Russia–Serbia relations

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Russia–Serbia relations
Map indicating locations of Russia and Serbia

Russia
Serbia
Diplomatic mission
Russian embassy in BelgradeSerbian embassy in Moscow
Envoy
Aleksandar Bocan-Harchenko[1]Momčilo Babić

Russia–Serbia relations (

St. Petersburg and has announced to open a consulate-general in Yekaterinburg.[citation needed
]

While geographically not close, Serbia and Russia are both

Eastern Orthodox Christian countries and thus share a notable cultural heritage. Both countries were full members of the Council of Europe (until Russia's expulsion in 2022) and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.[citation needed
]

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia recognized Russia in December 1991 by the Decision of the Presidency on the recognition of the former republics of the USSR.[citation needed]

Diplomatic relations between the

better source needed
]

According to censuses, there were 3,247 ethnic Russians living in Serbia (2011) and 3,510

better source needed
]

History

Middle Ages

A miniature of the Battle of Kosovo (1389), the Illustrated Chronicle of Ivan the Terrible (1567)

[citation needed]

After the

Serbian.[6] The Orthodox worship of Saint Sava was established in Russia in the 16th century.[4]

18th century

Main articles: Serbian Hussar Regiment, Slavo-Serbia, and New Serbia (historical province)

In the 1750s, in a re-settlement initiated by Austrian Colonel Ivan Horvat, a vast number of Orthodox Serbs, mostly from territories controlled by the Habsburg monarchy (the Serbian Grenzers), settled in Russia's military frontier region of New Serbia (with the centre in Novomirgorod, mainly in the territory of the present-day Kirovohrad Oblast of Ukraine), as well as in Slavo-Serbia (now mainly the territory of the contested Luhansk Oblast). In 1764, both territorial entities were incorporated in Russia's Novorossiya Governorate.[citation needed]

19th century–1900s

After the

alliance with the Russian Empire in July 1807. Karađorđe was to receive arms and military and medical missions; nevertheless, the terms of Russo-Turkish settlement agreed in May 1812 effectively provided for Turkish re-occupation of Serbia and the First Serbian Uprising was definitively suppressed in October 1813. The Second Serbian Uprising achieved Serbian autonomy within the Ottoman Empire, which was internationally recognized through the Russo-Turkish Akkerman Convention and the Treaty of Adrianople. Serbia was thus put under Russian protection, although Russia was unable to exert control as it did in Wallachia and Moldavia, territories also dealt with at the Akkerman Convention. Serbian autonomy was briefly abolished by the Ottoman sultan in 1828, then re-granted in 1829. Russian protection was recognized until abolition thereof in 1856, after the Russian defeat in the Crimean War
.

House of Karađorđević) and Prince John Konstantinovich (from the House of Romanov)

[citation needed

]

In February 1838, then Prince of Serbia Miloš Obrenović received the first Russian consul, Gerasim Vashchenko.[8][9]

In June 1876, Serbia, along with the

Nikola I of Montenegro was a regular visitor to Saint Petersburg and was awarded the Russian Empire's highest decoration by Alexander III in 1889.[citation needed
]

Left: Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky composed the Serbo-Russian March (1876)
Right: Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakov composed the Fantasy on Serbian Themes (1867)

Serbia's

Nicholas II of Russia in 1897 brokered a secret agreement between the two empires to honor and seek to maintain the status quo in the Balkans, which was in line with Austria-Hungary’s attempts to forestall an emergence of a large Slavic state in the region.[12][13] The 1901 massacres of Serbs in Kosovo was instrumental in causing a diplomatic conflict between Austria-Hungary, which supported the Albanians, and Serbia, which was supported by Russia.[citation needed
]

Serbian King

Bosnian crisis. The Narodna Odbrana organization was founded following the annexation, and sought to liberate Serb territories from Austro-Hungarian rule.[citation needed
]

World War I

See also: Causes of World War I
"A Threatening Situation", an American comic from July 1914: "If Austria attacks Serbia, Russia will fall upon Austria, Germany upon Russia, and France and England upon Germany."

One of the factors that led to the beginning of

better source needed] In that month, due to Colonel Dimitrijević's intrigues, Peter I dismissed Pašić's government,[16] but the Russian Minister in Belgrade intervened to have Pašić's government restored.[16] Pašić, though he often talked in public, knew that Serbia was near-bankrupt and, having suffered heavy casualties in the Balkan Wars and in the suppression of an Albanian revolt in Kosovo, needed peace in that moment of time.[16] Since Russia also favoured peace in the Balkans, from the Russian viewpoint, it was desirable to keep Pašić in power.[16] However, the Assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand led Austria-Hungary to declare war on Serbia during the July Crisis.[citation needed] Russia mobilized its armed forces in late July ostensibly to defend Serbia, but also to maintain its status as a great power, gain influence in the Balkans and deter Austria-Hungary and the German Empire.[citation needed] This led Germany to declare war on Russia on 1 August, ultimately turning the local conflict into World War I.[citation needed
]

Inter-war period, Russian emigration

See also:
Russians of Serbia, and Russians of Croatia § History and legal status
Anthony Khrapovitsky (third left) in Belgrade neighborhood Dedinje
on Easter, April 1927

A few months after the Russian Revolution in November 1917, the Russian Civil War ensued, in which a small number of mercenaries from Yugoslavia fought for both the Russian Whites and the Bolsheviks. After the Civil War ended in 1922 in a Bolshevik victory, relations between the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union remained frosty. It was not until June 1940 that the Kingdom of Yugoslavia formally recognized the USSR and established diplomatic relations,[17] one of the last European countries to do so.[18]

Since 1920, the government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia welcomed tens of thousands of anti-Bolshevik Russian refugees,

Anthony Khrapovitsky was widely viewed as a spiritual leader of all the Russian émigrés until his death in 1936.[22] Patriarch Varnava of Serbia (1930–1937) came to be a staunch defender and advocate of the Russian exiles in Yugoslavia and exerted constant pressure on the Royal Court and government to forestall any rapprochement and establishment of diplomatic relations between the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the USSR.[23] The Russian community in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was effectively in a privileged position in a number of ways, as it enjoyed support and protection on the part of the Karađorđević dynasty.[24]

The Russian military servicemen under the command of Gen Pyotr Wrangel were partly enlisted into the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's border guard troops and deployed on the country's south-eastern and later north-western border.[25] This service was terminated by a law passed in April 1922 that abolished the border guard troops; in 1923–1924 Wrangel's men were engaged in a contract to build a road between Kraljevo and Raška.[25]

The Russian House was opened in Belgrade in 1933

At the

UDBA study compiled in 1955,[28] in 1934, the ROVS’ membership in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia totaled 25,000.[29] Department IV of ROVS was established with its headquarters in Belgrade, with Ekk heading it until 1933.[30] Department IV was in constant liaison with Yugoslavia's Ministry of the Army and Navy.[30]

The USSR's intelligence agencies were undertaking efforts to recruit agents in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from the early 1930s, including from among the émigrés such as Leonid Linitsky, who was exposed and arrested by the King of Yugoslavia’s police in 1935.[31]

In 1938, the Soviet government sponsored a planned coup d'état designed to remove the Stojadinović government, which was resented by Edvard Beneš, the president of Czechoslovakia and establish an anti-German military regime: Soviet intelligence officer Pyotr Zubov was given $200,000 in cash meant for the Serbian military officers selected by the Czechs to execute the coup. The plan failed, as Zubov, after judging the Serbian officers to be unfit for the mission, refused to make advance payment.[32][33][34]

Soviet influence, World War II

See also: Yugoslav coup d'état, Yugoslav accession to the Tripartite Pact, Russian Protective Corps, and World War II in Yugoslavia

While Yugoslavia remained a monarchy,

National Assembly (in December 1920, the government prohibited all Communist activities). Relations between Yugoslavian Communists and the officials of the Soviet Union were developed. Initial relations, however, remained tense. In 1937, for example, Stalin had the Secretary-General of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, Milan Gorkić, murdered in Moscow during the Great Purge.[35]

Belgrade Offensive
(1944)

At the end of June 1940, the first Soviet ambassador (″polpred″, i.e. plenipotentiary representative) to Yugoslavia, Viktor Plotnikov, was appointed.[36]

The

Stalin′s instructions, with a view to strengthening the USSR's strategic position in the Balkans.[37] On 5 April 1941, the new government of Yugoslavia and the USSR signed the Treaty of Friendship and Non-Aggression,[38] which did not commit the parties to military assistance in case of aggression.[39][40][41][42]

According to Soviet General Pavel Sudoplatov, the Soviet leadership was shocked by an instant defeat of Yugoslavia in April 1941, after Hitler reacted to the coup ″promptly and effectively″.[43]

The USSR formally severed relations with Yugoslavia on 8 May 1941, but in practice yet before that.[31]

After Germany

Belgrade Offensive
.

The ROVS′ Department IV (Yugoslavia) was the only regional branch of the Russian All-Military Union that made a decision to side with Germany against the USSR and ROVS participated in forming the Russian Protective Corps (German: Russisches Schutzkorps Serbien) that was established in Serbia in September 1941.[44] The Russian Corps was engaged in guarding important sites and also combating the Communist partisans led by Tito.

Socialist Yugoslavia and USSR

Main articles:
Tito–Stalin Split, and Soviet Union–Yugoslavia relations

USSR (1922–1991)

Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (1945–1963)
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1963–1992)

After the war ended in May 1945, King

Constituent Assembly with the state reorganised as a republic and renamed Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (FPR Yugoslavia or FPRY; from 1963 Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, or SFRY). Initially, Yugoslavia's Communist regime under Josip Broz Tito was loyal to Joseph Stalin′s Kremlin. The latter wanted Yugoslavia to become a member of the USSR-led block of Communist countries. However, Tito eventually rejected Stalin's pressure and in 1950s became one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, which was regarded as the third way, neither adhering to the U.S.-led NATO, nor joining the Moscow-dominated Warsaw Pact
.

As early as on 11 April 1945, the USSR concluded a friendship treaty with Josip Tito, who put signature on behalf of the Regent Council of Yugoslavia.[45]

The Yugoslav Communist Party's response in the Politika to the SFR Yugoslavia's expulsion from the Cominform (1948)

In the first two years following the war, relations between FPRY and the Soviet leadership, which during that period sought to accommodate the USSR's Western

Marxism-Leninism″; the resolution concluded by stating, ″the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia has placed itself and the Yugoslav Party outside the family of the fraternal Communist Parties, outside the united Communist front and consequently outside the ranks of the Information Bureau.″[48] The assumption in Moscow was that once it was known that he had lost Soviet approval, Tito would collapse. The expulsion effectively banished Yugoslavia from the international association of socialist states, while other socialist states of Eastern Europe subsequently underwent purges of alleged "Titoists". Stalin took the matter personally and attempted, unsuccessfully, to assassinate Tito on several occasions.[49]

The following year, the crisis nearly escalated into an armed conflict, as Hungarian and Soviet forces were massing on the northern Yugoslav frontier.

note of 23 May 1949).[51] The Soviet response dated 31 May 1949 asserted the USSR's right to offer asylum to "Yugoslav revolutionary emigrants″ and stated that Yugoslavia′s government ″had forfeited the right to expect a friendly attitude″ from the USSR, as it had established an ″anti-Communist and anti-democratic terrorist regime″ in Yugoslavia and was fighting against the Soviet Union.[52] On 19 November 1949, the Kominform adopted another resolution on the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, which stated that the CPY had been hijacked by a group of ″murderers and spies" and declared that fighting against the "Tito gang" was a duty of all communist and workers′ parties.[53][54]

After Stalin's death, relations underwent normalisation heralded by the signing of the Belgrade declaration in June 1955, which expressly rescinded Stalin's policies towards Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, the SFRY never joined the USSR-led political and military block of socialist countries and remained one of the leading members of the Non-Aligned Movement, a grouping of countries that sought to be neutral in the Cold War. However, Yugoslav government's permission to Soviet Air Force to fly over the country, allowed Soviet Union to send advisors, weapons and troops to Egypt between Six-Day War and Yom Kippur War.[55] Economic and cultural ties between the USSR and SFRY developed successfully until the late 1980s.

1991–2000

The breakup of Yugoslavia and the dissolution of the Soviet Union occurred nearly concurrently. Throughout the 1990s, FR Yugoslavia was hard hit with sanctions from the Western world; meanwhile Russia was undergoing painful structural reforms that were accompanied by a steady economic decline in production until 1999. Relations between the countries were largely neglected until the spring 1999.

In 1998, the Kosovo War began, followed by break-up of relations between Yugoslavia and the West and to the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, which Russia strongly condemned. In March 1999, Russian president Boris Yeltsin described NATO's military action against sovereign Yugoslavia as an ″open aggression″.[56] Russia condemned NATO at the United Nations and supported the statement that NATO air strikes on Serbia were an illegal military action.[56] Volunteers and mercenaries from Russia were cited to have gone to Kosovo in large numbers to fight the KLA, and to resist and complicate NATO operations.[57] Around the time of the bombing, a Russia-friendly rhetoric developed in the Serbian political team as Borislav Milošević, the brother of Slobodan Milošević and the Yugoslav ambassador to Moscow at the time, proposed that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia could join the Union State which is composed by Belarus and Russia.[58]

2000–present

See also: Accession of Serbia to the European Union and Serbia–NATO relations
Vojislav Koštunica, President of FR Yugoslavia, and Vladimir Putin, President of Russia, in Moscow, 2000.
Vučić meeting President of Russia Vladimir Putin in Belgrade (2019)

After Vladimir Putin became the President of Russia at the start of 2000, months after the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, relations between the countries began to gain momentum. Following the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević, the new President of Yugoslavia Vojislav Koštunica paid a visit to Putin in October 2000.

In January 2008, a major deal was struck between Moscow and Belgrade that by the end of the year transferred 51 percent of Serbia's oil and gas company Naftna Industrija Srbije (NIS) to Russia's Gazprom Neft (a subsidiary of Gazprom) in exchange for 400 million Euros and 550 mln Euros of investments; later Gazprom increased its stake in NIS to 56,5 percent.[59][60]

In April 2012,

intergovernmental nonprofit organization.[61] While Serbia has intensive military cooperation with NATO (Serbia's military-to-military cooperation with the U.S. being much bigger than with Russia[62][63]) and in early 2016 the Serbian parliament ratified an agreement that granted NATO staff freedom of movement in the Serbian territory and diplomatic immunity,[64][65] the Serbian government has refused to grant similar status to the Russian-Serbian Humanitarian Center in Niš.[66][60][67]

Boris Tadić, President of Serbia, and Dmitry Medvedev, President of Russia, in Belgrade, 2009.
Aleksandar Vučić, Prime Minister of Serbia, and Vladimir Putin, President of Russia, in Moscow, 2014.

The visit to Russia by Serbia's president Aleksandar Vučić in December 2017 was hailed by Politika as a symbolic ending of ″decades of stagnation in relations″.[68] In November 2019 Serbian security services revealed activities of Russian intelligence operatives who were meeting and passing money to Serbian army officials.[69]

Serbia did not impose sanctions on Russia following the crisis in Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea in 2014.[70]

On 25 February 2022, in response to the

People's Patrol, a far-right anti-immigrant and vigilante group, held a rally in support of Russia in Belgrade, attended by thousands of pro-Russia Serbs.[74][75][76] On 21 March, a protest against Russia's invasion of Ukraine took place in the Serbian capital. It was the second reported pro-Ukraine demonstration since the start of the war, with the first one organised by peace activists and Russians living in Serbia.[77][78][79] In the following month, more demonstrations in support of Ukraine were held.[80] Pro-Ukraine demonstrations have attracted smaller numbers of participants than that of ones in support of the invasion.[81]

In March 2022, Serbia voted in favour of the UN General Assembly resolution condemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine.[82] In April, Serbia voted in favour of expelling Russia from the UN Human Rights Council.[83][84]

Meeting in memory of Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny, in Novi Sad, 16 February 2024.

In January 2023, Vučić emphasized that Serbia cannot and will not support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, stating, “For us, Crimea is Ukraine, Donbas is Ukraine, and it’ll remain so.” This statement is a significant shift in Serbia’s position since Putin’s invasion of Ukraine almost 11 months ago. Vučić clarified that it would be wrong to assume that his government fully endorses the leadership in Moscow, stating “We are not always jubilant about some of their stances. We have a traditionally good relationship, but it doesn’t mean that we support every single decision or most of the decisions that are coming from the Kremlin.” [85]

Kosovo issue

Russia has backed Serbia's position regarding Kosovo. Vladimir Putin said that any support for Kosovo's unilateral declaration is immoral and illegal.

precedent" that "breaks up the entire system of international relations" that have taken "centuries to evolve", and "undoubtedly, it may entail a whole chain of unpredictable consequences to other regions in the world" that will come back to hit the West "in the face".[87] During an official state visit to Serbia following the declaration, Russian President-elect Dmitry Medvedev reiterated support for Serbia and its stance on Kosovo.[88]

Russia has also said that the

March 2008 riots in Tibet were linked with the recognition by some states of the independence of Serbia's breakaway province, Kosovo. Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, in an interview with a Russian newspaper, also linked the demands for greater autonomy by ethnic Albanians in North Macedonia with the Kosovo issue. Lavrov said, "There are grounds to presume that this is not occurring by chance. You can see what is happening in Tibet, how the separatists there are acting. The Albanians in [North] Macedonia are already demanding a level of autonomy that is a clear step toward independence. Furthermore, events in other areas of the world give us grounds to assume that we are only at the beginning of a very precarious process".[89]

On 23 March 2008 Vladimir Putin ordered urgent humanitarian aid for

Kosovo Serb enclaves.[90] Prime Minister of Kosovo, Hashim Thaci, opposed the Russian plan for sending aid to Kosovo Serbs. He stated that Russia could only send aid if it was agreed and coordinated with Government in Pristina.[91]

On July 15, President Dmitry Medvedev stated in a major foreign policy speech "For the EU, Kosovo is almost what Iraq is to the United States.... This is the latest example of the undermining of international law".[92]

On 29 May 2009, President Dmitry Medvedev described Serbia as a "key partner" for Russia in Southeast Europe and announced "We intend to continue to coordinate our foreign policy moves in future, including the ones related to the solving of the issue with Kosovo".[93]

Russian ambassador to Serbia Aleksandr Konuzin told a Belgrade daily in June 2009 that "Russia's stand is rather simple — we are ready to back whatever position Serbia takes (with regards to Kosovo)."[94]

In March 2014, Russia used Kosovo's declaration of independence as a justification for recognizing the independence of Crimea, citing the so-called Kosovo independence precedent; Crimea was annexed by the Russian Federation just a week later.[95][96]

In September 2022, Russia's

annexation of Donetsk and Luhansk by Putin's government were also done under the pretext of Kosovo precedent.[97][98]

Although Russia is antagonistic to Kosovo's independence, nonetheless Russia has supported

normalization agreements between Kosovo and Serbia in 2020.[99]

Economic relations

The Gazprom sign at the Red Star Stadium in Belgrade

Trade

In 2016, trade between Russia and Serbia totalled $1.657 bn, having grown by 1,32 percent against 2015; Russia's export to Serbia totalled $770.2 mln, a decrease by 9.34 percent; Russia's import from Serbia was at $886.8 mln, an increase by 12.84 percent.[100]

In 2017, 70 percent of Russia's export to Serbia was said to be hydrocarbons, natural gas being the primary export item; from 2013 to 2016 exports of Russian gas to Serbia dropped from 2 bn to 1.7 billion cubic meters.[60] In 2013, Gazprom offered a 13 percent discount on its gas export price for Serbia, to be effective until 2021.[101]

In December 2017, Russia cancelled the requirement for Serbia to consume its gas only on the domestic market, thus allowing Serbia to re-export the fuel; a Russian government document published on 18 December amended the 2012 contract for gas supplies until 2021 for the volume of 5 billion cubic meters per year.[102][103]

Companies

Naftna Industrija Srbije, the best performing company of Serbia,[104] is majority owned by the Russian company Gazprom Neft, a subsidiary of the government-controlled Gazprom.

Travel

Russia and Serbia have shared a visa-free policy for travelers going between the two countries since 2008.[citation needed]

Military cooperation

Belgrade Offensive

The

Soviet/Russian technology.[62]

In June 2016, Serbia received two Russian Mi17 utility helicopters that it purchased for 25 million euros.[62][105]

In December 2016, the two countries signed a military-technical assistance agreement that allowed Serbia to receive as a gift: six Mikoyan MiG-29 fighters, 30 modernized T-72 main battle tanks and 30 BRDM-2 armored vehicles.[106][107] The fighters were delivered in October 2017,[108] the armored vehicles are expected to be delivered in 2018.[107][109]

Russia supplies three-kilogram radio-electronic counter gun Pishchal (also being supplied to the Russian law enforcement agencies) and fixed radio-electronic complexes Taran to Serbia and South Ossetia in 2018.[110][111]

Serbia takes part in Russo-Belarus-Serbian military war games called 'Slavic Brotherhood' and is also being supplied with Chaborz M-3 combat buggies.[112][113] 3 weapons contracts were signed in early 2019.[114]

In recent years, the military cooperation between Serbia and Russia has grown stronger. Since the beginning of 2022, Serbia has purchased multiple pieces of Russian military hardware, such as the

Pantsir-S1 air defense system and 9M133 Kornet anti-tank missiles, despite the threat of US sanctions.[115]

Education

Yugoslavia and the Russian Federation signed the Agreement on cooperation in the Fields of Culture, Education, Science and Sports on July 19, 1995. Based on this, the Program of Cooperation in the Areas of Education, Science and Culture was signed in December 2001 for the period 2002–04. The Days of Culture of the Russian Federation were held in Serbia and Montenegro in 2002 and those of Serbia and Montenegro in the Russian Federation in 2003.[116]

The Russian Centre for Science and Culture in Belgrade opened on April 9, 1933. Popular name of the centre is Russian Home.[117]

Demographics

Main articles: Russians in Serbia and Serbs in Russia

According to censuses there were 3,247 Russians living in Serbia (2011)[118] and 3,510 Serbs living in Russia (2010).[119] There were 11,043 speakers of Serbian language in Russia, out of which 3,330 were native speakers and 3,179 native speakers of Russian in Serbia.[120][121][122] According to 2015 data there were 29,499 Serbian citizens in Russia.[123] According to 2013 data there were 3,290 Russian citizens in Serbia.[124]

Popular culture

Hotel Moskva in Belgrade, Serbia

One of the most successful and prestigious hotels in Belgrade,

Hotel Moskva is named after Russia's capital. It has been on separate occasions the host to Anatoly Karpov, Mikhail Kalashnikov, Maxim Gorky, and many other prominent Russians.[125]

See also

References

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Sources

Further reading

  • ISBN 978-8671790734
    .
  • Raquel Montes Torralba (2014). "Belgrade at the crossroads: Serbian-Russian relations in light of the Ukraine crisis". ARI. 63. Real Instituto Elcano.
  • Trivanovitch, Vaso. "Serbia, Russia, and Austria during the Rule of Milan Obrenovich, 1868–78" Journal of Modern History (1931) 3#3 pp. 414–440 online
  • Nikolaevna, P.M. and Leonidovič, Č.A., 2017. Serbia and the Serbs in the Russian press: Stereotypes and images. Nasleđe, Kragujevac, 14(37–1), pp. 13–25.
  • Černobrovkin, A.V., 2017. Russian-Serbian cooperation: Culturological aspect. Nasleđe, Kragujevac, 14(37–1), pp. 39–47.
  • Đorđević, Marija (2009). "Часовник Лазара Србина". Belgrade: Politika.
  • Ivanova, Ekaterina Vladimirovna, and Jovana Blažić Pejić. "Писма митрополита Михаила грофици АД Блудовој: Прилог проучавању руско-српских односа (1871–1874)." Мешовита грађа 35 (2014): 121–138.
  • Leovac, Danko Lj. Србија и Русија за време друге владавине кнеза Михаила:(1860–1868). Diss. Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет, 2014.

External links

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