Kievan Rus'
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Kievan Rus',
According to the
The state began to decline in the late 11th century, gradually disintegrating into various rival regional powers throughout the 12th century.[17] It was further weakened by external factors, such as the decline of the Byzantine Empire, its major economic partner, and the accompanying diminution of trade routes through its territory.[18] It finally fell to the Mongol invasion in the mid-13th century, though the Rurik dynasty would continue to rule until the death of Feodor I of Russia in 1598.[19]
Names
During its existence, Kievan Rus' was known as the "
According to the prevalent theory, the name Rus', like the
When the Varangian princes arrived, the name Rus' was associated with them and came to be associated with the territories they controlled. Initially the cities of Kiev, Chernihiv, and Pereiaslav and their surroundings came under Varangian control.[27][28]: 697 From the late tenth century, Vladimir the Great and Yaroslav the Wise tried to associate the name with all of the extended princely domains. Both meanings persisted in sources until the Mongol conquest: the narrower one, referring to the triangular territory east of the middle Dnieper, and the broader one, encompassing all the lands under the hegemony of Kiev's grand princes.[27][29]
The Russian term Kiyevskaya Rus (
In English, the term was introduced in the early 20th century, when it was found in the 1913 English translation of Vasily Klyuchevsky's A History of Russia,[32] to distinguish the early polity from successor states, which were also named Rus'. The variant Kyivan Rus' appeared in English-language scholarship by the 1950s.[33]
A rare spelling Kyevan Rus', based on Old East Slavic Kyjevŭ (Kыѥвъ)[dubious ] 'Kyiv', is also occasionally seen.[34][35]
The Varangian Rus' from Scandinavia used the Old Norse name Garðaríki, which, according to a common interpretation, means "land of towns".
History
Origin
Prior to the emergence of Kievan Rus' in the 9th century, most of the area north of the
There was once controversy over whether the Rus' were Varangians or Slavs, however, more recently scholarly attention has focused more on debating how quickly an ancestrally Norse people assimilated into Slavic culture.[e] This uncertainty is due largely to a paucity of contemporary sources. Attempts to address this question instead rely on archaeological evidence, the accounts of foreign observers, and legends and literature from centuries later.[41] To some extent the controversy is related to the foundation myths of modern states in the region.[4] This often unfruitful debate over origins has periodically devolved into competing nationalist narratives of dubious scholarly value being promoted directly by various government bodies in a number of states. This was seen in the Stalinist period, when Soviet historiography sought to distance the Rus' from any connection to Germanic tribes, in an effort to dispel Nazi propaganda claiming the Russian state owed its existence and origins to the supposedly racially superior Norse tribes.[42] More recently, in the context of resurgent nationalism in post-Soviet states, Anglophone scholarship has analyzed renewed efforts to use this debate to create ethno-nationalist foundation stories, with governments sometimes directly involved in the project.[43] Conferences and publications questioning the Norse origins of the Rus' have been supported directly by state policy in some cases, and the resultant foundation myths have been included in some school textbooks in Russia.[44]
While Varangians were Norse traders and Vikings,[45] some Russian and Ukrainian nationalist historians argue that the Rus' were themselves Slavs (see Anti-Normanism).[46][47][48] Normanist theories focus on the earliest written source for the East Slavs, the Primary Chronicle,[49][failed verification] which was produced in the 12th century.[50] Nationalist accounts on the other hand have suggested that the Rus' were present before the arrival of the Varangians,[51] noting that only a handful of Scandinavian words can be found in Russian and that Scandinavian names in the early chronicles were soon replaced by Slavic names.[52]
Nevertheless, the close connection between the Rus' and the Norse is confirmed both by extensive Scandinavian settlement in Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine and by Slavic influences in the Swedish language.
Calling of the Varangians
According to the Primary Chronicle, the territories of the East Slavs in the 9th century were divided between the Varangians and the Khazars.[59] The Varangians are first mentioned imposing tribute from Slavic and Finnic tribes in 859.[60][non-primary source needed] In 862, various tribes rebelled against the Varangians, driving them "back beyond the sea and, refusing them further tribute, set out to govern themselves".[60]
They said to themselves, "Let us seek a prince who may rule over us, and judge us according to the Law." They accordingly went overseas to the Varangian Rus'. ... The Chuds, the Slavs, the Krivichs and the Ves then said to the Rus', "Our land is great and rich, but there is no order in it. Come to rule and reign over us". They thus selected three brothers with their kinfolk, who took with them all the Rus' and migrated.[61]
Modern scholars find this an unlikely series of events, probably made up by the 12th-century Orthodox priests who authored the Chronicle as an explanation how the Vikings managed to conquer the lands along the Varangian route so easily, as well as to support the legitimacy of the Rurikid dynasty.
The Primary Chronicle reports that Askold and Dir continued to Constantinople with a navy to attack the city in 863–66, catching the Byzantines by surprise and ravaging the surrounding area,[66][non-primary source needed] though other accounts date the attack in 860.[67][68] Patriarch Photius vividly describes the "universal" devastation of the suburbs and nearby islands,[69] and another account further details the destruction and slaughter of the invasion.[70] The Rus' turned back before attacking the city itself, due either to a storm dispersing their boats, the return of the Emperor, or in a later account, due to a miracle after a ceremonial appeal by the Patriarch and the Emperor to the Virgin.[67][68] The attack was the first encounter between the Rus' and Byzantines and led the Patriarch to send missionaries north to engage and attempt to convert the Rus' and the Slavs.[71][72]
Foundation of the Kievan state
Rurik led the Rus' until his death in about 879 or 882, bequeathing his kingdom to his kinsman,
In 883, he conquered the Drevlians, imposing a fur tribute on them. By 885 he had subjugated the Poliane, Severiane, Vyatichi, and Radimichs, forbidding them to pay further tribute to the Khazars. Oleg continued to develop and expand a network of Rus' forts in Slav lands, begun by Rurik in the north.[76]
The new Kievan state prospered due to its abundant supply of furs, beeswax, honey and slaves for export,
Kiev was a central outpost along the Dnieper route and a hub with the east–west overland trade route between the Khazars and the Germanic lands of Central Europe.[80] and may have been a staging post for Radhanite Jewish traders between Western Europe, Itil and China.[81] These commercial connections enriched Rus' merchants and princes, funding military forces and the construction of churches, palaces, fortifications, and further towns.[79] Demand for luxury goods fostered production of expensive jewelry and religious wares, allowing their export, and an advanced credit and money-lending system may have also been in place.[77]
Early foreign relations
Volatile steppe politics
The rapid expansion of the Rus' to the south led to conflict and volatile relationships with the
The Byzantine Empire was able to take advantage of the turmoil to expand its political influence and commercial relationships, first with the Khazars and later with the Rus' and other steppe groups.[88] The Byzantines established the Theme of Cherson, formally known as Klimata, in the Crimea in the 830s to defend against raids by the Rus' and to protect vital grain shipments supplying Constantinople.[68] Cherson also served as a key diplomatic link with the Khazars and others on the steppe, and it became the centre of Black Sea commerce.[89] The Byzantines also helped the Khazars build a fortress at Sarkel on the Don river to protect their northwest frontier against incursions by the Turkic migrants and the Rus', and to control caravan trade routes and the portage between the Don and Volga rivers.[90]
The expansion of the Rus' put further military and economic pressure on the Khazars, depriving them of territory, tributaries and trade.[91] In around 890, Oleg waged an indecisive war in the lands of the lower Dniester and Dnieper rivers with the Tivertsi and the Ulichs, who were likely acting as vassals of the Magyars, blocking Rus' access to the Black Sea.[92] In 894, the Magyars and Pechenegs were drawn into the wars between the Byzantines and the Bulgarian Empire. The Byzantines arranged for the Magyars to attack Bulgarian territory from the north, and Bulgaria in turn persuaded the Pechenegs to attack the Magyars from their rear.[93][94]
Boxed in, the Magyars were forced to migrate further west across the Carpathian Mountains into the Hungarian plain, depriving the Khazars of an important ally and a buffer from the Rus'.[93][94] The migration of the Magyars allowed Rus' access to the Black Sea,[95] and they soon launched excursions into Khazar territory along the sea coast, up the Don river, and into the lower Volga region. The Rus' were raiding and plundering into the Caspian Sea region from 864,[g] with the first large-scale expedition in 913, when they extensively raided Baku, Gilan, Mazandaran and penetrated into the Caucasus.[h][97][98][99]
As the 10th century progressed, the Khazars were no longer able to command tribute from the Volga Bulgars, and their relationship with the Byzantines deteriorated, as Byzantium increasingly allied with the Pechenegs against them.
The lucrative Rus' trade with the Byzantine Empire had to pass through Pecheneg-controlled territory, so the need for generally peaceful relations was essential. Nevertheless, while the Primary Chronicle reports the Pechenegs entering Rus' territory in 915 and then making peace, they were waging war with one another again in 920.[103][104][non-primary source needed] Pechenegs are reported assisting the Rus' in later campaigns against the Byzantines, yet allied with the Byzantines against the Rus' at other times.[105]
Rus'–Byzantine relations
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After the Rus' attack on Constantinople in 860, the Byzantine
Relations between the Rus' and Byzantines became more complex after Oleg took control over Kiev, reflecting commercial, cultural, and military concerns.[109] The wealth and income of the Rus' depended heavily upon trade with Byzantium. Constantine Porphyrogenitus described the annual course of the princes of Kiev, collecting tribute from client tribes, assembling the product into a flotilla of hundreds of boats, conducting them down the Dnieper to the Black Sea, and sailing to the estuary of the Dniester, the Danube delta, and on to Constantinople.[102][110] On their return trip they would carry silk fabrics, spices, wine, and fruit.[71][111]
The importance of this trade relationship led to military action when disputes arose. The Primary Chronicle reports that the Rus' attacked Constantinople again in 907, probably to secure trade access. The Chronicle glorifies the military prowess and shrewdness of Oleg, an account imbued with legendary detail.[71][111] Byzantine sources do not mention the attack, but a pair of treaties in 907 and 911 set forth a trade agreement with the Rus',[103][112] the terms suggesting pressure on the Byzantines, who granted the Rus' quarters and supplies for their merchants and tax-free trading privileges in Constantinople.[71][113]
The Chronicle provides a mythic tale of Oleg's death. A sorcerer prophesies that the death of the prince would be associated with a certain horse. Oleg has the horse sequestered, and it later dies. Oleg goes to visit the horse and stands over the carcass, gloating that he had outlived the threat, when a snake strikes him from among the bones, and he soon becomes ill and dies.[114][115][non-primary source needed] The Chronicle reports that Prince Igor succeeded Oleg in 913, and after some brief conflicts with the Drevlians and the Pechenegs, a period of peace ensued for over twenty years.[citation needed]
In 941, Igor led another major Rus' attack on Constantinople, probably over trading rights again.[71] A navy of 10,000 vessels, including Pecheneg allies, landed on the Bithynian coast and devastated the Asiatic shore of the Bosphorus.[116] The attack was well timed, perhaps due to intelligence, as the Byzantine fleet was occupied with the Arabs in the Mediterranean, and the bulk of its army was stationed in the east. The Rus' burned towns, churches and monasteries, butchering the people and amassing booty. The emperor arranged for a small group of retired ships to be outfitted with Greek fire throwers and sent them out to meet the Rus', luring them into surrounding the contingent before unleashing the Greek fire.[117]
Liutprand of Cremona wrote that "the Rus', seeing the flames, jumped overboard, preferring water to fire. Some sank, weighed down by the weight of their breastplates and helmets; others caught fire." Those captured were beheaded. The ploy dispelled the Rus' fleet, but their attacks continued into the hinterland as far as Nicomedia, with many atrocities reported as victims were crucified and set up for use as targets. At last a Byzantine army arrived from the Balkans to drive the Rus' back, and a naval contingent reportedly destroyed much of the Rus' fleet on its return voyage (possibly an exaggeration since the Rus' soon mounted another attack). The outcome indicates increased military might by Byzantium since 911, suggesting a shift in the balance of power.[116]
Igor returned to Kiev keen for revenge. He assembled a large force of warriors from among neighboring Slavs and Pecheneg allies, and sent for reinforcements of Varangians from "beyond the sea".[117][118] In 944 the Rus' force advanced again on the Greeks, by land and sea, and a Byzantine force from Cherson responded. The Emperor sent gifts and offered tribute in lieu of war, and the Rus' accepted. Envoys were sent between the Rus', the Byzantines, and the Bulgarians in 945, and a peace treaty was completed. The agreement again focused on trade, but this time with terms less favorable to the Rus', including stringent regulations on the conduct of Rus' merchants in Cherson and Constantinople and specific punishments for violations of the law.[119][non-primary source needed] The Byzantines may have been motivated to enter the treaty out of concern of a prolonged alliance of the Rus', Pechenegs, and Bulgarians against them,[120] though the more favorable terms further suggest a shift in power.[116]
Sviatoslav
Following the death of Igor in 945, his wife Olga ruled as regent in Kiev until their son Sviatoslav reached maturity (c. 963).[i] His decade-long reign over Rus' was marked by rapid expansion through the conquest of the Khazars of the Pontic steppe and the invasion of the Balkans. By the end of his short life, Sviatoslav carved out for himself the largest state in Europe, eventually moving his capital from Kiev to Pereyaslavets on the Danube in 969.[citation needed]
In contrast with his mother's conversion to
Reign of Vladimir and Christianisation
It is not clearly documented when the title of the Grand Duke was first introduced, but the importance of the Kiev principality was recognized after the death of Sviatoslav I in 972 and the ensuing struggle between
Vladimir had been
Although sometimes solely attributed to Vladimir/Volodymyr, the
The Primary Chronicle records the legend that when Vladimir/Volodymyr had decided to accept a new faith instead of traditional
Adherence to the
Reign of Yaroslav
Yaroslav, known as "the Wise", struggled for power with his brothers. A son of Vladimir the Great, he was prince of Novgorod at the time of his father's death in 1015.[129]
Although he first established his rule over Kiev in 1019, he did not have uncontested rule of all of Kievan Rus' until 1036. Like Vladimir, Yaroslav was eager to improve relations with the rest of Europe, especially the Byzantine Empire. Yaroslav's granddaughter,
Yaroslav promulgated the first East Slavic law code,
Succession issues
In the centuries that followed the state's foundation,
The unconventional power succession system fomented constant hatred and rivalry within the royal family.[
Fragmentation and decline
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The rival Principality of Polotsk was contesting the power of the Grand Prince by occupying Novgorod, while Rostislav Vladimirovich was fighting for the Black Sea port of Tmutarakan belonging to Chernigov.[citation needed] Three of Yaroslav's sons that first allied together found themselves fighting each other especially after their defeat to the Cuman forces in 1068 at the Battle of the Alta River.[citation needed]
The ruling Grand Prince Iziaslav fled to Poland asking for support and in a couple of years returned to establish the order.[citation needed] The affairs became even more complicated by the end of the 11th century driving the state into chaos and constant warfare. On the initiative of Vladimir II Monomakh in 1097 the Council of Liubech of Kievan Rus' took place near Chernigov with the main intention to find an understanding among the fighting sides.[citation needed]
By 1130, all descendants of
The decline of Constantinople—a main trading partner of Kievan Rus'—played a significant role in the decline of the Kievan Rus'. The
The last ruler to maintain a united state was Mstislav the Great. After his death in 1132, the Kievan Rus' fell into recession and a rapid decline, and Mstislav's successor Yaropolk II of Kiev, instead of focusing on the external threat of the Cumans, was embroiled in conflicts with the growing power of the Novgorod Republic. In March 1169, a coalition of native princes led by Andrei Bogolyubsky of Vladimir sacked Kiev.[134] This changed the perception of Kiev and was evidence of the fragmentation of the Kievan Rus'.[135] By the end of the 12th century, the Kievan state fragmented even further, into roughly twelve different principalities.[136]
The
In the north, the
In 1199,
Final disintegration
Following the Mongol invasion of
On the southwestern periphery, Kievan Rus' was succeeded by the
On the north-eastern periphery of Kievan Rus', traditions were adapted in the
Society
Culture
The lands of Kievan Rus' were mostly made up of forests and steppes (see East European forest steppe and Central European mixed forests), while its main rivers all originated in the Valdai Hills: the Dnieper (Belarusian: Дняпро, Ukrainian: Дніпро, Russian: Днепр), and primarily populated by Slavic and Finnic tribes.[142] All tribes were hunter-gatherers to a certain degree, but the Slavs were primarily agriculturalists, growing cereal grains and crops, as well as raising livestock.[41] Before the emergence of the Kievan state, these tribes had their own leaders and gods, and interaction between tribes was occasionally marked either by trading goods or fighting battles.[41] The most valuable commodities traded were captive slaves and fur pelts (usually in exchange for silver coins or oriental finery), and common trade partners were Volga Bolghar, Khazar Itil and Byzantine Chersonesus.[41] By the early 9th century, bands of Scandinavian adventurers known as Varangians and later Rus' started plundering various (Slavic) villages in the region, later extracting tribute in exchange for protection against pillaging by other Varangians.[41] Over time, these relationships of tribute for protection evolved into more permanent political structures: the Rus' lords became princes and the Slavic populace their subjects.[143]
Economy
In the early 10th century, Kievan Rus' mainly traded with other tribes in
During the Kievan era, trade and transport depended largely on networks of rivers and portages.[145] By this period, trade networks had expanded to cater to more than just local demand. This is evidenced by a survey of glassware found in over 30 sites ranging from Suzdal, Drutsk and Belozeroo, which found that a substantial majority was manufactured in Kiev. Kiev was the main depot and transit point for trade between itself, Byzantium and the Black Sea region. Even though this trade network had already been existent, the volume of which had expanded rapidly in the 11th century. Kiev was also dominant in internal trade between the Rus towns; it held a monopoly on glassware products (glass vessels, glazed pottery and window glass) up until the early- to mid-12th century until which it lost its monopoly to the other Rus towns. Inlaid enamel production techniques was borrowed from Byzantine. Byzantine amphorae, wine and olive oil have been found along the middle Dnieper, suggesting trade between Kiev, along trade towns to Byzantium.[146]
In winter, the ruler of Kiev went out on rounds, visiting
Religion
According to Martin (2009), 'Christianity, Judaism, and Islam had long been known in these lands, and Olga personally converted to Christianity. When Vladimir assumed the throne, however, he set idols of Norse, Slav, Finn, and Iranian gods, worshipped by the disparate elements of his society, on a hilltop in Kiev in an attempt to create a single pantheon for his people. But for reasons that remain unclear he soon abandoned this attempt in favour of Christianity.'[149]
Architecture
The architecture of Kievan Rus' is the earliest period of Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian architecture, using the foundations of Byzantine culture, but with great use of innovations and architectural features. Most remains are Russian Orthodox churches or parts of the gates and fortifications of cities.[citation needed]
Administrative divisions
The East Slavic lands were originally divided into princely domains called zemlias, "lands", or volosts (from a term meaning "power" or "government").[150] A smaller clan-sized unit was called a verv, or pogost, headed by a kopa or viche.[151]
From the 11th to 13th centuries the principalities were divided into volosts, its centre usually called a pryhorod (or Gord a fortified settlement).[152][150] A volost consisted of several vervs or hromadas (commune or community).[150] A local official was called a volostel or starosta.[150]
Yaroslav the Wise assigned priority to the major principalities to reduce familial conflict over succession.[130]
- Principality of Kiev and Novgorod, for the eldest son Iziaslav I of Kiev, who became grand prince.
- Principality of Chernihiv and Tmutarakan, for Sviatoslav II of Kiev
- Principality of Pereyaslavl and Rostov-Suzdal, for Vsevolod I of Kiev
- Principality of Smolensk, for Vyacheslav Yaroslavich
- Principality of Volhynia, for Igor Yaroslavich
Not mentioned by Yaroslav were Principality of Polotsk, ruled by Yaroslav's older brother Iziaslav of Polotsk that was to remain under the control of his descendants, and the Principality of Halych, eventually taken by the dynasty of his grandson Rostyslav.[130]
Foreign relations
Military history
Steppe peoples
From the 9th century on, the
Byzantine Empire
Byzantium quickly became the main
Mongols
The
Historical assessment
Kievan Rus', although sparsely populated compared to Western Europe,
The economic development of Kievan Rus may be reflected in its demographics. Scholarly estimates of Kiev's population around 1200 range from 36,000 to 50,000 (at the time, Paris had about 50,000, and London 30,000).[166] Novgorod had about 10,000 to 15,000 inhabitants in 1000, and about double that number by 1200, while Chernigov had a larger land area than both Kiev and Novgorod at the time, and is therefore estimated have had even more inhabitants.[166] Constantinople, then one of the largest cities in the world, had a population of about 400,000 around 1180.[167] Soviet scholar Mikhail Tikhomirov calculated that Kievan Rus' had around 300 urban centres on the eve of the Mongol invasion.[168]
Kievan Rus' also played an important genealogical role in European politics.
Serhii Plokhy (2006) proposed to "denationalize" Kievan Rus': contrary to what modern nationalist interpretations had been doing, he argued for 'separating Kievan Rus' as a multi-ethnic state from the national histories of Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus. This applies to the word Rus' and to the concept of the Rus' Land.'[171] According to Halperin (2010), 'Plokhy's approach does not invalidate analysis of rival claims by Muscovy, Lithuania or Ukraine to the Kievan inheritance; it merely relegates such pretensions entirely to the realm of ideology.'[172]
In popular culture
- Finnish Scandinavian names are used by Turisas 'as a way to convey the historical context of the songs' subject matter', namely 'the stories of the Scandinavian pre-Christian populations and their travels eastwards along the way known as the Way of the Varangians to the Greek to Constantinople'.[173][174]
Gallery
Collection of maps
-
Map of 8th- to 9th-century Rus' by Leonard Chodzko (1861)
-
Map of 9th-century Rus' by Antoine Philippe Houze (1844)
-
Map of 9th-century Rus' by F. S. Weller (1893)
-
Map of Rus' in Europe in 1000 (1911)
-
Map of Rus' in 1097 (1911)
-
Map of 1139 by Joachim Lelewel; northeast is identified as "trans-forest colonies" (Zalesie)
-
Fragment of the 1154 Tabula Rogeriana by Muhammad al-Idrisi
-
Overview of principalities of Kievan Rus'
Art and architecture
-
Arab traveler Ahmad ibn Fadlan, who visited north-eastern Europe in the 10th century.(1883)
Henryk Siemiradzki -
Model of the original Saint Sophia Cathedral, Kyiv; used on modern 2 hryvni of Ukraine
-
The Nativity, a Kievan (possibly Galician) illumination from theGertrude Psalter
-
Rider armor and horse equipment. Iron, 12th–13th centuries, S. Lipovets, Kiev province, mound 264, military burial. State Hermitage Museum.
See also
- De Administrando Imperio – 10th-century Byzantine source written by emperor Constantine VII
- History of Belarus
- History of Russia
- History of Ukraine
- Rus' chronicle – genre of Old East Slavic literature
- Slavic studies
- European Russia
References
Explanatory notes
- ^ "The Rise of Kievan Rus'"[4]
- ^ "In these early centuries East Slavic tribes and their neighbours coalesced into the Christian state of Kievan Rus."[5]
- ^ "The history of Kyivan (Kievan) Rus', the medieval East Slavic state..."[6]
- ^ 'For all the salient differences between these three post-Soviet nations, they have much in common when it comes to their culture and history, which goes back to Kievan Rus', the medieval East Slavic state based in the capital of present-day Ukraine,'[14]
- ^ "The controversies over the nature of the Rus and the origins of the Russian state have bedevilled Viking studies, and indeed Russian history, for well over a century. It is historically certain that the Rus were Swedes. The evidence is incontrovertible, and that a debate still lingers at some levels of historical writing is clear evidence of the holding power of received notions. The debate over this issue – futile, embittered, tendentious, doctrinaire – served to obscure the most serious and genuine historical problem which remains: the assimilation of these Viking Rus into the Slavic people among whom they lived. The principal historical question is not whether the Rus were Scandinavians or Slavs, but, rather, how quickly these Scandinavian Rus became absorbed into Slavic life and culture."[40]
- ^ Normanist scholars accept this moment as the foundation of the Kievan Rus' state, while anti-Normanists point to other Chronicle entries to argue that the East Slav Polianes were already in the process of forming a state independently.[75]
- ^ Abaskun, first recorded by Ptolemy as Socanaa, was documented in Arab sources as "the most famous port of the Khazarian Sea". It was situated within three days' journey from Gorgan. The southern part of the Caspian Sea was known as the "Sea of Abaskun".[96]
- ^ The Khazar khagan initially granted the Rus' safe passage in exchange for a share of the booty but attacked them on their return voyage, killing most of the raiders and seizing their haul.
- ^ If Olga was indeed born in 879, as the Primary Chronicle seems to imply, she would have been about 65 at the time of Sviatoslav's birth. There are clearly some problems with chronology.[121]
- Ibn Haukal describes the Pechenegs as long-standing allies of the Rus' people, whom they invariably accompanied during the 10th-century Caspian expeditions.[citation needed]
- ^ "It is to the credit of Vladimir and his advisors they built not only churches but schools as well. This compulsory baptism was followed by compulsory education... Schools were thus founded not only in Kiev but also in provincial cities. From the "Life of St. Feodosi" we know that a school existed in Kursk around the year of 1023. By the time of Yaroslav's reign (1019–54), education had struck roots and its benefits were apparent. Around 1030, Iaroslav founded a divinity school in Novgorod for 300 children of both laymen and clergy to be instructed in "book-learning". As a general measure, he made the parish priests "teach the people"."[160]
- ^ "The most notable aspect of the criminal provisions was that punishments took the form of seizure of property, banishment, or, more often, payment of a fine. Even murder and other severe crimes (arson, organised horse thieving, and robbery) were settled by monetary fines. Although the death penalty had been introduced by Vladimir the Great, it too was soon replaced by fines."[162]
- ^ "In medieval Europe, a mark of a dynasty's prestige and power was the willingness with which other leading dynasties entered into matrimonial relations with it. Measured by this standard, Yaroslav's prestige must have been great indeed... . Little wonder that Iaroslav is often dubbed by historians as 'the father-in-law of Europe.'"[169]
- ^ "By means of these marital ties, Kievan Rus' became well known throughout Europe."[170]
Citations
- ISBN 9780520309180.
- ^ a b Bushkovitch 2011, p. 11.
- ^ Б.Ц.Урланис. Рост населения в Европе (PDF) (in Russian). p. 89. Archived (PDF) from the original on 23 September 2015. Retrieved 17 November 2016.
- ^ a b Magocsi 2010, p. 55.
- ^ Martin 2009b, p. 1.
- ^ Plokhy 2006, p. 10.
- ^ a b Rubin, Barnett R.; Snyder, Jack L. (1998). Post-Soviet Political Order: Conflict and State Building. London: Routledge. p. 93.
As the capital of Kyivan Rus ...
. "The Golden Age of Kyivan Rus'". gis.huri.harvard.edu. Archived from the original on 30 October 2022. Retrieved 30 October 2022. "Ukraine – History, section "Kyivan (Kievan) Rus"". Encyclopedia Britannica. 5 March 2020. Archived from the original on 6 September 2015. Retrieved 2 July 2020.- Zhdan, Mykhailo (1988). "Kyivan Rus'". Encyclopedia of Ukraine. Archived from the original on 26 March 2023. Retrieved 2 July 2020.
- ^ Katchanovski et al. 2013, p. 196.
- ^ Martin 2009b, p. 1–5.
- ^ a b c John Channon & Robert Hudson, Penguin Historical Atlas of Russia (Penguin, 1995), p.14–16.
- ^ "Rus | people | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Archived from the original on 24 March 2022. Retrieved 1 April 2022.
- ^ a b Little, Becky (4 December 2019). "When Viking Kings and Queens Ruled Medieval Russia". HISTORY. Archived from the original on 6 April 2022. Retrieved 1 April 2022.
- ^ Kievan Rus Archived 18 May 2015 at the Wayback Machine, Encyclopædia Britannica Online.
- ^ a b Plokhy 2006, p. 10–15.
- ^ Kyivan Rus' Archived 26 March 2023 at the Wayback Machine, Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. 2 (1988), Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies.
- ^ See Historical map of Kievan Rus' from 980 to 1054 Archived 11 May 2021 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Paul Robert Magocsi, Historical Atlas of East Central Europe (1993), p.15.
- ^ a b "Civilization in Eastern Europe Byzantium and Orthodox Europe". occawlonline.pearsoned.com. 2000. Archived from the original on 22 January 2010.
- ^ Picková, Dana, O počátcích státu Rusů, in: Historický obzor 18, 2007, č.11/12, s. 253–261
- ISBN 5-7859-0085-8.
- ^ Magocsi 2010, p. 72–73.
- ^ Magocsi 2010, p. 56–57.
- ISBN 978-0-521-03552-1. Archivedfrom the original on 14 April 2023. Retrieved 2 February 2014.
- ^ a b Stefan Brink, 'Who were the Vikings?', in The Viking World Archived 14 April 2023 at the Wayback Machine, ed. by Stefan Brink and Neil Price (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008), pp. 4–10 (pp. 6–7).
- ^ "Russ, adj. and n." OED Online, Oxford University Press, June 2018, www.oed.com/view/Entry/169069. Accessed 12 January 2021.
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{{cite book}}
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Further reading
- Christian, David. A History of Russia, Mongolia and Central Asia. Blackwell, 1999.
- Franklin, Simon and Shepard, Jonathan, The Emergence of Rus, 750–1200. (Longman History of Russia, general editor Harold Shukman.) Longman, London, 1996. ISBN 0-582-49091-X
- ISBN 0-582-48150-3
- Jones, Gwyn. A History of the Vikings. 2nd ed. London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1984.
- ISBN 978-0-351-17644-9.
- Pritsak, Omeljan. The Origin of Rus'. Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1991.
- Stang, Håkon. The Naming of Russia. Meddelelser, Nr. 77. Oslo: University of Oslo Slavisk-baltisk Avelding, 1996.
- Alexander F. Tsvirkun E-learning course. History of Ukraine. Journal Auditorium, Kyiv, 2010.
- Velychenko, Stephen, National history as cultural process: a survey of the interpretations of Ukraine's past in Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian historical writing from the earliest times to 1914. Edmonton, 1992.
- Velychenko, Stephen, "Nationalizing and Denationalizing the Past. Ukraine and Russia in Comparative Context", Ab Imperio 1 (2007).
- Velychenko, Stephen "New wine old bottle. Ukrainian history Muscovite-Russian Imperial myths and the Cambridge-History of Russia," Stephen Velychenko. New Wine Old Bottle. Ukrainian History, Muscovite /Russian Imperial Myths and the Cambridge History of Russia