Edmund Muskie
Edmund Muskie | |
---|---|
58th United States Secretary of State | |
In office May 8, 1980 – January 18, 1981 | |
President | Jimmy Carter |
Deputy | Warren Christopher |
Preceded by | Cyrus Vance |
Succeeded by | Alexander Haig |
United States Senator from Maine | |
In office January 3, 1959 – May 7, 1980 | |
Preceded by | Frederick Payne |
Succeeded by | George Mitchell |
Chair of the Senate Budget Committee | |
In office January 3, 1975 – May 8, 1980 | |
Preceded by | Position established |
Succeeded by | Fritz Hollings |
Chair of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee | |
In office January 3, 1967 – January 3, 1969 | |
Preceded by | Position established |
Succeeded by | Bennett Johnston |
64th Governor of Maine | |
In office January 5, 1955 – January 2, 1959 | |
Preceded by | Burton Cross |
Succeeded by | Robert Haskell |
Member of the Maine House of Representatives from the 110th district | |
In office December 5, 1946 – November 2, 1951 | |
Preceded by | Charles Cummings |
Succeeded by | Ralph Farris |
Personal details | |
Born | Edmund Sixtus Muskie March 28, 1914 Rumford, Maine, U.S. |
Died | March 26, 1996 Washington, D.C., U.S. | (aged 81)
Resting place | Arlington National Cemetery |
Political party | Democratic |
Spouse |
U.S. Naval Reserve |
Battles/wars |
|
Edmund Sixtus Muskie
Born in Rumford, Maine, he worked as a lawyer for two years before serving in the United States Naval Reserve from 1942 to 1945 during World War II. Upon his return, Muskie served in the Maine State Legislature from 1946 to 1951, and unsuccessfully ran for mayor of Waterville. Muskie was elected the 64th governor of Maine in 1954 under a reform platform as the first Democratic governor since Louis J. Brann left office in 1937, and only the fifth since 1857. Muskie pressed for economic expansionism and instated environmental provisions. Muskie's actions severed a nearly 100-year Republican stronghold and led to the political insurgency of the Maine Democrats.
Muskie's legislative work during his career as a senator coincided with an expansion of
After the election, Muskie returned to the Senate, where he gave the 1976
Early life and education
Edmund Sixtus Muskie was born on March 28, 1914, in
Muskie's first language was Polish; he spoke it as his only language until age 4. He began learning English soon after and eventually lost fluency in his mother language.[15] In his youth he was an avid fisherman, hunter, and swimmer.[16] He felt as though his given name was "odd" so he went by Ed throughout his life.[17] Muskie was shy and anxious in his early life but maintained a sizable number of friends.[18] Muskie attended Stephens High School, where he played baseball, participated in the performing arts, and was elected student body president in his senior year. He would go on to graduate in 1932 at the top of his class as valedictorian.[19] A 1931 edition of the school's newspaper noted him with the following: "when you see a head and shoulders towering over you in the halls of Stephen's, you should know that your eyes are feasting on the future President of the United States."[20]
Influenced by the political excitement of
Upon his graduation, he was given a partial merit-based scholarship to
He then worked as a high school substitute teacher while he was studying for the Maine Bar examination; he passed in 1940. Muskie moved to Waterville and purchased a small law practice—renamed "Muskie & Glover"—for $2,000 in March 1940.[27] He helped write Waterville's first zoning ordinance and was elected secretary of the Zoning Board of Appeals.[28]
Marriage and children
Jane Frances Gray was born February 12, 1927, in Waterville to Myrtie and Millage Guy Gray. Growing up, she was voted "prettiest in school" in high school and at age 15, started her first job, in a dress shop.[29][30] At age 18, Gray was hired to be a bookkeeper and saleswoman in an exclusive haute couture boutique in Waterville. While there, a mutual friend tried to introduce her to Muskie while he was working in the city as a lawyer. She had Gray model the dresses in the shop window while he was walking to work. Muskie came into the shop one day and invited her to a gala event. At the time, she was 19 and he was 32; their difference in age stirred controversy in the town.[31] However, after eighteen months of courting Gray and her family, she agreed to marry him in a private ceremony in 1948. Gray and Muskie had five children: Stephen (born 1949), Ellen (born 1950), Melinda (born 1956), Martha (born 1958, d. 2006), and Edmund Jr. (born 1961).[10] The Muskies lived in a yellow cottage at Kennebunk Beach while they lived in Maine.[18]
In June 1940, President Roosevelt created the V-12 Navy College Training Program to prepare men under the age of 28 for the eventual outbreak of World War II. Muskie formally registered for the draft in October 1940 and was formally called to deck officer training on March 26, 1942.[32] At 28, he was assigned to work as a diesel engineer in the Naval Reserve Midshipmen's School.[32] On September 11, 1942, Muskie was called to Annapolis, Maryland to attend the United States Naval Academy. He left his law practice running so "his name would continue to circulate in Waterville" while he was gone. He trained as an apprentice seaman for six weeks before being assigned the rank of midshipman.[33]
In January 1943, Muskie attended diesel engineering school for sixteen weeks before being assigned to
Muskie began his active duty tour aboard the
Maine House of Representatives
Muskie returned to Maine in January 1946 and began rebuilding his law practice. Convinced by others to run for political office as a way of expanding his law practice, he formally entered politics.[38] Muskie ran against Republican William A. Jones in an election for the Maine House of Representatives for the 110th District. Muskie secured 2,635 votes and won the election to most people's surprise on September 9, 1946.[39] During this time, the Maine Senate was stacked 30-to-3 and the House was stacked 127-to-24 Republicans against Democrats.[40]
Muskie was assigned to the committees on federal and military relations during his first year. He advocated for bipartisanship, which won him widespread support across political parties. On October 17, 1946, Muskie's law practice sustained a large fire, costing him an estimated $2,300 in damages. However, a yearly stipend of $800 and help from other business leaders who were affected by the fire quickly restarted his practice.[40]
Muskie's work with city ordinances in Waterville prompted locals to ask him to run in the 1947 election to become Mayor of Waterville, against banker Russel W. Squire. Perhaps due to incumbency advantage, Muskie lost the election with 2,853 votes, 434 votes behind Squire.[41] Some historians believe that his loss had to do with his inability to gain traction with Franco-American voters.[42]
Muskie continued his political involvement locally by securing a position on the Waterville Board of Zoning Adjustment in 1948 and stayed in this part-time position until he became governor. He later returned to the House to start his second term in 1948 as Minority Leader against heavy Republican opposition.[43] Muskie was appointed the chairman of the platform committee during the 1949 Maine Democratic Convention. During the convention, he brought together a variety of the political elite of Maine—notably Frank M. Coffin and Victor Hunt Harding—to plan a comeback for the party.[44] On February 8, 1951, Muskie resigned from the Maine House of Representatives to become acting director for the Maine Office of Price Stabilization. He moved to Portland soon after and was assigned the inflation-control and price-ceiling divisions.[45] His job required him to move across Maine to spread word about economic incentives which he used to increase his name recognition.[45] He served as the regional director at the Office of Price Stabilization from 1951 to 1952.[10] Upon leaving the Office he was asked to join the Democratic National Committee as a member; he served on the committee from 1952 to 1956.[10]
In April 1953, while working on renovations for his family home in Waterville, Muskie broke through a balcony railing, falling down two flights of stairs.[46] He landed on his back, knocked unconscious. He was rushed to the hospital, where he remained unconscious for two days.[46] Doctors believed that Muskie was in a coma, so they gave him comatose-specific medication which caused him to regain consciousness but start to hallucinate.[47] Muskie tried to jump out of the hospital window, but was restrained by staff members. After a couple of months, through physical rehabilitation and corrective braces, he was able to walk once more.[48]
Governor of Maine, 1955–1959
Gubernatorial campaign
After establishing a prominent presence in the Maine State Legislature and with the Office of Price Stabilization, he officially launched his bid in the
Muskie ran on a party platform of environmentalism and public investment. His environmental platform argued for the establishment of the Maine Department of Conservation to "have jurisdiction of forestry, inland fish and game, sea and shore fisheries, mineral, water, and other natural resources" and the creation of anti-pollution legislation.[51] He stressed the need for "a two-party" approach to Maine politics with resonated with both Democratic and Republican voters wishing to see change. Muskie's central campaign slogan was "Maine Needs A Change" referencing the multi-year Republican stronghold.[50] He criticized the Republican Party for neglecting the environment, failing to restart the economy, underutilizing skilled labor forces, and ignoring public investment.[52]
He successively won the Democratic gubernatorial nomination, and then the general election by a majority popular vote on September 13, 1954. The upset victory made Muskie the first Democrat to be elected chief executive of Maine since Louis J. Brann in 1934. His election has been viewed as a causal link to the end of Republican political dominance in Maine and the rise of the Democratic Party.[18][53][54] After his win, he was asked by other Democrats running in elections outside of Maine to make a series of campaign stops.[55]
First term
Muskie was inaugurated as the
He expanded the territory comprising Baxter State Park by 3,569 acres and purchased 40 acres (1.7 million ft2) of Cape Elizabeth from the federal government for $28,000.[61] He also created the Department of Development of Commerce and Industry and Maine Industrial Building Authority.[54] In February 1955, he was briefed on atomic energy power by the United States Atomic Energy Commission leading him to limit the expansion of atomic-powered electrical facilities.[62]
Second term
During his tenure as Governor he retained a reputation for increased spending in public education, subsidized hospitals, modernized state facilities, and cumulatively raised state sale taxes by 1%.[63] He added $4 million to infrastructure development focusing on roads and river maintenance.[64] Muskie pushed aggressive economic expansionism.[52][65] In 1957, he founded the Maine Guarantee Authority which combated economic maturation-related job loss making capital more accessible for business owners.[66] Muskie also sporadically lowered sales tax, increased the minimum wage and furthered labor protections leading to a marked increase in consumer spending.[67] He amended the constitution of Maine in order divert $20 million in public funds into private investment.[68] He increased subsidies to expensive institutions such as public primary and secondary schools as well as universities.[69] Although initially founded in 1836, the Maine State Museum was closed and reopened six time before Muskie permanently endowed it in 1958.[70]
His governorship exploited multi-factionalism in the Republican Party leading to a vast expansion of the Democratic Party in Maine. From 1954 to 1974, the party doubled in size, while the Republican Party steadily decreased from 262,367 to 227,828 registered members.[54] Numerous state politicians mimicked his political style to push their programs through various local governments and garnered electoral success.[54] His executive appointments of moderate politicians shifted the entire Republican establishment in the state to the left.[54] This shift garnered comparisons to Hubert Humphrey's influence in Minnesota and George McGovern's impact in South Dakota.[54] During his last months as governor he changed his office's term from two years to four years.[63] Shortly before leaving office he moved Maine's general election date from September to November conclusively ending the notion that "as Maine goes, so goes the nation".[71] This was attempted thirty-six times before Muskie brought about a constitutional amendment that moved the date.[72]
Muskie resigned on January 2, 1959, to take his seat in the
United States Senate, 1959–1980
Elections and campaigns
Muskie's first contestation for the Senate of the United States was in 1958. He announced his intent to challenge incumbent Republican Senator Frederick G. Payne on March 20, 1958.[73] Muskie won the election with 60% of the vote against Payne's 39%. Muskie's victory made him the first Democrat elected to the Senate in Maine, with the state's previous Democratic Senator having been appointed by the legislature.[74] He was one of the 12 Democrats who overtook Republican incumbents and established the party as the party-of-house during the election cycle.[75] The New York Times reported that during this election that the absentee ballots requested for Democrats increased considerable signaling voter-discontent with Republican ideology.[75] This election was considered the largest single-party gain in the Senate's history.[76]
He ran for a second term in
Election eve speech
His third campaign and election to the Senate occurred in 1970. During the
I am speaking from Cape Elizabeth, Maine to discuss with you the election campaign which is coming to a close. In the heat of our campaigns, we have all become accustomed to a little anger and exaggeration. That is our system. It has worked for almost two hundred years—longer than any other political system in the world. But in these elections of 1970, something has gone wrong. There has been name-calling and deception of almost unprecedented volume. Honorable men have been slandered. Faithful servants of the country have had their motives questioned and their patriotism doubted. It has been led . . . inspired . . . and guided . . . from the highest offices in the land. ... We cannot make America small. ... Ordinarily that division is not between parties, but between men and ideas. But this year the leaders of the Republican party have intentionally made that line a party line. They have confronted you with exactly that choice. Thus—in voting for the Democratic party tomorrow—you cast your vote for trust—not just in leaders or policies—but for trusting your fellow citizens . . . in the ancient traditions of this home for freedom . . . and most of all, for trust in yourself.[78]
The Portland Press Herald on November 4, 1970, noted it akin to Franklin D. Roosevelt's fire-side chats "with video".[78] The speech has been the subject of numerous studies regarding "the dimensions of the televised public address as an emerging rhetorical genre of pervasive influence in contemporary affairs".[83]
In his
First and second term
He served his entire career in the Senate as a member of the Committee on Public Works, a committee he used to execute the majority of his environmental legislation.[10] He served on the Committee on Banking and Currency from 1959 to 1970; the Committee on Government Operations until 1978.[10] As a member of the Public Works Committee, he traveled to the Soviet Union in 1959.[10] He sponsored the Intergovernmental Relations Act, later that year.[91]
In 1962, he co-founded the United States Capital Historical Society along with other members of congress.[92] The same year, members of Congress elected him to serve as the first chair of the Subcommittee on Air and Water Pollution.[10] In 1963, he was the first to sponsor a new Act to regulate air pollution. The Clean Air Act of 1963 was written and developed by Muskie and his aide Leon Billings.[10]
His first major accomplishment was the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. He assembled more than one hundred votes for the proposed legislation eventually passing it.[87] Also during 1964, he was critical of J. Edgar Hoover's management of the Federal Bureau of investigation. Muskie was upset by its "overzealous surveillance and its director's intemperance".[87] Muskie also sponsored the construction of the Roosevelt Campobello International Park near Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Brunswick estate.[10] Due to its international nature, Muskie was asked to chair a joint U.S.-Canada commission to maintain the park.[10] In 1965, he was again sponsored the Water Quality Act (later to be known as the Clean Water Act). He was the floor manager for the discussion and led to its passage in 1965 and its successful amendments in 1970.[10]
Alongside President Johnson's
During 1967 the popular sentiment in the U.S. was anti-war, which prompted Muskie to visit Vietnam to inform his political stance in 1968. Prior to his visiting the country, he debated with a congressman on a pro-war platform. After the trip, he became a leading voice for the anti-war movement and entered into the ongoing debate by speaking at the year's Democratic Convention. His speech was followed by "tens of thousands of protestors surrounded the convention and violent clashes with police carried on for five days."[94] He wrote to Johnson personally asserting his position on the Vietnam War. He made the case that the U.S. ought to withdraw from Vietnam as quickly as possible.[10] Months later, he wrote to the president again urging him to end the bombing of North Vietnam.[95] During the same year, he traveled with other Senators to the Republic of South Vietnam to validate their elections.[10]
Later, at the 1968 Democratic National Convention, he led the debate for the administration plank on Vietnam, which sparked public outrage. On October 15, 1969, he was welcomed to the green at Yale University to address the issues regarding his vote but chose to decline the offer and speak that night at his alma mater, Bates College, in Lewiston, Maine.[18] His decision to do so was widely criticized by the Democratic party and Yale University officials.[18] From 1967 to 1969, he served as the chair of Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee.[10] He voted against the appointment of Clement Haynsworth to the U.S. Supreme Court.[10]
Third and fourth term
His third term began in 1970 by co-sponsoring the
After concluding his
He served as the chairman of the
In 1977, he amended Federal Water Pollution Control Act of 1972 along with others, to pass the Clean Water Act of 1977.[106] These new additions incorporated "non-degradation" or "clean growth" policies intended to limit negative externalities.[106] In 1978, he made minor adjustments to the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act and the "Superfund".[107]
Campaigns for the White House
1968 presidential election
Campaign
In 1968, Muskie was nominated for vice president on the Democratic ticket with sitting Vice President Hubert Humphrey. Humphrey asked Muskie to be his running mate because he was a more reserved contrast personality-wise, from a Catholic background and of Polish origin.[108]
The Humphrey-Muskie ticket narrowly lost the popular vote to
The truth is that Americans, born in this great tradition of humanism, still yield to prejudice and practice discrimination against other Americans. The truth is, having developed patterns and ways of living which reflect these shortcomings and weaknesses, we find it burdensome and difficult to – and all too often unacceptable to – do the uncomfortable things that we all must do to right the wrongs of our society.[18]
1972 presidential election
Background and primaries
Before the 1972 election, Muskie was viewed as a front-runner for the Democratic presidential nomination. Despite his political rise in the polls he continued to engage in tiring day-after-day speeches in various parts of the country.[18] During an August 17, 1969, appearance on Meet the Press, Muskie said his entry into the presidential primary would depend on his being convinced that he could meet the challenges as well as his comfort: "I don't think I'll answer either question for a year or two."[110] On November 8, 1970, Muskie said he would only declare himself as a presidential candidate in the event he became convinced he was best suited for unifying the country through the presidency.[111] In August 1971, Harris polling amid a growing economic crisis, Muskie came out on top of incumbent Nixon if the election had been held that day.[112] In late 1971, Muskie gave an anti-war speech in Providence.[18] The nation was at war in Vietnam and President Richard Nixon's foreign policy promised to be a major issue in the campaign.[109]
The 1972
"Canuck letter"
On February 24, 1972, a staffer from the White House forwarded a letter about Muskie to the
A day later, the same paper released an article that contained accusatory reference to his wife, Jane, as a drunkard and racially intolerant. On the morning of February 26, Muskie gave a speech to supporters outside of the Manchester Union-Leader offices in Manchester, New Hampshire. His speech was viewed as emotional and defensive; he called the newspaper's editor a "gutless coward".[115] Muskie gave the speech during a snowstorm which created the appearance of him crying.[119] Though Muskie later attempted to claim that what had appeared to the press as tears were actually melted snowflakes, the press reported that Muskie broke down and cried, shattering the candidate's image as calm and reasoned.[120][121][122]
Evidence later came to light during the Watergate scandal investigation that, during the 1972 presidential campaign, the Nixon campaign committee maintained a "dirty tricks" unit focused on discrediting Nixon's strongest challengers. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) investigators revealed that the Canuck Letter was a forged document as part of the dirty-tricks campaign against Democrats orchestrated by the Nixon campaign.[90][123] Nixon was also reported to have ordered men to follow Muskie around and gather information. He tried to connect Muskie's acquaintance with singer Frank Sinatra to an abuse of office. Muskie often flew on Sinatra's private plane while traveling around California.[124][125]
1976 presidential election
In early July 1976, Muskie spoke with Jimmy Carter in a "productive" and "harmonious" discussion that was followed by Carter confirming that he considered Muskie qualified for the vice-presidential nomination.[126] Carter ultimately selected Walter Mondale as his running mate.[127]
U.S. Secretary of State, 1980–1981
In late April 1980, he was tapped by President Jimmy Carter to serve as secretary of state, following the resignation of Cyrus Vance. Vance had opposed Operation Eagle Claw, a secret rescue mission intended to rescue American hostages held by Iran. After that mission failed with the loss of eight U.S. servicemen, Vance resigned. Muskie was picked by Carter for his accomplishments with senatorial foreign policy. He was appointed and soon after confirmed by the Senate on May 8, 1980, by a margin of 94–2.[94][130]
Draft Muskie movement
In June 1980, there was a "draft Muskie" movement among Democratic voters within the primaries of the
Afghanistan
In December 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan which prompted NATO to trigger its ally contract.[94] Muskie began his tenure as secretary of state five months into the invasion. He assigned Deputy Secretary Warren Christopher the tasks of managing the domestic side of the department while he participated in international deliberations.[134] Muskie met with Soviet diplomat Andrei Gromyko who categorically rejected a compromise that would secure the Soviet Union's withdrawal from Afghanistan.[135] Gromyko wanted the state department to formally recognize Kabul as a part of the Soviet Union.[136]
Soviet Union
Muskie was against the rapid accumulation of highly developed weaponry during the 1950s and 1960s as he thought that would inevitably lead to a nuclear arms race that would erode international trust and cooperation. He spoke frequently with the government executives of Cold War allies and that of the Soviet Union urging them to suspend their programs in pursuit of global security.[94] Muskie's inclinations were confirmed during the early 1970s when Russia split from the U.S. and accumulated more warheads and anti-ballistic missile systems. In November 1980, Muskie stated that Russia was interested in pursuing a "more stable, less confrontational' relationship with the United States."[137] He criticized the stances undertaken by Ronald Reagan multiple times during his presidential campaign expressing disdain for the calls to reject the SALT II treaty.[138] Muskie, throughout his political career, was deeply afraid of global nuclear war with the Soviet Union.[139]
Iran hostage crisis
On November 4, 1979, 52 American diplomats and citizens were held hostage by
Muskie left office on January 18, 1981, two days before Carter's last day as president and the inauguration of Ronald Reagan.[134]
Later years
Muskie retired to his home in Bethesda, Maryland, in 1981. He continued to work as a lawyer for some years. After leaving public office, he was a partner with Chadbourne & Parke, a law firm in Washington.[136] Muskie also served as the chairman of the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy at Georgetown University as well as the chairman Emeritus of the Center for National Policy.[142]
In 1981, he was awarded the
Tower Commission
In 1987, Muskie was appointed a member of the President's Special Review Board known as the "Tower Commission" to investigate President Ronald Reagan's administration's role in the Iran-Contra affair. Muskie and the commission issued a highly detailed report of more than 300 pages that was critical of the president's actions and blamed the White House chief of staff, Donald T. Regan, for unduly influencing the president's activities. The panel was notable as the findings of the report were directly critical of the president who appointed the commission.[144]
Muskie was critical of the commission decrying the "over-obsession with secrecy," noting that "there are occasions when it's necessary to hold closely information about especially covert operations, but even possibly other operations of the Government. But every time that you are over-concerned about secrecy, you tend to abandon process."[145] While underfunded, the commission did find that the Reagan administration ran a parallel policy directive at the same time they were publicly condemning negotiating for hostages.[146]
Death and funeral
Muskie died at 4:06 AM EST on the morning of March 26, 1996, at the Georgetown University Medical Center in Washington, D.C., after seeking treatment for bouts of congestive heart failure.[147] He died two days shy of his 82nd birthday. Eight days prior he underwent a carotid endarterectomy in his right neck.[148] His assistant reported that he had suffered a myocardial infarction.[148] Some historians believe that his blood clots were brought on from frequent 8,421 mile (13,552 km) flights to Cambodia; he was asked to assist in stabilizing its government[149] on behalf of President Bill Clinton.[76]
Due to his service in the United States Naval Reserve during World War II, he was eligible to be buried at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington County, Virginia.[148][150] His ultimate rank of lieutenant had him placed in Section 25 of the cemetery.[151][152] Although he died on March 26, his grave stone initially noted that he died on the 25th. His wife, Jane, died on December 25, 2004, at age 77, due to health complications brought on by Alzheimer's disease.[30] She was buried next to Muskie and his grave stone was corrected to read "March 26, 1996".[153]
Muskie was memorialized in Washington D.C., Lewiston, Maine, and Bethesda, Maryland. At his Washington memorial, he was paid tribute to by a variety of U.S. senators and house representatives.[154] His alma mater—Bates College—held a memorial presided over by its president, Donald Harward.[154] On March 30, 1996, a publicly broadcast, Roman Catholic funeral was held in Bethesda at the Church of the Little Flower.[155] He was eulogized by U.S. president Jimmy Carter; U.S. Senator, George J. Mitchell; 20th United States Ambassador to the United Nations, Madeleine Albright; a political aide, Leon G. Billings; and one of Muskie's sons, Stephen.[154]
Legacy
Historical evaluations
Historical evaluations of Edmund Muskie focus on the impact his actions and legislation had in the United States and the greater world.[76][156][157] His accomplishments in his home state have had him noted as one of the most influential politicians in the history of Maine.[6][76] Depending on the metric he is coupled with Hannibal Hamlin and James Blaine as the three most important politicians from Maine.[158][159][160] Muskie occupied all offices available in the Maine political system excluding state senator and United States representative. His political status in Maine is generally perceived favorably.[161] During his four-year term as Governor of Maine he initiated a constitutional amendment, invested heavily in infrastructure, and institutionalized economic development—effectively bringing Maine into the Golden Age of Capitalism.[162] Muskie ended the "as Maine goes, so goes the nation" political sentiment in the United States by moving Maine's general election date to November instead of September.[162] He preserved the cultural integrity of the state by endowing the Maine State Museum which was seen as critical to his public perception.[162] Although economic expansionism was historically seen negatively by the people of Maine, Muskie's policies were seen favorably as they were coupled with environmental provisions. His advocation for minimum wage increases, increased labor protections, and sales tax exemptions boosted consumer spending.[163][164] Muskie has been widely characterized as the catalyst for the political renaissance of the Democratic Party in Maine.[18][53][54] His election to the governorship signaled a fracturing of the Republican Party in the state and nearly tripled the number of Democrats in Maine between 1954 and 1974.[163][59]
Since Muskie left office as the U.S. Secretary of State, writers, historians, scholars, political analysts and the general public have debated his legacy. Particular emphasis is placed on his impact in the environmentalist and civil rights movement; bureaucratic advancement, and diplomacy. Overall supporters of Muskie point to an expansion of environmental protection, preservation, and security.[165] Numerous historians have noted him as "the father of the 1960s environmental movement in America".[76][88] His accomplishments in environmentalism established two of the foremost measures in U.S. environmental policy: the Clean Water Act Amendments of 1972 and 1977 and Clean Air Act Amendments of 1970 and 1977.[166] His contributions to the Clean Air Act were so great that the bill was nicknamed the "Muskie Act".[167][168][169] These two laws have been credited as the first major step to launching the wider environmentalism movement both in the U.S. and to some extent, the rest of the Free World.[170][171][172] Harvard University law professor Richard Lazarus summarized Muskie's legislative legacy with the following:
Senator Muskie's environmental law legacy is no less than stunning in terms of positive impact on the nation's natural environment. It takes little imagination to speculate what our national landscape would now look like if the economic growth we witnessed in the past four decades had not been accompanied by the environmental protections for air, land, and water provided by the laws that Senator Muskie championed in the 1970s.[173]
Muskie's influence on American diplomacy was detailed by the Office of the Historian with the following: "In the nine months Muskie served as Secretary of State, he conducted the first high-level meeting with the Soviet government after its December 1979 invasion of Afghanistan. During these negotiations, Secretary Muskie unsuccessfully attempted to secure the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan. [He] also assisted President Carter in the implementation of the "Carter Doctrine", which aimed to limit Soviet expansion into the Middle East and Persian Gulf. Finally, under Muskie's leadership, the State Department negotiated the release of the remaining American hostages held by Iran."[136][174] Many political commentators believed the bestowing of the Presidential Medal of Freedom by Carter to be an affirmation of this assertion.[140][175][176]
The public perception of his
Public and political image
Muskie's early political career was helped by his physical appearance. Voters could relate to his public persona in ways that translated to relatively high voter turnout. R. W. Apple Jr. described Muskie as "long-jawed and craggy-faced" later noting that he "looked like the typical New Englander [with] a classic Down East accent."[156] Muskie's height has variously been recorded as 6 ft 4 in (1.93 m) to 6 ft 6 in (1.98 m).[181][182] His height had him often compared to U.S. President Abraham Lincoln and referred to by voters and media alike as "Lincolnesque".[87] He was often seen as "towering over" political candidates creating symbolic superiority and power.[16]
Known as a recluse, he disliked public attention and media speculation. Voters often associated with his "trademark directness, homespun integrity, and apolitical candor".[18] However, political aides have described him as having a "hot temper" and being demanding.[87] A notorious micro-manager, Muskie often required his aides to have "every speech and every position researched, analyzed and reported directly back to him."[87] While reserved and polite in public, when roused, it was reported that Muskie "had the vocabulary of a sailor".[16] His ability to command an argument was taken positively by voters as it signaled good leadership ability. Political opponents noted his "cutting intellect" as in-conducive to lengthy debates and voters noted it as a good quality to possess when negotiating with foreign leaders.[87] An official publication by Cornell University commented on his political image by saying: "he will be remembered for the quality of his mind; the toughness, the rigor, the common sense; and for another quality: the courage to take risks for what he saw as right".[183]
Known to be punctual, he was present 90% of Senate roll-call votes.[87] Although he was portrayed as socially rigid, he often broke from this mold and showed a personable side. While campaigning in cities, he often let students from the crowd run up to the stage and present a case for policy reform, unheard of at the time.[18]
Honors and memorials
He was awarded the Guardian of Berlin's Freedom Award from the U.S. Army Berlin Command in 1961.[184] In 1969, he was inducted in the American Academy of Arts and Sciences alongside Ted Kennedy, George McGovern, Walter Mondale, Shirley Chisholm, and Bella Abzug.[185]
At the conclusion of his political career, he held the highest political office by a
Muskie was given honorary degrees from
Muskie was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom—the nation's highest honor—by President Jimmy Carter on January 16, 1981, for his work during the Iran hostage crisis, four days before stepping down from the presidency.[189] In 1984, the House of Representatives designated the Edmund S. Muskie Federal Building in Augusta.[190][191]
The
The Edmund S. Muskie School of Public Service at the
See also
- List of people from Maine
- List of Bates College people
- List of Cornell University people
- List of governors of Maine
- List of United States senators from Maine
- List of secretaries of state of the United States
- List of United States presidential candidates
- List of United States Democratic Party presidential tickets
- Response to the State of the Union address
Explanatory notes
- ^ According to David (1970) and Witherell (2014) Muskie was born with the surname "Muskie"; his father changed his name to Muskie from "Marciszewski".[1][2]
- Senate Budget Committee of which Muskie first presided over. Muskie developed the notions of direct spending, discretionary allowances, annual appropriations bills, and continuing resolutions.[3][4][5]Muskie ultimately approved of and shaped the formation of the modern United States budget process.[6][7][8]
- ^ Muskie did not receive an official portrait in his capacity as Secretary of State. This photo was a photo op at the Southwest Federal Center in Washington.[128][129]
Citations
- ^ a b Witherell (2014), p. 4
- ^ a b David (1970), p. 10
- ^ ISBN 978-1589017580.
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General and cited references
Cited works
- Anson, Cherrill A. (1972). Edmund S. Muskie, Democratic Senator from Maine. Grossman Publishing.
- Baldwin, Samuel J.; Nicoll Donald E.; Goldstien Soel K. et al. (2015). The Legacy of U.S. Senator Edmund Muskie. Maine Law Review. Online.
- Blomquist, Robert F. (1999). What is Past is Prologue: Senator Edmund S. Muskie's Environmental Policymaking Roots as Governor of Maine, 1955–58. Valparaiso University School of Law.
- Hirshon, Robert E. (2003). "The Legacy of Senator Edmund Muskie". Maine Law Review. Online.
- King, Angus. (2014). "Sen. King Honors Sen. Ed Muskie's Centennial Birthday". Senator Angus S. King Jr. YouTube.
- Lippmann, Theo; Hansen Donald C. (1971). Muskie. W.W. Norton & Company [ISBN missing] ASIN B000NQK5OM. Print.
- Mitchell George J. (1997). The World Peace: The Legacy of Edmund S. Muskie. Cornell Law Review. Cornell University Press.
- Witherell, James L. (2014). Ed Muskie: Made in Maine: The Early Years, 1914–1960. Tilbury House Publishers. Print. ISBN 0884483924
Primary sources
- Edmund S. Muskie Archives and Special Collections Library Archives & Manuscripts
- Edmund Muskie personal papers Archived February 25, 2009, at the Wayback Machine
- Online legislative record