning toward the salaf. He was a strong supporter of ibn Taimiyyah—publishing his works—as well as of the scholars of Najd.... Through his magazine, al-Manaar, Muhammad Rasheed Ridha greatly contributed to the spread of ibn Abdul-Wahhaab's teachings in the whole Muslim world.
  42. . ...Rashid Rida, who later became an admirer of Wahhabism..." "..After the death of Muhammad 'Abduh, his disciple Rashid Rida drew closer to the traditional Salafi teachings... he became seriously involved in the editing and publication of the works of Ibn Taymiyya.. His writings,... also expressed traditional Salafi theological and legal positions..
  43. . Muhammad Rashid Ridda (1865-1935), ... later on became more aligned with Wahhabi Salafism..." "A number of historians regard him as pivotal in leading Salafism's retreat from Sheikh Mohammad Abduh's school of thought.
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  68. ^ . Syrian authorities also harassed Riḍā's family members... Sayyādī requested Badrī Bāšā, his brother-in- ̣law and the governor of Tripoli, to hand Riḍā's brothers to military authorities,..They also beat one of his brothers on his way from Tripoli to al-Qalamūn at night and stole their horse; and they also attempted to confiscate their family mosque in the village. Riḍā further asserted that Sayyādī was ̣planning to assassinate him through one of his people in Egypt.
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  171. ^ . Rida's adoption of Wahhabism would also seem to be connected with a very disturbing feature of his later thought. ... . From the late 1920s onwards, he mined the most hostile traditions to Jews in Islam and combined such material with the conspiracy theories of European anti-Semitism to attack the Zionist project and Jews in general. He claimed that the Torah exhorted Jews to exterminate people that they conquered, and that the Jews rebelled against God by killing the prophets he sent them after Moses. They invented Freemasonry and the Western banking system, and in recent years had created capitalism in Western Europe and Communism in Eastern Europe with which to plot against the European nations. From this final period in his life, we can see the origins of the anti-Semitism which has infected some parts of the Arab and Muslim struggle against Zionism and is now reflected,.. in the Hamas charter and the propagation of Holocaust denial in sections of the Arabic media.
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  176. . The Jewish people, Rida says, refuses to be assimilated into other peoples when it finds itself in the minority... Freemasonry is a Jewish invention and one of the tools the Jews use in their bid to re-establish a Jewish state and rebuild Solomon's temple in Jerusalem: the name 'Freemason' refers to the construction of the temple.... The Jesuits, their sworn enemies, were able to combat them in the Catholic countries, but the Jews managed to defeat the Orthodox Church by diffusing atheism in Russia and then establishing Bolshevism there, just as they managed to make Muslim Turkey an atheist country. (The allusion is to the Freemasons' role in the Young Turk movement.)
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External links