Argentina during World War II

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Argentina during World War II
Hellmuth Incident
– 4 November 1943
Severing of relations
– 26 January 1944
Declaration of war
– 27 March 1945
U-530 Incident

– 10 July 1945

The history of Argentina during World War II was a complex period that began in 1939, after the outbreak of the war in Europe, and ended in 1945 with the surrender of the Empire of Japan.

Before the start of

neutral for most of World War II, despite pressure from the United States to join the Allies.[6] However, Argentina eventually gave in to the Allies' pressure, broke relations with the Axis powers on 26 January 1944,[7] and declared war on 27 March 1945.[8]

Pre-war political and economic background

Before the Great Depression

In 1916, following the enactment of

military coup in modern Argentine history, marking the beginning of what would be later called the Infamous Decade
in Argentina.

1930 military coup

Supported by

Agustín P. Justo was elected president.[11][12]

Presidency of Agustín P. Justo

Agustín P. Justo orchestrated the practice of electoral fraud
that became prevalent during the 1930s in Argentina.

Keynesian ideas were eventually implemented, and more emphasis was placed on public works and infrastructure, resulting in the creation of the National Office of Public Highways, expansion of the road network, creation of the Junta Nacional de Granos (National Grain Board) and the Junta Nacional de Carnes (National Meat Board), and, in 1935, creation of the Central Bank of the Argentine Republic, under the advice of economist Otto Niemeyer.[13]

In foreign policy, the most pressing issue of the Justo administration was the restoration of international trade, which had collapsed following the Great Depression. As a byproduct of

State Visits to presidents Getúlio Vargas of Brazil and Gabriel Terra of Uruguay
, signing commercial treaties with those nations. Justo's foreign minister, Carlos Saavedra Lamas would also serve an important role as a mediator in the Chaco War between Bolivia and Paraguay, helping both countries reach a peace deal, thus winning the 1936 Nobel Peace Prize.

Mounting political tensions

In the aftermath of the

Alvear, Ricardo Rojas, Honorio Pueyrredón, and other leading figures of the party.[17]

In 1933, attempted revolts continued.

Rosario, and Paso de los Libres. José Benjamin Abalos, who was Yrigoyen's former Minister, and Colonel Roberto Bosch were arrested during the uprising and the organizers and leaders of the party were imprisoned at Martín García. Former President Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear was exiled by the government, while others were detained in the penitentiary in Ushuaia
.

In 1935, former president

Province of Buenos Aires, but it could not avoid the UCR victory of Amadeo Sabattini for governor in Córdoba, despite bloody incidents that aimed at disrupting the election. Meanwhile, the province of Santa Fe, under the leadership of opposition Democratic Progressive Party governor Luciano Molinas, was the subject of a federal intervention
by the national government.

In 1937,

Justo kept his political and security forces busy on election day. Amid widespread reports of intimidation, ballot stuffing and voter roll tampering (whereby, according to one observer, "democracy was extended to the hereafter"), Ortiz won the elections handily.[18]

Beginning of the war

Political situation

Roberto M. Ortiz came to power through the system of electoral fraud
, but soon after taking office he tried to dismantle it.

When the war began,

Justo, intervening those provinces where governors had won by proven fraud (namely San Juan, Santiago del Estero, Catamarca and Buenos Aires), while respecting the results and autonomy in those provinces with no irregularities, including those where elections had been won by the opposition UCR, such as the cases of Tucumán (October 1938 and March 1939) as well as Córdoba (March 1940). In 1940, legislative elections were held in a clean fashion, giving the opposition UCR a majority in Congress.[20] This policy of democratic restoration would soon put the administration of Ortiz at odds with the more conservative factions of his own ruling Concordancia party, including conservative vice-president Ramón Castillo.[19]

The opposition Radical Civic Union, in turn, was divided between FORJA, a political grouping that consisted of hardline supporters of deposed UCR president Hipólito Yrigoyen (who died in 1933) and opposed any form of cooperation with the government, and the majoritarian faction of the UCR under the official leadership of Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, who, while also remaining in opposition to the government, soon adopted a more conciliary tone to the Ortiz administration as a result of these changes. The two other major parties, the Socialist Party and the liberal Democratic Progressive Party would also remain in opposition to the government. Meanwhile, the Communist Party, also staunchly opposed to the government, initially followed a policy of courting the trade unions, and gave priority to supporting the international stance of the Soviet Union.[21]

Economically, recovery from the Great Depression had been underway since 1933, but the beginning of the war resulted in changes to the Argentine economy, as imports from Europe were reduced. Thus began a process of import substitution industrialization, which had some antecedents during the Great Depression. This led to a process of internal migration as well, with people living in the countryside or in small villages moving to urban centers.[22]

Initial diplomatic reaction

At the beginning of the Second World War on 1 September 1939, the Argentine government proclaimed its neutrality in the conflict. On 3 September, the diplomatic representatives of the United Kingdom and France informed the Argentine government that their countries had entered a state of war against

Ministry of Foreign Affairs and chaired by a delegate from this ministry.[20]

Battle of the River Plate

pocket battleship Admiral Graf Spee took part in the Battle of the River Plate
, and was scuttled by her captain after being damaged in combat.

On 13 December 1939, the Battle of the River Plate took place. During this battle, the German pocket battleship Admiral Graf Spee was severely damaged by British ships on the waters of the River Plate estuary. Cornered, the German captain Hans Langsdorff ordered the scuttling of the ship,[23] while the crew were taken under custody and interned by Uruguayan and Argentine authorities.[23] While under custody, Hans Langsdorff later committed suicide at the Immigrant's Hotel in Buenos Aires, while the crew was eventually released, a dozen of them taking residence in Argentina and Uruguay.[24]

Aborted attempt to join the Allies

In December 1939, partly as a consequence of the

Latin American states, would join the Allies as "non-belligerent" states, offering economic and diplomatic support to the European Allies
.

The Argentine cargo ship Uruguay, stopped and scuttled by the German submarine U-37 on 27 May 1940[25]

In April 1940, Foreign Affairs Minister Cantilo made a visit to United States ambassador

Franklin Roosevelt, was in the midst of a challenging and controversial re-election campaign for an unprecedented third term in office. To make things worse, on 12 May 1940, the Argentine proposal was leaked to the press, and was published nationwide by Argentine daily newspaper La Nación, leading to much confusion in the country, and outrage among nationalist groups, who demanded Ortiz's resignation. On 13 May, the Argentine government issued a communique acknowledging the existence of the proposal, and on 18 May another communique was issued, clarifying that Argentina would continue to observe the "most strict neutrality" in the conflict.[3]

The leak of this proposal at an early stage of the conflict, together with the perceived diplomatic snub, severely weakened the position of the Ortiz administration and of pro-

nationalist sentiment and opposition to Ortiz in military circles.[3]

Ortiz's resignation and growing divisions

Vice-president Ramón Castillo, a conservative politician from Catamarca Province, became acting President of Argentina following the leave of absence by Ortiz in 1940.

From the beginning of his administration, Ortiz had been suffering from diabetes, and his health continued to deteriorate throughout his presidency. By 3 July 1940, after only two years in office, Ortiz had lost much of his

Ramón S. Castillo, who became acting president.[20] During Castillo's tenure, stances towards the war became more complex as the conflict developed. The main political parties, newspapers and intellectuals supported the Allies, yet Castillo maintained neutrality. Meanwhile, Ortiz was in leave of absence and unable to serve as president, but he did not resign from office. The position of Argentina vis-à-vis the war generated disputes between them, with Castillo often prevailing.[26]

Despite several treatments from Argentine

Ortiz died.[20]

Meanwhile, among civil society and the main political parties, support for Argentine intervention on the

Marcelo T. de Alvear, and leading members of the organization included major intellectuals, journalists, artists and politicians from a wide ideological spectrum, among them Alicia Moreau de Justo, Américo Ghioldi, José Aguirre Cámara, Mauricio Yadarola, Rodolfo Fitte, Rafael Pividal, Raúl C. Monsegur, Federico Pinedo, Jorge Bullrich, Alejandro Ceballos, Julio A. Noble, Victoria Ocampo, Emilio Ravignani, Nicolás Repetto, Mariano Villar Sáenz Peña and Juan Valmaggia. The organization grew to encompass 300 chapters across the country, and organized political meetings and protests, propaganda posters, leaflets, and even direct actions attempting to expose Nazi activity in the country.[27]

Marcelo T. de Alvear
remained a leading advocate for the entry of Argentina on the Allied side, and a major political figure until his death in 1942.

On the side of those opposing entry into the war, FORJA was the only political party that supported neutrality throughout the war, seeing it as an opportunity to get rid of what they considered British meddling with the Argentine economy. Starting in 1940, the FORJA faction led by Dellepiane and Del Mazo had drifted away from the organization and rejoined the UCR, while FORJA itself adopted more nationalistic and left-wing ideas, under the leadership of Arturo Jauretche.[28] Nationalistic sectors of the army also promoted neutrality as a way to oppose the United Kingdom and its economic influence. Notably during this time, a plan was made by the Naval War College to invade the Falkland Islands, but was never put into operation.[29] On the other hand, the newspaper El Pampero, financed by the German embassy, actively supported Hitler.[30]

Within the

Anglophobia.[31] Though only a handful of military leaders actually supported of Adolf Hitler, and pro-Axis positions were a minority, their true influence inside the army remains difficult to ascertain, as their advocates generally disguised themselves and adopted nationalist arguments.[3]

Meanwhile, the Communist Party aligned itself with the diplomatic policies of the Soviet Union. As a result, it supported neutrality and opposed the British influence in Argentina during the early stages of the war, in line with the

class struggle
.

As for the Castillo administration, there are a number of interpretations for his reasons for staying neutral. One such perspective focuses on the Argentine tradition of neutrality. Others see Castillo as a nationalist, not being influenced by the power structure in Buenos Aires (since he was from

military coup. A third point of view considers that the United States was the sole promoter of Argentina's entry into the war, whereas the United Kingdom benefited from Argentine neutrality as it was a major supplier of beef and wheat. This, however, fails to acknowledge the Anglophile factions' constant requests to declare war.[32] Most likely, it was a combination of the desires of the British diplomacy and the Argentine army, which prevailed over the pro-war factions.[33]

Socialist deputy Enrique Dickmann created a commission in the National Congress to investigate a rumored German attempt to seize Patagonia and then conquer the rest of the country. The conservative deputy Videla Dorna claimed that the real risk was a similar Communist invasion, and FORJA believed that a German invasion was only a potential risk, whereas British dominance of the Argentine economy was a reality.[34]

A diplomatic mission by the British Lord Willingdon arranged commercial treaties whereby Argentina sent thousands of cattle to Britain at no charge, decorated with the Argentine colours and with the phrase "good luck" written on them. El Pampero and FORJA criticised this arrangement, with Arturo Jauretche and Homero Manzi proclaiming "these are the goods that are not being sent to our needy compatriots in the provinces".[35]

After Pearl Harbor

The cargo ship Victoria, which the German submarine U-201 damaged in error on 18 April 1942.[36]
The cargo ship Rio Tercero, which the German submarine U-202 sank in error off New York on 22 June 1942

The situation changed dramatically after the Japanese

Axis. But the government of Castillo, through foreign minister Enrique Ruiz Guiñazu, opposed the American proposal. From that moment onwards, relations between both countries worsened, and American pressure for Argentine entry into the war began to increase.[37]

Castillo did, however, declare a state of emergency after the attack on Pearl Harbor.[38]

Military plots

Main article: United Officers' Group

Castillo's term was due to end in 1944. Initially, it was arranged that Agustín Pedro Justo would run for president for a second time, but after his unexpected death in 1943 Castillo was forced to seek another candidate, finally settling on Robustiano Patrón Costas.[38] The army, however, was neither willing to support the electoral fraud that would be necessary to secure Costas's victory, nor to continue conservative policies, nor to risk Costas breaking neutrality. A number of generals reacted by creating a secret organization called the United Officers' Group (GOU) to oust Castillo from power. Future president Juan Perón was a member of this group but did not support an early coup, recommending instead to postpone the overthrowing of the government until the plotters had developed a plan to make necessary reforms. The coup was to take place close to the elections, should the electoral fraud have been confirmed, but it was instead carried out earlier in response rumors of the possible sacking of the minister of war, Pedro Pablo Ramírez.[39]

It is not known for certain whether Patrón Costas would have maintained neutrality or not. But some declarations of support to Britain and his ties with pro-allied factions suggest that had he become president he would have declared war.[40]

The military coup that deposed Castillo took place on 4 June 1943. It is considered the end of the Infamous Decade and the starting point of the self-styled

Revolution of '43. Arturo Rawson took power as de facto president. The nature of the coup was confusing during its first days: German embassy officials burned their documentation fearing a pro-Allied coup, while the United States embassy considered it a pro-Axis coup.[41][42]

Rawson met with a delegate from the British embassy on 5 June and promised that he would break relations with the Axis powers and declare war within 72 hours. This turn of events enraged the United Officers' Group, as did Rawson's choices for his cabinet. A new coup took place, replacing Rawson with Pedro Pablo Ramírez.[43] Thus, Rawson became the shortest non-interim president in Argentine history.[44]

One of the first measures of the new Ramírez government was to declare Acción Argentina and its pro-Allied advocacy activities illegal.[27]

1943 coup

A newspaper announcing the 1943 military coup.
Main article: 1943 Argentine coup d'état

The new government proceeded with both progressive and reactionary policies. Maximum prices were established for popular products, rents were reduced, the privileges of the Chadopyff factory were annulled and hospital fees were abolished. On the other hand, the authorities intervened trade unions, closed the Communist newspaper La Hora and imposed religious education at schools. Juan Perón and Edelmiro Julián Farrell, hailing from the Ministry of War, fostered better relations between the state and the unions.[45]

As previously discussed, the Communist Party had aligned itself with the diplomatic policies of the Soviet Union. Following the launching of Operation Barbarossa and the consequent Soviet entry in the war, the Communists became pro-war and halted its support for further labour strikes against British factories located in Argentina. This switch redirected workers' support from the Communist Party to Perón and the new government.[46]

As a result, the Communist Party turned against the government, which it viewed as pro-Nazi. Perón countered complaints by declaring that "The excuses they seek are very well known. They say we are 'nazis', I declare we are as far from Nazism as from any other foreign ideology. We are only Argentines and want, above all, the common good for Argentines. We do not want any more electoral fraud, nor more lies. We do not want that those who do not work live from those who do".[47]

One of the leading figures behind the 1943 military coup, Pedro Pablo Ramírez was suspected of having Axis sympathies.

The government held diplomatic discussions with the United States, with Argentina requesting aircraft, fuel, ships and military hardware. The Argentine

Minister of Foreign Affairs Segundo Storni argued that, although Argentina refrained from participating in the war, it remained closer to the Allies, sending them food, and that up to then the Axis powers had not taken action against the country to justify a declaration of war. The United States Secretary of State Cordell Hull replied that Argentina was the only Latin American country to not have broken relations with the Axis, that Argentine food was sold at lucrative return, and that United States military hardware was intended for countries already at war, some of which were facing more severe fuel shortages than was Argentina. Storni resigned after this rejection.[48] The United States took further measures to increase pressure on Argentina. All Argentine companies suspected of having ties with the Axis powers were blacklisted and boycotted, and the supply of newsprint was limited to pro-Allied newspapers. American exports of electronic appliances, chemical substances and oil production infrastructure were halted. The properties of forty-four Argentine companies were seized, and scheduled loans were halted. Hull wanted to weaken the Argentine government or force its resignation. Torn between diplomatic and economic pressure as opposed to an open declaration of war against Argentina, he opted for the former to avoid disrupting the supply of food to Britain. Nevertheless, he also saw the situation as a chance for the United States to have a greater influence over Argentina than Britain.[49]

The United States also threatened to accuse Argentina of being involved with the coup of Gualberto Villarroel in Bolivia, and a plot to receive weapons from Germany after the allied refusal, to face the possible threat of invasion either by the United States itself or Brazil acting on their behalf. However, it would be unlikely that Germany would provide such weapons, given their fragile situation in 1944. Ramírez called a new meeting of the GOU, and it was agreed to break diplomatic relations with the Axis powers (albeit without yet a declaration of war) on 26 January 1944.[7]

The break in relations generated unrest within the military, and Ramírez considered removing both the influential Farrell and Perón from the government. However, their faction discovered Ramírez's plan. They broke up the United Officers' Group, to avoid letting the military loyal to Ramírez know they were aware of his plot, and then initiated a coup against him. Edelmiro Julián Farrell became then the new president of Argentina on 24 February.[50]

The United States refused to recognise Farrell as long as he maintained the neutralist policy, which was ratified by Farrell on 2 March, and the United States broke relations with Argentina two days later. Winston Churchill complained about the harsh policy of the United States against Argentina, pointing out that Argentine supplies were vital to the British war effort and that removing their diplomatic presence from the country would even force Argentina to seek Axis protection. British diplomacy sought to guarantee the supply of Argentine food by signing a treaty covering it, while US diplomatic policy sought to prevent such a treaty. Hull ordered the confiscation of Argentine goods in the United States, suspension of foreign trade with her, prohibited US ships from mooring at Argentine ports, and denounced Argentina as the "nazi headquarters in the Western hemisphere".[51]

According to historian Norberto Galasso, at this point Washington held talks with Brazil, exploring plans for military intervention. The Brazilian ambassador in Washington is said to have claimed that Buenos Aires could be completely destroyed by the Brazilian Air Force, allowing Argentina to be dominated without the open intervention of the United States, who would support Brazil by providing ships and bombs.[52]

War's end

The German submarine U-977 moored at Mar del Plata, after being surrendered to the Argentine Navy in August 1945.

The

Franklin Roosevelt supported Hull's claims about Argentina with similar statements. He also cited Churchill when he stated that history would judge all nations for their role in the war, both belligerents and neutrals.[54]

By early 1945, World War II was nearing its end. The Red Army

had captured Warsaw and was closing in on East Prussia, and Berlin itself was under attack. Allied victory was imminent. Perón, the strong man of the Argentine government, foresaw that the Allies would dominate international politics for decades and concluded that although Argentina had successfully resisted the pressure to force it to join the war, remaining neutral until the end of the war would force the country into isolationism
at best or bring about a military attack from the soon to be victorious powers.

Negotiations were eased by the departure of Hull as Secretary of State, replaced by Edward Stettinius Jr., who demanded that Argentina hold free elections, declare war against the Axis powers, eradicate all Nazi presence in the country and give its complete cooperation to international organizations. Perón agreed, and German organizations were curtailed, pro-Nazi manifestations were banned, and German goods were seized. The Argentine merchant navy was instructed to ignore the German blockade.[55] These measures eased relations with the United States. When the Allies advanced into Frankfurt, Argentina finally formalized the negotiations. On 27 March, per Decree 6945, Argentina declared war on Japan and, by extension, on Germany, an ally of Japan. FORJA, one of the main proponents of neutrality, distanced itself from the government, but eventually Arturo Jauretche would come to support the government's change of position a year later. Jauretche reasoned that the United States opposed Argentina because of its perceived Nazism by refusing to declare war although neutrality was based instead on Argentine interests; which were no longer at stake with a declaration of war when the country would not actually join the conflict. Jauretche came to believe that Perón's pragmatism was better for the country than his own idealistic perspective of keeping a neutral stance to the end of the war.[8]

A few days later, on 10 April, the United Kingdom, France, the United States, and the other Latin American countries restored diplomatic relations with Argentina. Still, diplomatic hostility against Argentina from the United States resurfaced after the unexpected death of Roosevelt, who was succeeded by Harry S. Truman. Ambassador Spruille Braden would organize opposition to the government of Farrell and Perón.[56]

The final

European Theatre of World War II took place a month later and was greeted with demonstrations of joy in Buenos Aires.[57] Similar demonstrations took place in August, after the surrender of Japan, bringing World War II to its final end.[58] Farrell lifted the state of emergency declared by Castillo after the 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor.[59]

In early May 1945, amid

British Royal Navy experts for interrogating them and examining their logs.[60]

Argentines in World War II

Maureen Dunlop recorded over 800hrs service for the Air Transport Auxiliary (ATA), and was featured on the cover of the Picture Post
on 16 September 1942.

During World War II, 4,000 Argentines served with all three

British armed services, even though Argentina was officially a neutral country during the war.[61][62] Over 600 Argentine volunteers served with both the Royal Air Force and the Royal Canadian Air Force, mostly in No. 164 (Argentine) squadron,[63] whose shield bore the sun from the Flag of Argentina and the motto, "Determined We Fly (Firmes Volamos)".[61]

Arab horses with her husband on their stud farm, "Milla Lauquen Stud".[64][65]

Nearly 500 Argentines served in the Royal Navy around the world, from the North Atlantic to the South Pacific.[66] Many were part of the special forces, such as John Godwin.

Many members of the Anglo-Argentine community also volunteered in non-combat roles, or worked to raise money and supplies for British troops. The Anglo-Argentine Fellowship of the Bellows in Argentina raised money to buy aircraft for the RAF. In April 2005, a special remembrance service was held at the RAF church of St Clement Danes in London.[62]

On 9 May 2015, the remains of the Argentine volunteer Group Captain Kenneth Langley Charney DFC & Bar, were repatriated and buried in the British Cemetery in Buenos Aires. Charney was born in Quilmes, Argentina, in 1920, and died in Andorra in 1982.[67]

Nazi fugitives

Main article:
Ratlines (World War II aftermath) § Argentine connection

Before the beginning of World War II, there was a substantial

Operation Bolivar, until the network was dismantled and most of its agents were arrested in 1944.[69]

In the late 1940s, under

Joseph Mengele, Eduard Roschmann, Josef Schwammberger, Walter Kutschmann, and Gestapo Colonel Adolf Eichmann.[70] This also included members of the ultranationalist Ustaše regime from the Independent State of Croatia, including its leader, Ante Pavelić.[71]

In May 1960, Eichmann was kidnapped in Argentina by the Israeli Mossad and brought to trial in Israel, where he was executed in 1962.[72] At the time, Argentina condemned the Israeli government for abducting Eichmann, even demanding he be returned.[73] This led to a diplomatic spat between the nations.[74]

In 1992, President

Nazi fugitives.[76]

Gallery

  • The grand opening of the Avenida General Paz in 1941.
    The grand opening of the Avenida General Paz in 1941.
  • Cordoba's Emilio Olmos Avenue in 1943.
    Cordoba's
    Emilio Olmos Avenue in 1943.
  • Spruille Braden, the American Ambassador to Argentina, and others in 1945.
    Spruille Braden, the American Ambassador to Argentina, and others in 1945.

See also

References

  1. ISBN 9780198205654
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  2. ^ Allén Lascano, Luís C. (1977). Argentina y la gran guerra, Cuaderno 12. «La Soberanía», Todo es Historia, Buenos Aires, pags. 71–113
  3. ^ a b c d e f g "Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina y el Caribe". eialonline.org. Retrieved 25 December 2023.
  4. ^ Senkam, Leonardo (1995). El nacionalismo y el campo liberal argentinos ante el neutralismo: 1939–1943, Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina y el Caribe, Vol. 6 Nº 1, ene-jun 1995, Universidad de Tel Aviv
  5. ISBN 978-0742537415
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  6. ^ Galasso, 117–252
  7. ^ a b Galasso, pp. 194–196
  8. ^ a b Galasso, pp. 248–251
  9. ISBN 9780896290785
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  10. ^ Galasso 2011, pp. 7–178, vol. II.
  11. ^ Michael A. Burdick. For God and the fatherland: religion and politics in Argentina. Albany, New York, USA: State University of New York Press, 1995. pp. 45.
  12. ^ Daniel K. Lewis. The history of Argentina. 2nd edition. New York, New York, USA; Hampshire, England, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. pp. 83–84.
  13. ^ Boletín de la Academia Argentina de Letras, Academia Argentina de Letras, 1943
  14. ISBN 9780520061781
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  15. ^ Rennie, Ysabel Fisk (1945). The Argentine Republic. Macmillan.
  16. ISBN 9780520051898
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  17. ISBN 9780791499160
  18. ^ Todo Argentina: Fraude Patriotico (in Spanish)
  19. ^ a b c "Roberto Ortiz, una llama que se apagó en la década infame". La Prensa. 23 July 2018. Retrieved 20 February 2022.
  20. ^ a b c d e Luna, Félix.(1985). "Roberto Marcelino Ortiz, reportaje a la Argentina opulenta". Buenos Aires: ed. Sudamericana
  21. ^ Galasso, p. 117
  22. ^ Galasso, pp. 118–119
  23. ^ a b Landsborough 2016, Chapter 19: The Prisoners are Freed
  24. ^ Landsborough 2016, p. 97-104, Chapter 19: The Prisoners are Freed.
  25. ^ Helgason, Guðmundur. "Uruguay". Ships hit by U-boats. Uboat.net. Archived from the original on 14 March 2009. Retrieved 21 March 2010.
  26. ^ Mendelevich, pp. 138–139
  27. ^ a b Ferrero, Roberto A. (1976). Del fraude a la soberanía popular. Buenos Aires: La Bastilla. p. 100.
  28. ^ Scenna, Miguel Ángel (1983). "FORJA, una aventura argentina (De Yrigoyen a Perón)". Buenos Aires:de Belgrano. ISBN 950-577-057-8
  29. ^ Falklands: the Argentine military planned invasion during World War II, Merco Press 14 November 2013
  30. ^ Galasso, p. 133
  31. ^ Galasso, p. 118
  32. ^ Galasso, p. 135
  33. ^ Galasso, p. 137
  34. ^ Galasso, pp. 133–134
  35. ^ Galasso, p. 134
  36. ^ Victoria – Historia y Arqueología Marítima Archived 23 October 2013 at the Wayback Machine (in Spanish)
  37. ^ Mendelevich, p. 31
  38. ^ a b Mendelevich, p. 142
  39. ^ Galasso, pp. 153–154
  40. ^ Galasso, pp. 151–152
  41. ^ Galasso, pp. 155–158
  42. ^ Mendelevich, p. 146
  43. ^ Galasso, pp. 159–161
  44. ^ Mendelevich, pp. 144–145
  45. ^ Galasso, pp. 162–166
  46. ^ Galasso, pp. 167–169
  47. ^ Galasso, p. 174
  48. ^ Galasso, p. 178
  49. ^ Galasso, pp. 193–194
  50. ^ Galasso, pp. 196–197
  51. ^ Galasso, pp. 198–200
  52. ^ Galasso, pp. 215–216
  53. ^ Galasso, pp. 230–231
  54. ^ Galasso, pp. 237–238
  55. ^ Galasso, pp. 247–248
  56. ^ Galasso, pp. 251–252
  57. ^ Galasso, p. 252
  58. ^ Galasso, p. 274
  59. ^ Mendelevich, p. 152
  60. ISBN 9781848320376
  61. ^ a b "Wings of Thunder – Wartime RAF Veterans Flying in From Argentina". PR Newswire. 6 April 2005. Retrieved 8 January 2008.
  62. ^ a b Buckley, Martha (9 April 2005). "How Argentines helped British win war". BBC News. Archived from the original on 8 March 2006. Retrieved 8 January 2008.
  63. ^ Argentine pilots break silence over World War Two – Reuters
  64. ^ "Maureen Dunlop de Popp". The Daily Telegraph. 15 June 2012. Retrieved 18 June 2012.
  65. ^ Anne Keleny (11 June 2012). "Maureen Dunlop: Pilot for the Air Transport Auxiliary who made the cover of Picture Post". The Independent. Retrieved 18 June 2012.
  66. ISBN 978-987-45062-3-8
  67. ^ Graham-Yooll, Andrew, Chacarita marks end of WWII, 70 years on, Buenos Aires Herald, retrieved 2 August 2015
  68. ISBN 3-932089-02-2
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  69. ^ "Cryptologic Aspects of German Intelligence Activities in South America during World War II" (PDF). Retrieved 26 April 2013.
  70. ^ a b "Quiénes fueron los nazis que se refugiaron en la Argentina tras la caída del Tercer Reich". Infobae. Retrieved 20 February 2022.
  71. ^ "Ante Pavelic, the Real Butcher of the Balkans". 13 February 2002.
  72. ^ Rohter, Larry (9 March 2003). "Argentina, a Haven for Nazis, Balks at Opening Its Files". The New York Times. Retrieved 27 May 2014.
  73. ^ "Argentine Presses Demand for Eichmann Return Before Security Council".
  74. S2CID 159585565
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  75. ^ Comas, José (2 February 1992). "Argentina abre hoy sus archivos sobre criminales nazis". El País. Retrieved 20 February 2022.
  76. ^ Schrader, Esther (14 June 2000). "President of Argentina Apologizes for Nation's Role as Haven for Nazis". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 23 February 2022.

Bibliography

In Spanish

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