User:Peterstrempel/Soviet-Brezhnev-draft

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The history of the Soviet Union (1964 1982), also known as the Brezhnev Era after Khrushchev successor Leonid Brezhnev (1906-1982), began at the height of the Cold War, with high economic growth and prosperity, and ended with social, political, and economic stagnation, widespread corruption, and a return to Stalinist repression of dissidence.

The sometimes tense relationship between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the West under Khrushchev became more cordial, particularly though the deliberate policy of détente - restraint and compromise - practiced by the collective Soviet leadership, which aged into a gerontocracy during this period.

Politics

Collective leadership

Alexei Kosygin, a member of the collective leadership, with Lyndon B. Johnson, President of the United States, at the 1967 Glassboro Summit Conference

People's Republic of China,[3] and followed immediately after West Germany cancelled an invitation to Khrushchev for important trade talks in Bonn, the West German capital, after a scandal broke about the suspected poisoning by the KGB of a West German embassy anti-espionage technician in the USSR.[4]

Council of Ministers, literally the Premier, respectively, becoming the leading members of the new collective leadership. Other members included Nikolai Podgorny, who assumed Chairmanship of the Presidiumof the Supreme Soviet in 1965 after replacing Anastas Mikoyan,[5] chief ideologue Mikhail Suslov, and organisational Central Committee secretary Andrei Kirilenko,[6][7] though it was initially referred to as the ‘Brezhnev Kosygin‘ leadership[8] to reflect their prominence in the group, and their relatively equal footing. After Kosygin's economic reforms of 1965 he faced conservative criticism in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) hierarchy, his prestige within the Soviet leadership declined, and following the ouster of Podgorny as Chairman of the Presidium, his position was further weakened.[9][10]

Brezhnev moved to oust Podgorny from the collective leadership in 1970 because technically Podgorny was senior to him in the diplomatic hierarchy, but Brezhnev could not muster the numbers, and Podgorny's conservatism gained him greater influence in the early 1970s against Brezhnev's more liberal stance on

First Deputy Chairmanof the Council of Ministers, fuelling rumours Kosygin was about to retire for health reasons, and Kosygin's role in government administration was reduced greatly.[15]

Towards the end of Brezhnev's life he was considered too old by some of his colleagues to carry out the functions of head of state, and the Supreme Soviet established a new position, First Deputy Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, akin to a vice presidential role, appointing 76 year-old

Defence policy

Dmitriy Ustinov, the Minister of Defense from 1976 until his death in 1984, was one the most influential figures in Soviet security policy-making along with Andrei Gromyko, Yuri Andropov and Brezhnev[17]

Pursuing a policy of increasing military expenditure from 1965, the Soviet Union achieved nuclear parity with the United States of America (USA) in the early 1970s and then switched to a rapid expansion of its conventional forces based on the strategic doctrine that it could beat the West in a war only by a rapid conquest of Western Europe, relying on sheer numbers of men and materiel to win. Western responses to the military build-up led the Soviet leadership to believe that the military, and the military alone, 'bought the Soviet Union security and influence'.[18]

At the 23rd Party Congress in 1966 Brezhnev told the delegates that the Soviet military had reached a level fully sufficient to defend itself, having reached nuclear Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) parity with the USA that year.[19] In early 1977, Brezhnev told the world that the Soviet Union did not seek to become militarily superior to the USA.[20] In the later years of Brezhnev's reign it became official defence policy to invest only enough to maintain national security through a policy of deterrence.[21] In his last meeting with Soviet military leaders in October 1982, Brezhnev stressed the importance of not over-investing in the Soviet military. Despite some differences of opinion in the Soviet leadership, this policy was retained under the leadership of Brezhnev successors Yuri Andropov, Konstantin Chernenko and Mikhail Gorbachev.[22]

According to some of his close advisers, Brezhnev had been concerned about growing military expenditure in the 1960s, bringing him into conflict with Minister of Defence, Marshal Andrei Grechko. In the early 1970s Brezhnev attended a five-hour meeting to try to convince the Soviet military establishment to reduce military spending.[23] In the meeting Brezhnev asked why the Soviet Union should 'continue to exhaust' the economy if the country could not be promised a military parity with the West, a question left unanswered.[24]

When Grechko died in 1976, Dmitriy Ustinov replaced him as defence minister. Ustinov blocked attempts by Brezhnev to reduce national military expenditure.[21]

Brezhnev approved the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan just as he had previously approved the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia.[25] Soviet diplomat Georgy Arbatov noted that the military-industrial complex functioned as Brezhnev's power base within the Soviet hierarchy,[26] and in Brezhnev’s later years he lacked the 'will and energy' to reduce defence expenditure, due to his declining health.[26]

Stabilisation

Mikhail Gorbachev, as seen in 1985. Along with Grigory Romanov he was, in contrast to the norm, one of the young members elected to top positions during the Brezhnev Era[27]

Committed to a policy of 'stability of cadres',

(already foreign minister), and Yuri Andropov (KGB chief). The Brezhnev shake-up of Soviet leadership halted in late-1970s.[29]

Initially Brezhnev portrayed himself as a moderate, not as radical as Kosygin but not as conservative as Shelepin. Early in his leadership Brezhnev spent considerable time seeking advice from provincial party secretaries. He gave the Central Committee formal permission to initiate Kosygin's 1965 economic reform. [30]

In the late 1960s Brezhnev talked of the need to "renew" the party cadres, but according to historian Robert Service, his 'self-interest discouraged him from putting an end to the immobilism he detected. He did not want to risk alienating lower-level officialdom.'[31] The Politburo saw the policy of stabilisation as the only way to avoid returning to Stalinist purges and Khrushchev's centralisation of authority. The CPSU was optimistic that a policy of stabilisation would prove to the world the 'superiority of communism'.[31] The Soviet leadership was not entirely opposed to reform, even if the reform movement had been weakened in the aftermath of Soviet suppression of the Prague Spring in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.[30] The stabilisation policy also had the effect of reducing cultural freedom, and several dissident samizdats were banned.[32]

Gerontocracy

The reshuffling process of the Politburo ended in the mid-to-late 1970s. In the period that followed, the Soviet leadership evolved into a gerontocracy (a form of rule in which the rulers are significantly older than most of the adult population) in the 1970s.[29]

The Brezhnev generation — people who lived and worked during the Brezhnev Era — owed their rise to prominence to Joseph Stalin's Great Purge in the late 1930s. In the purge Stalin ordered the execution or exile of nearly all Soviet bureaucrats over the age of 35. Stalin's purge opened up posts and offices for a younger generation of Soviets. This generation would rule the country from the aftermath of Stalin's purge up to Mikhail Gorbachev's rise to power in 1985. The majority of these appointees were of either peasant or working class origin. Mikhail Suslov, Alexei Kosygin, and Brezhnev are prime examples of men appointed in the aftermath of Stalin's Great Purge.[33]

The average age of the Politburo's members was 58 years in 1961, and 71 in 1981. A similar greying also took place in the Central Committee, the median age rising from 53 in 1961 to 62 in 1981, with the proportion of members older than 65 increasing from 3 percent in 1961 to 39 percent in 1981. The difference in the median age between Politburo and Central Committee members can be explained by the fact that the Central Committee was consistently enlarged during Brezhnev's leadership; this made it possible to appoint new and younger members to the Central Committee without retiring some of its oldest members. Of the 319-member Central Committee in 1981, 130 were younger than 30 when Stalin died in 1953.[34]

Young politicians, such as

Brezhnev's deathbed had evolved into "a gerontocracy increasingly lacking of physical and intellectual vigour".[36]

New constitution

A souvenir sheet commemorating the 1977 Soviet Constitution, Brezhnev is depicted in the middle

Brezhnev was the Chairman of the Constitutional Commission of the Council of Ministers, which worked for the creation of a new constitution. The Commission had 97 members, with

de-Stalinisation. The constitution enhanced the status of the individual in all matters of life, while at the same time constitutionalising the Party's hold on power.[40]

During the drafting process a debate within the Soviet leadership took place between the two factions on wether to call

Soviet law "State law" or "Constitutional law." Those who supported the thesis of state law believed that the Constitution was of low importance, and that it could be changed whenever the socio-economic system changed. Those who supported Constitutional law believed that the Constitution should "conceptualise" and incorporate some of the Party's future ideological goals. They also wanted to include information on the status of the Soviet citizen which had changed drastically in the post-Stalin years.[41] The Constitutional thought prevailed to an extent, and the 1977 Soviet Constitution had greater emphasis on conceptualising the Soviet system.[42]

Later years

In his later years Brezhnev developed a

Lenin Prize for Literature for the Brezhnev's trilogy, three auto-biographical novels.[44] These awards were given to Brezhnev to bolster his position within the Party and the Politburo.[45] Brezhnev's physical and intellectual capacities started to decline in the 1970s from bad health.[25] When Alexei Kosygin died on 18 December 1980, one day before Brezhnev's birthday, Pravda and other media's postponed the reporting of his death until after Brezhnev's birthday celebration.[43]

A Soviet stamp from 1981 devoted to the 26th Party Congress

Brezhnev approved the

Dmitriy Ustinov, Minister of Foreign Affairs Andrei Gromyko, and Central Committee Secretary Mikhail Suslov, feared that Brezhnev's removal would spark a succession crisis, and therefore they helped to ensure the status quo.[46]

Brezhnev stayed in office under pressure from some of his Politburo associates, though in practice the country was not governed by Brezhnev any more, but instead by a collective leadership led by Suslov, Ustinov, Gromyko, and

Brezhnev died. He was buried on 15 November 1982 at the Kremlin Wall Necropolis.[47]

Economics

Early years

The

Eighth Five-Year Plan (1968–1970). The Eighth Five-Year Plan is considered to be one of the most successful periods for the Soviet economy and the most successful for consumer production.[50]

Brezhnev gave the

Soviet agriculture, another hint that he opposed Kosygin's reform program. Brezhnev believed, in contrast to Khrushchev, that rather than wholesale reorganisation, the key to increasing agricultural output was making the existing system to work more efficiently.[30]

Era of Stagnation

Period GNP
(according to
the
CIA
)
GNP
(according to
Grigorii Khanin)
GNP
(according to
the USSR)
1960–1965 4.8[51] 4.4[51] 6.5[51]
1965–1970 4.9[51] 4.1[51] 7.7[51]
1970–1975 3.0[51] 3.2[51] 5.7[51]
1975–1980 1.9[51] 1.0[51] 4.2[51]
1980–1985 1.8[51] 0.6[51] 3.5[51]

The

Soviet Government, and this further aggravated the crisis in planning.[53]

1973 reform

Kosygin initiated the

Soviet leadership complained that the reform had not even been implemented by the time of the 1979 reform.[54]

1979 reform

Kosygin initiated the

Sovietologists as the last major pre-perestroika reform initiative put forward by the Soviet Government.[55]

Five-Year Plans

Foreign relations

Soviet – First World relations

Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin (in front) next to U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson (behind) at the Glassboro Summit Conference

Alexei Kosygin, the Soviet Premier, tried to challenge Brezhnev on the rights of the General Secretary to represent the country abroad, a function Kosygin believed should fall into the hands of the Premier, as was common in non-communist countries. This was actually implemented for a short period.[59] Kosygin, who had been the chief negotiator with the First World during the 1960s, was hardly to be seen outside the Second World[60] after Brezhnev strengthened his position within the Politburo.[59] However, Kosygin headed the Soviet Glassboro Summit Conference delegation in 1967 with Lyndon B. Johnson, the President of the United States. The summit was dominated by three issues; the Vietnam War, the Six-Day War and the Soviet–American arms race. Right after the summit at Glassboro Kosygin headed the Soviet delegation to Cuba, there he met an angry Fidel Castro who accused the Soviet Union of "capitulationism".[61]

The Soviet leadership's policy of

Soviet Union intervened in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan in a request by the communist government located there the détente policy collapsed.[62]

Andrei Gromyko, the Soviet Foreign Minister from 1957 to 1985, as seen in 1978 during a visit to the United States

Détente, literally the easing of strained relations, or in Russian, "unloading", meant "ideological co-existence" in Soviet foreign policy context.

United States Government remained little interested through the whole process, and Richard Nixon once told a senior British official that the United States "had never wanted the conference".[65] Other notables, such as Nixon's successor as President, Gerald Ford, and National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger were also unenthusiastic.[65] It was Western European negotiators who played a crucial role in creating the treaty.[65]

The Soviet Union sought an official acceptance of the state borders drawn up in post-war Europe by the United States and Western Europe. In this the Soviets were largely successful; some small differences were that state borders were "inviolable" rather than "immutable"; meaning that borders can be changed only without military interference, or interference from another country.

KGB Chairman, believed the greater transparency was weakening the prestige of the KGB, and strengthening the prestige of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.[66]

Carter and Brezhnev sign the SALT II treaty on 18 June 1979 in Vienna.

Another blow to Soviet communism in the First World came with the establishment of the eurocommunist movement. Eurocommunists espoused and supported the ideals of Soviet communism but at the same time supporting rights of the individual.[67] The largest obstacle was that it was the largest communist parties, those with highest electoral turnout, which became eurocommunists. It was the Prague Spring which initiated this new thinking, and made them more skeptical of Soviet communism in general.[68]

Soviet–First World relations deteriorated when the United States President

Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and described it as the "most serious danger to peace since 1945".[69] The United States stopped all grain export to the Soviet Union and persuaded US athletes not to enter the 1980 Summer Olympics held in Moscow. The Soviet Union responded by boycotting the 1984 Summer Olympics held in Los Angeles.[69]

Sino–Soviet relations

Alexei Kosygin was the most optimistic members of the Soviet leadership regarding the Soviet reapproachment with the PRC[70]

In the aftermath of Khrushchev's ouster and the

imperialistic speech against the First World.[73]

When Kosygin told Brezhnev that it was time to reconcile with the PRC, Brezhnev replied: "If you think this is necessary, then you go by yourself". Kosygin was afraid that the PRC would turn down his proposal for a visit, therefore he decided to stop off in

Both Khrushchev and Brezhnev were derided as "betrayers of

Chinese Central Government, Brezhnev condemned China "frenzied anti-Sovietism", and asked Enlai to follow up on his word to normalise Sino–Soviet relations. In another speech, this time in Tashkent, Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic, Brezhnev warned First World powers of using the Sino–Soviet split against the Soviet Union, saying it would spark "tension and mistrust".[81] Brezhnev had offered a non-aggression pact to China, but its terms included a renunciation of China's territorial claims, and would have left China defenceless against threats from the USSR.[81] The Soviet Union had by this time championed an Asian collective security treaty in which the USSR would defend any country against a possible attack from the PRC.[82]

Soviet – Eastern Bloc relations

Wladyslaw Gomulka
(right), the leader of Poland, in East Germany with Brezhnev.

The Soviet leadership's policy towards the

Polish economy by borrowing money from the First World. The Soviet leadership approved both the two countries respective economic experimentation, because the Soviet Union tried to reduce it's massive Eastern Bloc subsidy program in the form of cheap oil and gas exports.[85]

Not all reforms were supported by the Soviet leadership, and

People's Republic of Albania and the Yugoslavia. As a result, the worldwide communist movement became polycentric, meaning that the Soviet Union lost its role as 'leader' of the world communist movement.[87] In the aftermath of the invasion, Brezhnev reiterated it in a speech at the Fifth Congress of the Polish United Workers' Party (PUWP) on 13 November 1968:[88]

When forces that are hostile to socialism try to turn the development of some socialist country towards capitalism, it becomes not only a problem of the country concerned, but a common problem and concern of all socialist countries.

With Willy Brandt's ascension to the West German chancellorship, West German – Soviet tension started to ease. Brandt's Ostpolitik, along with Brezhnev's détente, policy contributed to the signing of the Moscow and Warsaw Treaty in which West Germany recognised the state borders established following World War II, which included West German recognition of East Germany as an independent state. The foreign relations of the two countries continued to improve during Brezhnev's rule, and in the Soviet Union, where the memory of German brutality during World War II was still remembered, contributed to greatly reducing the animosity the Soviet people felt towards Germany, and Germans in general.[62]

On 25 August 1980 the Soviet Politburo established a commission chaired by

KGB Chairman Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko, the Head of the General Department of the Central Committee and Brezhnev's closest associate. After just three days, this commission proposed the possibility of a Soviet military intervention, among other concrete measures. Troops and tank divisions were moved from their present location to the Soviet–Polish border. Later however the Soviet leadership came to the conclusion that they should not intervene in Poland.[89]

Nicolae Ceauşescu
on 22 August 1974

Reagan Administration and the vast organisational network of the opposition were among the major reasons why the Politburo Commission pushed for martial law instead of an intervention.[91] When Wojciech Jaruzelski became Prime Minister in February 1980, the Soviet leadership but also Poles in general supported his appointment. As time went by however Jaruzelski tried, and failed, "to walk a tightrope" between the demands made by the USSR and the Poles.[92] Martial law was initiated on 13 December 1981 by the Jaruzelski Government.[93]

Soviet – Third World relations

Since 1975, after the

Soviet socialism to other countries. According to an anonymous Soviet writer the national liberation struggle was the cornerstone of Soviet ideology, and therefore became a cornerstone for Soviet diplomatic activity in the Third World.[94]

Soviet influence in

anti-imperialist struggle for democracy and social justice".[97]

The Soviet Union played a key role in the secessionist struggle against the Portuguese Empire and the struggle for black majority rule in Southern Africa.[98] Control of the Somali Democratic Republic was of great interest to both the Soviet Union and the United States due to the country's strategic location at the mouth of the Red Sea. After the Soviets broke foreign relations with Siad Barre's regime in Somalia, the Soviets turned to Derg Government in Ethiopia and supported them in their war against Somalia. Because the Soviets changed their allegiance, Barre expelled all Soviet advisers, tore up his friendship treaty with the Soviet Union, and switched allegiance to the West. The United States took the Soviet Union's place in the 1980s, in the aftermath of Somalia's loss in the Ogaden War.[99]

Sino–Vietnamese War.[102]

Dissident movement

Stalinist policies.[103] The two leading figures of the Soviet dissident movement during the Brezhnev Era were Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and Andrei Sakharov. Despite their individual fame, both had problems organising an effecting opposition to the Soviet regime in the country itself. Sakharov was forced into interal exile in 1979, and Solzhenitsyn was forced out of the country in 1974.[104]

The

Soviet Government sought to improve diplomatic ties with the First World by allowing Jews to emigrate. The emigration flow was reduced dramatically as Soviet–American tension increased in the later half of the 1970s. Jewish emigration revived somewhat in 1979, peaking at 50,000 emigrators, but in the early 1980s the Soviet leadership decided to halt the emigration flow all together.[105]

"Every time when we speak about Solzhenitsyn as the enemy of the Soviet regime, this just happens to coincide with some important [international] events and we postpone the decision."
Andrei Kirilenko, a Politburo member.[106]

The dissident movement had spurts of activity, and during the

Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, several people demonstrated at the Red Square. Dissidents who were interested in democratic reform were able show themselves. This demonstration, and this short-lived organised dissident group, was repressed by the Soviet Government. The movement was renewed once again with the Soviet signing of the Helsinki Accords. Several Helsinki Watch Groups were established across the country, all of which were routinly repressed, but also closed down.[105] Due to the strong position of the Soviet Government many dissidents had problems reaching a "wide audience".[107] By the early 1980s the Soviet dissident movement was in disarray, and the country's most notable dissidents had either been exiled, either internally or externally, or been sent to prison or to the Gulags.[107]

Many dissidents, and a number of radical reformers, became members of the Communist Party instead of protesting actively against the Soviet system instead. These dissidents were defined by

new thinkers" from. These officials had been influenced by Western cultures and ideals by their travelling and reading.[109] The Socialist Countries Department of the Central Committee, while was also considered to have a largely conservative membership, was also filled with many "new thinkers" and reformers.[110] Reformers were in much greater numbers in the country's research institutes.[111]

Soviet society

Ideology and beliefs

Soviet society under Brezhnev's rule had evolved into a modern society. As noted by Edwin Bacon and Mark Sandle in their book Brezhnev Reconsidered, "a social revolution" was taking place in the Soviet Union during his 18-year long reign.[112] The increasingly modernised Soviet society was becoming more urban, and people were becoming more educated and professionalised. The Brezhnev Era saw, in contrast to previous periods, a continuous development without interruption. In previous years development had been halted by "terrors, cataclysms and conflicts".[112] There was a fourfold growth in higher education between the 1950s and 1980s; this development was referred to as the "scientific-technological revolution".[112] Women also came to make up half of the country's educated specialists.[112]

Following

state ideology.[115]

Culture

During the Brezhnev Era, pressure from below forced the Soviet leadership to alter some cultural policies, however, fundamental characteristics of the Communist system remained the same. Within the realm of popular culture the Soviet leadership was forced to alter it's policies on Western culture, and

Stalinist past, and the country's undemocratic system.[117]

Standard of living

The offical explanation for Nikolai Podgorny's, the head of state from 1965 to 1977, ousting was his stance against détente and producing more consumer goods.[118]

Before 1973, the GDP per head in

Kosygin reform.[122]

When the USSR's economic growth stalled in the 1970s, the

Russian population.[125] With the mounting economic problems, skilled workers were usually paid more than had been intended in the first place, while unskilled labourers were indulged in punctuality, conscientiousness and sobriety. The state usually moved workers from one job to another which ultimately became an ineradicable feature in Soviet industry;[126] the Government had no effective counter-measure because of the country's lack of unemployment. Government industries such as factories, mines and offices were staffed by indisciplined personnel who put a great effort into not doing their jobs; this ultimately led to a "work-shy workforce" among Soviet workers and administrators.[127]

During the Brezhnev era there were material improvements for the Soviet citizen, while the

blue-collar workers had risen disproportionately; they had higher wages than professional workers in the Soviet Union. For example, the wage of a secondary school teacher in the Soviet Union was only 150 rubles while a bus driver's wage was 230.[128]

Mohammad-Reza Pahlavi and Empress Farah Pahlavi meeting with Brezhnev in Moscow
, 1970.

While some areas improved during the Brezhnev era, the majority of civilian services deteriorated, with the physical environment for the common Soviet citizen falling apart rapidly. Diseases were on the rise[127] because of the decaying healthcare system. The living space remained rather small by First World standards, with the common Soviet person living on 13.4 square metres. At the same time thousands of Moscow inhabitants were homeless, most of them living in shacks, doorways and parked trams. Nutrition ceased to improve in the late 1970s, while rationing of staple food products returned to Sverdlovsk for instance.[129]

The state provided daily recreation and annual holidays for hard-working citizens.

Soviet society. Urbanization had led to unemployment in the Soviet agriculture sector, with most of the able workforce leaving villages for the local towns.[130]

Social "rigidification" became a common feature in Soviet society. During the

white-collar job if they studied and obeyed Soviet authorities. In Brezhnev's Soviet Union this was not the case. Holders of attractive offices clung to them as long as possible; mere incompetence was not seen as a good reason to dismiss anyone.[131] In this way, too, the Soviet society Brezhnev passed on had become "static".[132]

Historical assessments

Despite Brezhnev's failures in domestic reforms, his foreign affairs and defense policies turned the Soviet Union into a

Soviet leader, drew support from hardline communists and the Soviet population by criticising Brezhnev's rule, and referred to his rule as the "Era of Stagnation".[135] However, in a poll taken in 2006, 61 percent of the people polled viewed the Brezhnev era as good for Russia.[136]

Notes

  1. ^ Kenez 2006, p. 210.
  2. ^ Baylis 1989, p. 97.
  3. ^ Kenez 2006, pp. 207–208.
  4. ^ Barron 1975, pp. 10–11.
  5. ^ Kenez 2006, p. 214.
  6. ^ Hanson 1975, p. 297.
  7. ^ Cocks, Daniels & Heer 1997, pp. 56–57.
  8. ^ Bacon & Sandle 2002, p. 54.
  9. ^ Brown 2009, p. 403.
  10. ^ Daniels 1998, p. 36.
  11. ^ "Soviet Union: Whoa, Comrade Brezhnev". Time. 6 December 1971. p. 1. Retrieved 14 February 2011.
  12. ^ Hanson 1975, p. 309.
  13. ^ "Soviet Union: And Then There Was One". Time. 3 November 1980. Retrieved 14 February 2011.
  14. ^ Brown 2009, p. 402.
  15. ^ Zemtsov 1989, p. 119.
  16. ^ "Soviet Union: Veep in Moscow". Time. 17 October 1977. Retrieved 25 February 2011.
  17. ^ Evangelista 2002, p. 152.
  18. ^ Frank 1992, p. 9.
  19. ^ Frank 1992, p. 182.
  20. ^ Frank 1992, p. 46.
  21. ^ a b Frank 1992, p. 240.
  22. ^ Frank 1992, p. 200.
  23. ^ Evangelista 2002, p. 178.
  24. ^ Evangelista 2002, p. 178-179.
  25. ^ a b c Brown 2009, p. 398.
  26. ^ a b Evangelista 2002, p. 181.
  27. ^ Service 2009, pp. 404–405.
  28. ^ a b Bacon & Sandle 2002, p. 11.
  29. ^ a b Bacon & Sandle 2002, p. 12.
  30. ^ a b c d Service 2009, p. 380.
  31. ^ a b Service 2009, p. 392.
  32. ^ Service 2009, p. 380-381.
  33. ^ Daniels 1998, pp. 52–53.
  34. ^ Daniels 1998, p. 53.
  35. ^ Wesson 1978, p. 252.
  36. ^ a b Bacon & Sandle 2002, p. 19.
  37. ^ Zemtsov 1989, pp. 97–98.
  38. ^ Sharlet 1992, p. 18.
  39. ^ Sharlet 1992, pp. 18–19.
  40. ^ Sharlet 1992, p. 19.
  41. ^ Sharlet 1992, p. 20.
  42. ^ Sharlet 1992, p. 21.
  43. ^ a b Service 2009, p. 403.
  44. ^ Brown 2009, p. 404.
  45. ^ Brown 2009, p. 405.
  46. ^ Service 2009, p. 404.
  47. ^ Service 2009, p. 426.
  48. ISBN 978–1843310341. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help
    )
  49. ISBN 978–8176486604. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help
    )
  50. ^ "Алексей Гвишиани: «Не надо жалеть Косыгина!»" (in Russian). Pravda Online. 9 April 2004. Retrieved 4 September 2010. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |trans_title= ignored (|trans-title= suggested) (help)
  51. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Bacon & Sandle 2002, p. 40.
  52. ^ a b Bacon & Sandle 2002, pp. 1–2.
  53. ^ a b Bacon & Sandle 2002, p. 45.
  54. ^ Dellenbrant 1986, p. 75.
  55. ^ a b ютуба, любитель (17 December 2010). "30 лет назад умер Алексей Косыгин". Newsland (in Russian). Retrieved 29 December 2010. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |trans_title= ignored (|trans-title= suggested) (help)
  56. ISBN 978–0198278810. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help
    )
  57. ISBN 978–0765602644. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link
    )
  58. ^ Dellenbrant 1986, p. 112.
  59. ^
    ISBN 978–1844670163. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link
    )
  60. ^ Wesson 1978, p. 248.
  61. ISBN 978–0691006350. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link
    )
  62. ^ a b Brown 2009, p. 399.
  63. ^ a b Brown 2009, p. 460.
  64. ^ Brown 2009, pp. 460–461.
  65. ^ a b c d Brown 2009, p. 461.
  66. ^ Brown 2009, pp. 462–463.
  67. ^ Brown 2009, pp. 464–465.
  68. ^ Brown 2009, p. 465.
  69. ^
    ISBN 978–1405874309. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help
    )
  70. ^ a b Lüthi 2008, p. 288.
  71. ^ Lüthi 2008, p. 290.
  72. ^ Radchenko 2009, p. 131.
  73. ^ Radchenko 2009, pp. 132 and 134.
  74. ^ a b Radchenko 2009, p. 144.
  75. ^ Lüthi 2008, p. 293.
  76. ^ Lüthi 2008, p. 294.
  77. ^ a b Radchenko 2009, p. 145.
  78. ^ Radchenko 2009, p. 146.
  79. ISBN 978–0807854115. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help
    )
  80. ^ Low 1976, p. 320.
  81. ^ a b Low 1976, p. 321.
  82. ^ Low 1976, p. 322.
  83. ^ Service 2009, pp. 385–386.
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