• Page 283: Steinhardt describes the features of another green-glaze earthenware tower model from the Eastern Han Dynasty, this one representing a three-story structure, the model itself being 106.7 cm in height and has base dimensions of 34.5 by 38 cm. Like the other tower described in the previous chapter, this has upper levels with porches and a base level with a walled enclosure. It also has birds capping the tower, birds at the center of supporting bracket arms, a dog looking out the front of the courtyard, and instead of a molding decoration of a crossbow on the wall to the right of the dog as in the other model, this one has an animal-faced door knocker. As seen on one of the towers (fig. 1) on page 284, other model towers also featured animal-faced door-knockers. This tower on page 282 also has figures who stare out of windows like the one in the previous chapter, although in this model (and on the model in fig. 1 on page 284) there are figures standing at the corners of the tower's balcony balustrades. QUOTE: "The rarest feautre of this tower is the courtyard entry facade. The three low and two higher roofs and the very limited low-relief articulation have a presence more massive and much harder to penetrate htan their height of fifteen or twenty centimeters would suggest."
• Page 283-284: QUOTE: "An explanation for the notably stark and thus severe facade may lie in the patterns on the depictions of circular tiles that edge the eaves-ends. Not only are they found on several green-glazed miniature towers that have the above-described corner acroteria, but actual tiles with what appear to be the same pattern have been excavated at the ruins of both Han capitals, Chang'an of the Western Han and Luoyang of the Eastern Han. The tiles from Chang'an were uncovered at the ruins of the palace-complex Weiyang Gong (fig. 3), and those from Luoyang were found in a funerary precinct near White Horse Monastery (Baima Si), dated to the Eastern Han period (fig. 4)."
• Page 284: QUOTE: "The similarities in roof-tile pattern among miniature towers and excavated objects of daily life seem to afford rare and highly indicative evidence that the earthenware miniatures might replicate real structures. Actual tiles bearing the patterns in question, discovered in urban architectural settings, inside the walls of Han emperors' own palaces and capital cities, may even indicate that the solid, formidable quality of the present tower's walls was intended to reflect the entryway to a Han capital."

Juliano's Chapter on a Model Farm

Juliano, Annette L. (2005). "Model of a farm compound with human figure, sow and suckling pig, chickens, trough, and basin," in Recarving China's Past: Art, Archaeology, and Architecture of the 'Wu Family Shrines', 286–289. Edited by Naomi Noble Richard. New Haven and London: Yale University Press and Princeton University Art Museum.

• Page 291: QUOTE: "This well-proportioned hollow rectangular structure clearly refers to a wooden prototype, even though the details are partly obscured by the green glaze, now a silvery iridescence from burial: the facade, pierced with a rectangular window in the center, is applied with clay strips in imitation of wooden slats, and the slanted tiled roof is supported by four dougong brackets. Five birds roost on the central roof ridge (detail). The entire structure is raised above the ground by six pot-bellied bears, depicted kneeling on their hind legs with front paws resting on their knees."
• Page 291: QUOTE: "Glazed examples of architectural models, including watchtowers, granaries, and animal dwellings, likewise with bear-form supports, have frequently been excavated from Han tombs in northern China. Storehouses of related type appear especially in Henan Province. Their prototype may have contained any number of things; the Huainanzi, a mid second-century BCE text, describes the royal storehouses as holding the raw materials of weapons and chariots used in hunting and warfare."

Liu's Chapter on the Green-glazed Wellhead

Liu, Cary Y. (2005). "Green-glazed wellhead," in Recarving China's Past: Art, Archaeology, and Architecture of the 'Wu Family Shrines', 292–295. Edited by Naomi Noble Richard. New Haven and London: Yale University Press and Princeton University Art Museum.

• Page 293: QUOTE: "This green-glazed ceramic model of a wellhead of a draw well takes the shape of a narrow-waisted cylinder rising to a broad, flat rim on which is set a small water bucket. Above the wellhead is an A-frame superstructure consisting of two inward-leaning struts that rise to support a crossbeam with projecting dragon-head finials at each end. At the center of the crossbeam two small posts carry a tiled hip roof. Housed under the roof is a pulley that would have been used for drawing water by means of a rope and bucket...the cylinder may actually represent the sunken well shaft."
• Page 293: QUOTE: "Since ancient times wells, as a source of life-giving water, came to be associated with water spirits and deities such as dragons. They were also believed to serve as a cosmic gate leading into the earth below, and were paired with heavenly gates (tianmen) and heavenly wells (tianjing) opening into the heavens above."
• Page 293: QUOTE: "A well was often the center of a village or house, and thus became a symbol of community and family order. The written character for well (jing) resembles a tic-tac-toe grid, and many Han-dynasty well models in ceramic and bronze are similarly rectilinear in plan...This orderly configuration also became linked to the ancient, idealized well-field (jingtian) system of land-use division espoused by Mencius (fourth century BCE) and Dong Zhongshu (ca. 179 – ca.104 BCE), and unsuccessfully instituted by the usurper Wang Mang (r. 9–23 CE) as part of his reform efforts during the Han interegnum."
• Page 293: QUOTE: "Wells are often depicted in food preparation scenes in Han pictorial carvings of home settings. In the 'Wu family shrines' rubbings are several depictions of water being drawn for cooking from narrow-waisted wellheads with well-sweeps and buckets."
• Page 293-294: QUOTE: "In agriculture, wells for field irrigation were used in northern China and along the Yellow River valley, including Shandong. Burial models of near life-size replicas of wells in tombs have been found throughout these regions. Such models and replicas are believed to have been included in tombs—along with stoves, latrines, granaries, and sacrifice offerings—in order to provide for the tomb occupant in the afterlife. The special placement of wells in some tombs and the discovery of seeds and animal bones inside or near some of the wells, however, suggest that buried wells may also have played a role in mortuary ceremonies or have had special symbolic meaning."

Thompson's Chapter on the Wellhead

Thompson, Lydia. (2005). "Wellhead with dragon, bird, and guardian designs" in Recarving China's Past: Art, Archaeology, and Architecture of the 'Wu Family Shrines', 296–299. Edited by Naomi Noble Richard. New Haven and London: Yale University Press and Princeton University Art Museum.

• Page 297: Thompson writes, QUOTE: "Han-dynasty tombs were often furnished with ceramic grave goods intended to provide an ideal environment for the deceased. Model (in the sense of miniature) lamps, stoves, incense burners, granaries, courtyard dwellings, containers, servants, livestock, and wellheads are some of the items typically found in Han-period tombs. This use of model grave goods began in the Zhou dynasty, gradually replacing the practice of burying real objects and persons. It was hoped that the spirit of the deceased, which could be maleficent if neglected, would incline to remain contentedly in its tomb if accorded proper ritual observance and burial objects to sustain its existence in the afterlife."
• Page 297: QUOTE: "Model wellheads, such as the present example, were intended to provide a water supply for the deceased after death, as their prototypes did in life."
• Page 297-299: Thompson's short chapter focuses on a rectangular wellhead made of unglazed earthenware from the Han Dynasty, which shows scenes of animals and people carved in low relief on its four sides, most notably representing
  Chi You
  , the God of War and the God of Rain.

Hiromi's Chapter on the Stove Model

Hiromi, Kinoshita. (2005). "Stove model," in Recarving China's Past: Art, Archaeology, and Architecture of the 'Wu Family Shrines', 300–301. Edited by Naomi Noble Richard. New Haven and London: Yale University Press and Princeton University Art Museum.

• Page 75: Zhang writes, QUOTE: "According to early Chinese literary records, Buddhism passed through the main oasis city-states around the
  Arsacids, and was later adopted by other missionaries from eastern Iran, such as An Xuan and An Faxian (Darmabhadra). This surname, first referring to the missionaries of eastern Iranian extraction, was to be transmitted to denote the Sogdians coming from Bukhara. Towards the second and in the third century more translators bore the surname Kang, such as Kang Mengxiang (active at Lo-yang from 194 to 199), Kang Senghui (?–280, active in Wu of the Three Kingdoms), Kang Ju, Kang Sengkai (Samghavarman, arrived at Lo-yang in 252), Kang Falang, Kang Fachang, and Kang Sengyuan, among others. The translation of The Buddha of Immeasurable Life Sutra, one of the three basic canons of Pure Land Buddhism
  , was ascribed to Kang Sengkai (Samghavarman). It was rendered into Chinese in 252. Evidently Kang is also an ethnic surname, and the monks bearing such a surname in Chinese were of Sogdian origin."
• NOTE: If you're interested, here is the Sogdian guy's Chinese character name and Pinyin: Saņghavarman (康僧鎧/康僧铠 Kāng Sēngkǎi).

• Page 79: QUOTE: "From the Han (206 B.C.E.–220 C.E.) to the Song period (960–1279) glass was treasured in China, not only because the Chinese enjoyed the material's clearness and transparency but because glass was mysterious to the Chinese. The Chinese were responsible for many important inventions—silk, paper, porcelain, fireworks—but not glass."
• Page 79: QUOTE: "The earliest glass, in the form of beads, seems to have been made in Mesopotamia in the mid-third millennium B.C.E., while glass vessels do not appear until the middle of the second millennium, in both
  Warring States Period
  (475–221 B.C.E.). Soon the Chinese were making their own glass with local materials and developing their own designs."
• Page 79: QUOTE: "The first glass appeared in China as beads and small pieces of glass inlay for metal objects. Eye beads are the most elaborate form of glass, as shown by these examples, that were unearthed in a noble's tomb in Hubei province (fig. 1). Similar eye beads were excavated by Japanese archaeologists in Iran; they can be dated a little earlier than the Chinese ones, to the sixth century B.C.E."
• Page 79: QUOTE: "In the Xinjiang area, a meeting point between East and West, some eye beads were unearthed at Luntai; they date from the eighth to the fifth centuries B.C.E."
• Page 80: QUOTE: "Although the east-west trade route was not open at the time, these discoveries in Iran, in Xinjiang, and in central China indicate cultural and economic exchange. The nomadic tribes in Central Asia played an important role in this and other forms of exchange; glass beads, in particular, were admired by nomadic peoples, and beads are easily portable over great distances."
• Page 80-81: QUOTE: "In spite of this trade, imported glass beads were perhaps too rare to meet demand. Soon after glass eye beads reached China, imitations were made, typically in ceramic with a glaze overlay, as with some examples from a Warring States Period tomb. However, ceramic imitations still could not satisfy demand and this impelled Chinese craftsmen to make their own glass eye beads. During the middle part of the Warring States period (around the fourth and third centuries B.C.E.), large numbers of glass beads appeared, in both nobles' and commoners' tombs. These finds are distributed all over China, but are concentrated in Central China, Hunan, Henan and Hubei provinces. The beads on the right, for example, are from Henan province, dated to the fourth century B.C.E., and, although they resemble the earlier beads, they are
  Western Asia and Egypt, glass was made of soda
  ; perhaps because China had limited resources of soda, glassmakers had to try other materials."
• Page 81: QUOTE: "The Chinese were not just satisfied to copy Western eye beads, but soon began making typically Chinese objects. Using glass, they imitated traditional jade objects, such as jade discs or bi...translucent glass looks like jade but is less costly."
• Page 81-82: QUOTE: "Glass vessels were also made in the
  a Western Han prince's tomb, in Xuzhou, Jiangsu province, and dated to 128 B.C.E. They are the earliest glass vessels made in China. The double-handled cup (fig. 3) was found in another princely tomb in Mancheng, Hebei
  province; it was buried in 113 B.C.E. This is a typically Chinese form. During the Han, vessels of this type were usually made of lacquer or ceramic; this one, however, is of lead-barium glass."

• NOTE: Although you are unable to see the pictures, the two cups foundfrom the Jiangsu tomb dated 128 B.C.E. look like short, stubby cylinders. The double-handled cup from the tomb at Mancheng, Hebei, dated 113 B.C.E., looks a lot like this double-handled jade cup, a picture you took at the Freer Gallery, although the jade cup seems taller and less wide.
• Page 82: QUOTE: "We have seen that glass was treasured in China, but only glass that came from far away was treasured—and not until the importation of Roman glass was glass truly treasured. Roman glass, that is, glass manufactured in the Roman Empire from the first century B.C.E. to the fifth century C.E., was exotic and considered of special quality. Early Roman glass coincides with the flourishing of the Han Empire. The emperor Han Wudi (140–86 B.C.E.) sent emissaries to the Southern Sea to buy such glass."
• Page 83: QUOTE: "A glass bowl (fig. 4) was found in Guangzhou, in a Western Han tomb and is dated to the early first century B.C.E. It was cast and its surface is crude. When held to a light, the surface is a beautiful deep blue color. X-ray fluorescence analysis shows that it is soda-lime glass. This is the earliest Roman glass found in China. Since Guangzhou is near the South China Sea, it is possible that this glass bowl came along the maritime trade route."
• Page 83: QUOTE: "Similarly, fragments of a Roman mosaic-glass ribbed bowl may have come via the sea route. They were found in a prince's tomb near Nanjing. They belong to a type that was popular throughout the Mediterranean in the first centuries B.C.E. and C.E. The tomb dates to 67 C.E., not much later than the bowl's manufacture in the West."
• Page 83-84: QUOTE:
  Western Asian
  traders settling in Luoyang at this time."

Iranian Luxury Vessels in China

Harper, P.O. 2002). "Iranian Luxury Vessels in China From the Late First Millennium B.C.E. to the Second Half of the First Millennium C.E.," in Silk Road Studies VII: Nomads, Traders, and Holy Men Along China's Silk Road, 95–113. Edited by Annette L. Juliano and Judith A. Lerner. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers.

• Page 96: QUOTE: "The period we are considering begins in
  northern India from which Buddhism was introduced to China
  ."
• Page 99-100: On the embossed silver and bronze lidded containers found in
  Hellenized garland motif
  : laurel with lancelot leaves, a decorative feature that is widespread and persistent in the art of the Greek Hellenistic and later Roman worlds. This motif is combined with the Iranian embossed pattern on the bowl found in China."
• Page 106-107: QUOTE: "The presence of Dionysiac imagery on objects associated with the Iranian world that have been found in China is also evident on a large and heavy,
  Mediterranean center or from molds derived from that source...Dionysiac imagery of a similar nature is seen earlier in pre-Kushan and Kushan Bactria, notably at Tillya Tepe in northern Afghanistan
  , where an image on a gold belt found in a man's grave dating from the first century B.C.E. to the first century C.E. may represent Dionysos riding on a feline."

• Page 1: The ruins of
  roof tiles and rammed earth or brick
  wall ruins remain.
• Page 1: QUOTE: "The building of the city of Changan was accomplished in three stages during the Han dynasty. (1) Under
  Qin Dynasty resort palace. In addition, Weiyanggong Palace was constructed to the west of Changlegong and an armory was built between the two palaces. (2) Under Emperor Hui Di, the city wall was constructed. The building of the wall probably began at the northwestern corner: the west wall was the first to be erected, next the south wall, then the east wall, and finally the north wall. (3) Under Emperor Wu Di
  , Mingguanggong Palace was built north of Changlegong; Guigong and Beigong palaces were built north of Weiyanggong; and Jianzhangong Palace was constructed to the west, outside the city. In addition, Shanglinyuan Park was expanded and the artificial lake called Kunmingchi was opened. At that point, the capital city was basically complete."
• Page 1-2: Although the layout of the city was basically a gigantic square, the new construction projects of Changle and Weiyang palaces forced engineers to build a zigzag southern wall at one point, as well as a zigzag northern wall due to topography and the contour of the river.
• Page 2: Two surveys of the ancient wall ruins were undertaken in 1957 and 1962, finding that some of the above ground wall structures still existed and the underground foundations were still intact. They discovered an east wall that was 6,000 m (19,685 ft) long, a south wall that was 7,600 m (24,934 ft), a west wall that was 4,900 m (16,076 ft), and a north wall that was 7,200 (23,622 ft). Overall the total length of walls equalled 25,700 m (84,318 ft), which equals a bit over 62 li (of the Han period) as described in the ancient Han jiu yi (a 1st century AD text by Wei Hong).
• Page 2: The city wall was made of rammed earth, and had a height of over 12 m (40 ft) with a base width of 12 to 16 m (40 to 53 ft).
• Page 2: The wall was built by conscript labor and convict labor. Wang estimates that the wall took five years to complete, each section taking a whole month to build by the hands of about 145,000 workers.
• Page 2: The city moat was 8 m (26 ft) wide and 3 m (10 ft) deep. An excavation in 1962 outside of Zhangcheng Gate proved that wooden bridges were built over the moat.
• Page 2: There were twelve city gates; the gates along the east wall were Xuanpingmen, Qingmingmen, and Bachengmen; the gates along the south wall were Fuyangmen, Anmen, and Xi'anmen; the gates along the west wall were Zhangchengmen, Zhichengmen, and Yongmen; the gates along the north wall were Hengmen, Chuchangmen, and Luochengmen.
• Page 3: QUOTE: "The city gates followed strict designs. Each gate had three gateways, and each gateway was 6 m [20 ft] wide. The width of the gateway corresponded exactly to four times the width of a carriage." This fact had even been noted by Zhang Heng in his Xijing fu, and by the later commentator Xue Zong (d. 237).
• Page 3: Since Bachengmen, Fuyangmen, Xi'anmen, and Zhangchengmen, being close to the Changle and Weiyang palaces, did not have large avenues extending from their gateways, there were only eight large avenues within the walls of the city, extending from the remaining eight gates. Although this was confirmed by the excavation of 1962, contemporary Han records even state this fact.
• Page 3: The longest of the avenues was Anmen Gate Avenue at 5,500 m (18,045) in length. Xuanpingmen Gate Avenue was the second longest at 3,800 m (12,467 ft), while the shortest was Luochengmen Gate Avenue at just 850 m (2789 ft). The other avenues were on average about 3,000 m (9,842 ft). All avenues, despite variations in length, were 45 m (148 ft) in width. Each avenue was divided into three parallel lines separated by two drainage ditches, each about 90 cm (35 in) wide and 45 cm (18 in) deep. The central lane, which was about 20 m (66 ft) wide, was reserved for the emperor, while each of the flanking lanes for the public had a width of 12 m (40 ft).
• Page 4: The drainage system of Chang'an included large drainholes dug under the city gates and lined with bricks and rocks, the top of which formed an arch made of brick. The ditches dug in the avenues carried rainwater to these drainholes which fed the water into the moat. Pottery waterpipes were also placed at the foundation to help drain the water away.
• Page 4: Changle Palace and Weiyang Palace, both erected in the southeastern portion of Chang'an before the city's walls were built, had their own walls that were 20 m (66 ft) wide at the base. The entire length of Changle's walls was 10,000 m (32,808 ft), while it enclosed an area of 6 km², or about 1/6 of the entire area of the city. The walled perimeter of Weiyang was 8,800 m (28,871 ft), and enclosed an area of 5 km², or about 1/7 the entire area of the city. Although the foundations still exist, only a small portion of Weiyang's west wall can still be seen, rising 11 m (36 ft) in height. The foundation of Weiyang's Audience Hall (Qian Dian) still stands as well, with a north-south length of 350 m (1,148 ft) and an east-west width of 200 m (656 ft).
• Page 5: Between Changle and Weiyang palaces was the city armory, enclosed by walls that were 320 m (1,050 ft) east to west and 800 m (2,625) north to south. Another wall split this rectangular area down the middle, partitioning the armory into two separate courtyards. In both were warehouse buildings for storing weapons and some others where officials would reside. The largest of these warehouses was 230 m (755 ft) long and 46 m (151 ft) wide. Although the wooden racks of the storage areas no longer survive, their stone bases are still in place, which testify to the weapons racks described in Zhang Heng's Xijing fu. Although the armory and many other buildings were destroyed during the revolt against Wang Mang and most of the weapons removed, some were still found, including iron armor, ji halberds, spears, swords, knives, arrowheads, and ge halberds.
• Page 5-6: Gui Palace was located north of Weiyang and near Jianzhang Palace. The 1962 excavation revealed that Gui had a walled enclosure that was 1,800 m (5,905 ft) east to west and 800 m (2,625 ft) north to south, having a total perimeter of 5,300 m (17,388 ft). Although the Jianzhang Palace's remains were discovered in 1962 as being located outside the western ramparts, its exact dimensions are not yet known. The locations of the Bei Palace and Mingguang Palace are yet to be found.
• Page 6: North of Jianzhang Palace was Taiye Lake. Supporting various Han records about stone fish sculptures along its north shore, a massive stone sculpture of a fish was dredged from the lake and measured almost 5 m (16 ft) in length.
• Page 6: Chang'an had nine marketplaces, all clustered in the northwestern area of the city, since the southern and central portions of the city were taken up by palace space. QUOTE: "On the surface in this area archaeologists have collected many pottery figurines and molds for coins, suggesting that this northwestern area had handicraft workshops." The Book of Han states that the marketplaces were established in 189 BC, meaning the site for them was chosen before the city walls were erected.
• Page 7: With the marketplaces placed in the northwest, the main residential area was in the northeast. Ordinary people and officials had their dwellings here, along with a few mansions of the aristocracy.
• Page 7: Along with Bachengmen, Xi'anmen, and Zhichengmen, the gatehouse of Xuanpingmen was destroyed during the revolt against Wang Mang. Excavation reveals coins of the Western Han and Wang Mang period, accurately dating burning of the gate. Xuanpingmen was cleared of its debris and repaired, but Bachengmen and Xi'anmen never had their debris cleared away, meaning those gates were non-operational during the Eastern Han, Wei, Jin, and Six Dynasties. Zhichengmen had some of its debris cleared away so that it was used on a reduced scale.
• Page 7-8: Xuanping Gate was repaired in the Eastern Han with new rammed earth walls at the northern and southern openings; the
  Book of Later Han states that this repair took place in 43 AD. Xuanpingmen was used throughout Eastern Han. Xuanpingmen was repaired in the middle of the fourth century by the Later Zhao
  , the surfaces of the central and southern openings reconstructed with fired and sun-dried bricks.
• Page 8: No major rebuilding took place after Later Zhao, although the gate continued to function throughout the
  Tang Dynasty
  that the gate was purposely blocked.
• Page 8-9: The
  Qin Dynasty's royal parks of Shanglinyuan were abandoned at the beginning of Han, but were incorporated into the palace parks by Emperor Wu of Han
  . These royal parks were located to the southeast and southwest of Chang'an, and in them were placed birds and animals for the emperor to hunt. Several resort palaces were built in these parks, the remains of which have been discovered along with bronze vessels, basins, tripods, jars, and cooking pots found in storage pits.
• Page 9: In 120 BC, Emperor Wu had the artificial Kunming Lake drudged between the Feng and Yu Rivers southwest of Chang'an. Wudi built it in order to train a naval fighting force on its waters in preparation of war with the Kunming state. QUOTE: "It was also built to alleviate a water shortage in the capital. After two thousand years the remains of the lake are still vaguely recognizable. The lake site now is a depression more than 10 square km in area. An elevated ground in the northern part appears to have been an island within the lake, possibly the site of the Yuzhang Hall described in the Xi jing fu."
• Page 9-10: When
  Xin Dynasty, he had Nine Temples (Jiu Miao) built in Chang'an. These buildings were QUOTE: "designed in accordance with both traditional Confucian regulations and Taoist yin yang and wu xing (Five Elements)
  principles." Except for the Pi Yong in the southeastern section of the city, all of these ritual structures were built in the southwestern section of the city. However, all of these structures were destroyed with the fall of Wang Mang, and were never rebuilt.
• Page 14: As seen in a picture on this page, the remains of carriage tracks at the Baicheng Gate still exist.

• Page 29: The ancient ruins of Han-era Luoyang are located about 15 km (9.3 miles) east of the modern city of Luoyang in Henan. In addition to the walls, the city had natural barriers as its defenses, including the Mang Mountains to the north and Luo River (Henan) to the south. Due to its pristine site as a junction for transportation and communication, the Western Zhou built a major city there known as Chengzhou, which lasted throughout Eastern Zhou. The Western Han established Luoyang on the same site, and would be the same city which the Eastern Han made its capital.
• Page 29: In 25 AD, Emperor Guangwu of Han chose Luoyang as the Han's new capital and occupied the already-existing South Palace of Luoyang. He expanded the city far beyond the boundaries of the old Zhou Dynasty and Western Han city (enclosing the Zhou Dynasty tombs which were once located outside the city).
• Page 30: Above ground sections of the eastern, western, and northern walls of Han Luoyang still exist today, some of the ruins still 7 m (23 ft) tall. The southern wall was washed away centuries ago when the Luo River changed its course. By using old records to confirm that the remains of the Ming Tang and Ling Tai ritual buildings were 2 or 3 li in distance from the southern wall, archaeologists believe that the southern wall was located in what is now the middle of the Luo River.
• Page 30: Made out of
  Jin Dynasty
  . As for the length of the walls, the eastern wall was 3,900 m (12,795 ft) long, the western wall was 3,400 m (11,155 ft) long, and the northern wall was 2,700 m (8,858 ft) long. By taking the two southernmost points of the eastern and western walls, historians estimate that the southern wall was 2,460 m (8,070 ft). QUOTE: "Since the southern wall was in the middle of what is today the Luo River, we must add approximately 30 m [98 ft] to the length of both the eastern and western walls to determine their full length. Once we do this, then we can calculate that the total length of the four city walls of Eastern Han Luoyang must have been approximately 13,000 m," or 42,650 ft. Although some of the walls were curved to match topography, the overall shape of the city was rectangular.
• Page 30-31: Eastern Han Luoyang had 12 gates, 3 on the eastern side, 3 on the western side, 4 on the southern side, and 2 on the northern side. The east wall had Shangdongmen, Zhongdongmen, and Maomen; the west wall had Guangyangmen, Yongmen, and Shangximen; the north wall had Xiamen and Gumen; the south wall had Kaiyangmen, Pingchengmen, Xiaoyuanmen, and Jinmen.
• Page 31: In the 1962 excavation, the remains of the gates on the eastern, western, and northern walls were discovered, and although the southern ones had been destroyed by the shifting river, their locations were determined by the direction of the four avenues that ran north to south through the city. Remains of the avenues themselves were discovered in the same archaeological survey.
• Page 31: Proving that historical records were correct, the survey also proved that, like Chang'an, each of the gatehouses of Luoyang had three accessible gateways.
• Page 31-32: Despite the fact that the southern wall had four gates, there was a total of five avenues running north to south through the city, because one avenue that ran north from Pingchengmen ended at the southern gate of the South Palace. There were also five avenues that ran east to west. The two longest avenues of the city stretched 2,800 m (9,186 ft). Some of the avenues had a width of only 20 m (66 ft), while most of the city's avenues were 40 m (131 ft). According to the Luoyang ji, the avenues had three lanes, the middle one reserved for noblemen and officials, and the two side lines used by commoners, the left one for entering and the right one for exiting.
• Page 32-33: The most prominent palaces of Luoyang were the Bei Palace (North Palace) and Nan Palace (South Palace), both of which existed in the Western Han but were significantly renovated and expanded during the Eastern Han. The South Palace in Luoyang was already famous in Western Han, as Emperor Gaozu of Han held a banquet there in 202 BC. The chancellor Wang Xun under Wang Mang occupied the South Palace in 22 AD when he led ten thousand troops there. Expansion of the palace began in 25 AD when Emperor Guangwu of Han occupied Qufei Hall, while the most important structure was completed by 38 AD, the Anterior Hall. According to Wang in 1982, there have been no thorough excavations of Luoyang and so the South Palace has not been uncovered.
• Page 33: The North Palace was rebuilt by Emperor Ming of Han from 60 to 65 AD. The Deyang Hall was the most prominent of this, as it could house 10,000 people, had a tall flight of stairs, and a Zhuque Que tower that allegedly could be seen from 40 li away. Just like the South Palace, the archaeological survey of 1962 did not yield the exact location of the North Palace.
• Page 34: In addition to these palaces, there was the Yongan Palace, located to the northeast of the North Palace. There was also the Zhuolongyuan imperial park located in the northwest of the city. The offices of the Grand Commandant, Chancellor, and Imperial Secretary were located to the southeast of the South Palace. The Grand Storehouse and Armory were located northeast of the North Palace, right next to the northeastern corner of the city wall. The Buguang and Yonghe Precincts, located near Shangdongmen on the eastern wall, were the residential areas for the upper class, namely the high ministers of state and nobles. For example, the residence of Dong Zhuo was located in Yonghe Precinct. The common people actually lived outside the city walls in houses clustered around the city gates, a setup that Wang says is similar to Western Han Chang'an. As for the three main commercial centers, there were the South Market, the Horse Market, and the Gold Market. Both the South Market and Horse Market were located outside of the city walls. The South Market was in the southern suburb, while the Horse Market was in the eastern suburb. The Gold Market was located in the city, southwest of the North Palace and northwest of the South Palace.
• Page 34-35: In 190 the rebel Dong Zhuo forced Emperor Xian of Han to flee Luoyang for Chang'an, while Dong Zhuo had the palaces, temples, and houses of Luoyang burnt to the ground. When Emperor Xian returned to the city it was in total ruins, and so he was forced to concede to his Prime Minister Cao Cao to move the capital to Xuchang in 196.
• Page 35-36: Luoyang was rebuilt during the
  Liu Cong (Han Zhao). When the Northern Wei rebuilt the city as their new capital in 493, the layout of the city was very different from the Eastern Han. Instead of reverting back to two or even three palaces in the previous design of Luoyang, Emperor Xiaowen of Northern Wei
  had one large walled palace built on the site of the old North Palace. The walls formed a neat rectangle with both the eastern and western walls measuring 1,400 m (4,593 ft) and the northern and southern walls both 600 m (1,968 ft). Unlike the gigantic amount of space taken up by the Han palaces, the Northern Wei palace only took up 1/10 of the entire surface area of the city.
• Page 38-39: The
  Book of Later Han says that Emperor Guangwu of Han
  had the Pi Yong (Hall of Learning), Ming Tang (Ritual Hall), and Ling Tai (Spirit Terrace) all built by 56 AD. All three of these structures were located outside the city to the south, confirmed by archaeological excavation.
• Page 39: The Pi Yong was located along a road near Kaiyangmen Gate. It had a square ground plan with each wall measuring 179 m (587 ft). There were four clusters of buildings spaced evenly apart, each cluster having three buildings. It was the site of the subsequent Wei and Jin dynasties' Pi Yong, and was partially rebuilt during Northern Wei but reconstruction was not completed during that dynasty (for reasons that Wang does not disclose).
• Page 39: The Ming Tang was also located on a road near Kaiyangmen Gate, although it was located 150 m (492 ft) east of the Pi Yong. It's ground plan was also square in shape, with each wall measuring 400 m (1,312 ft) in length. Within this enclosure was the main building of the round terrace which was 62 m (203 ft) in diameter. Both the Western Jin and Northern Wei rebuilt their Ming Tang on the same site.
• Page 39: The Ling Tai was located along a road outside of Pingchengmen Gate, about 80 m (262 ft) east of the Ming Tang. The design was roughly that of a square, with the eastern and western walls both measuring 220 m (722 ft) long while the northern and southern walls were only 200 m (656 ft) long. The main building of the Spirit Terrace had a square ground plan, its base measuring 50 m (164 ft) on each side. Although the top level of this terrace was destroyed, the ruins of the terrace still stand 8 m (26 ft) high.
• Page 39-40: Continuing the description of the Eastern Han Dynasty Ling Tai, QUOTE: "The upper level was 1.86 m higher than the lower level and was approachable by ramps. The structures on the lower level in reality were verandas...The structures on the higher level on each side of the central terrace consisted of five rooms each. The floors of these rooms were lined in rectangular tiles and the walls were painted various colors. The eastern rooms were painted green, the western ones white, the southern ones red, and the northern ones black. Obviously, these colors were related to the Four Deities that the structures represented (i.e. the Green Dragon, the White Tiger, the Red Bird, and the Black Turtle). It is noteworthy that the five rooms on the western side had dark inner chambers that were sunk below the central terrace. In these dark inner chambers the floor was lined with square tiles. According to the 'Treatise on Astronomy' in Jinshu, Zhang Pingzi (Zhang Heng, A.D. 78–139) constructed a bronze armillary sphere in a sealed room; it is perhaps these chambers that the text refers to. During the Wei and Western Jin dynasties, the Eastern Han Ling Tai continued to be used. But since it suffered severe damage during the fighting of the last years of the Western Jin, it was abandoned during the Northern Wei and a Buddhist pagoda was built on top of the terrace. The Buddhist images carved on bricks which were found during our excavation date from the Northern Wei."
• Page 40: The
  Chinese classic texts
  inscribed on stone were found in this section. The second section was also rectangular in plan, with its northern and southern walls both measuring approximately 200 m (656 ft) while the eastern and western walls measured 150 m (492 ft).
• Page 40: During the Eastern Han, the number of students enrolled in the Taixue often exceeded 30,000. In 175 AD, Emperor Ling of Han had the Confucian classics cut in stone and placed at the Taixue. This became a major attraction, so much so that we are told from historical texts that more than a thousand carriages a day jammed the street along the Taixue so that people could read and copy from the stone tablets. The Taixue was damaged by fire during in 190 during the rebellion of Dong Zhuo. The Taixue was rebuilt in later periods.

Wang's Miscellaneous Book Chapters

Wang, Zhongshu. (1982). Han Civilization. Translated by K.C. Chang and Collaborators. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.

• Page 52: The most important agricultural food staples during the Han Dynasty were
  Yangzi River region, wheat, barley, and rice were mostly produced, while rice paddies dominated southern agricultural fields. The Han Chinese ate long-grain rice, short-grain rice, and glutinous rice
  .
• Page 53: The Han Chinese also consumed
  Job's Tears, taro, mallow, mustard green, melon, bottle gourd, bamboo shoot, the roots of lotus plants, and ginger. Some of the fruits the Han ate included the chestnut, jujube, pear, peach, plum (including the plum of prunus salicina and Prunus mume), apricot, and the red bayberry
  .
• Page 53: Hemp was grown and commonly used for weaving cloth.
• Page 53: The use of iron agricultural implements was widespread during the Han, found even on the frontiers from
  plow, all used for tillage; the hoe used for weeding; and the sickle, used for harvesting." There were also rakes
  used for loosening the soil.
• Page 53: Han
  Warring States Period
  plowshares made almost entirely out of wood except for the blade.
• Page 54: Moldboards have been found in several sites excavated and dated to the Han Dynasty. They were attached to the top of the plowshare and were used alongside the plowshare to turn the soil.
• Page 54: The Han Chinese used oxen as draft animals for driving the plow, and they are depicted as such in numerous Han tomb brick stampings and painted murals. The plow could be driven by one or two oxen.
• Page 54-55: The Han Chinese used the three-legged seed drill, made of iron, and pulled along by an ox like a plow.
• Page 55: The Wei and Jin Chinese employed the harrow (tool) drawn by oxen, and it is very possible it existed since the Eastern Han. The farmer stood on the harrow as the ox dragged it, to increase downward pressure. After the plows turned the soil, the lumps of earth had to be broken apart with the teeth of the harrow. After the seeds were sown, they had to be covered by a leveler, which was also pulled by an ox. The leveler, like the harrow, was depicted in Wei and Jin art, but may have been used as early as Eastern Han.
• Page 55-56: The
  Dujiangyan Irrigation System built during the Qin. In 1974, a Han Dynasty stone statue of Li Bing
  standing almost 3 m (10 ft) tall was found at the bottom of the Dujiangyan. Apparently, QUOTE: "It was placed in the middle of the water not only to commemorate Li Bing's deeds but also to serve as a gauge of the water level."
• Page 56: The Chinese made extensive use of wells to irrigate farm fields. In addition to river water, artificial ponds and embankments were made to store irrigation water. Sluice gates were used to regulate water levels flowing from artificial reservoirs into nearby fields.
• Page 56-57: After grains were harvested using iron sickles, QUOTE: "threshing and winnowing had to be done.; these are also featured on certain pictorial bricks and murals. It is noteworthy that in the Han tombs in Luoyang and Jiyuan of Henan we have also found pottery models of winnowing machines. Generally speaking, millet and wheat were planted in the North, and the threshing process was necessary to separate out the chaff; whereas in the South, where rice was cultivated, the winnowing machine was needed to separate out the husks. However, from the Han tombs excavated at Luoyang and Jiyuan, we see that some winnowing machines were also used in the northern Central Plains area."
• Page 57: QUOTE "To process grains, a jiandui (treadle-operated tilt hammer) was commonly used. It was a simple machine operated by a foot whose purpose was to pound grain. Pictures of this machine appear on pictorial stones and bricks as well as in pottery models found in many places. From historical records we know that during the Wei and Jin dynasties there was also widespread use of water-powered tilt hammers. Mills, consisting of two rotating stone slabs, were also common during the Han. Actual mills as well as pottery models of them have been discovered at many archaeological sites and tombs. The earliest stone mill was found in a Han tomb in Mancheng. Underneath the mill there was a large bronze bowl, used to catch the flour ground out by the mill."
• Page 57: The Han Chinese domesticated and ate
  cows, sheep, pigs, and dogs
  . QUOTE: "In pottery models found in Han tombs, pigpens are often connected to the privies, the arrangement indicating that pig excrement was used to fertilize the fields."
• Page 58: The type of game animals hunted during the Han included
  Chinese Bamboo Partridge, magpie, common pheasant, and crane (bird)
  . Fish and turtles from natural rivers and lakes and artificial ponds were also hunted.
• Page 58: Obviously, there was widespread cultivation of the mulberry tree and silkworm to produce silk, a product made to supplement agricultural production of small-time private village farmers and by large-scale manufacturers.
• Page 58-59: From census records found in Han tombs, the average family in Eastern Han had 24.6 mou of land, or 6 mou per person (each mou is equivalent to 456 square m). According to Han records, 6 mou of land could only produce about 20 piculs (each picul equivalent to roughly 20 liters). A person's daily food requirement necessitated the consumption of 18 piculs a year, leaving the farmer with little surplus. To make matters worse, Han records also show heavy demands from taxes and for corvée labor service. This no doubt drove many small-time farmers into bankruptcy, forcing them to seek aid, shelter, and tenant jobs from large-scale landowners. QUOTE: "Some even had to sell themselves as slaves." The rise of rich, privately owned country manors swallowing up once independent farms and collecting all of the bankrupt farmers who used to work them could be seen by as early as the late Western Han.
• Page 59-60: Due to the lenient laws of the Eastern Han, this land aggrandizement became more severe as QUOTE "manors became both more numerous and larger. Agricultural production on the manors was carried out by the landowners' slaves and others who were personally dependent upon them; that is, the so-called bond-servants." At the same time, the manors of wealthy landowners became self-sufficient, as a varied work force could produce enough food for everyone and enough side industries to sell non-agricultural products for extra profit. This includes the production of hemp and silk for clothing, wine for ritual or beverage drinking, and vinegar for food.
• Page 60: As seen in Han tomb murals of Holinger, Inner Mongolia where a prominent official, landowner and colonel of the Wuhuan Army was buried, the murals depict all the labor processes of agriculture, as well as the layout of the manor. On the manor is a walled fort with a tall watchtower. QUOTE: "Hence we can see that the manor's buildings included those used for military or defensive purposes. The farmers who worked on the estate were not only the wards of the powerful landlord, they were also members of his private militia." In addition to clues in late Eastern Han historical texts about farmers who were given martial duties, QUOTE "From a late Eastern Han tomb in Tianhuishan in Chengdu, Sichuan, archaeologists found clay figures of farmers and soldiers; they not only are wearing the same kind of clothes, the farmers are also shown wearing large battle knifes [sic]. This evidence further corroborates the military roles of the farmers at that time."
• Page 61: During the late Eastern Han, Cao Cao curbed the power of landlords by prohibiting land aggrandizement and establishing the tuntian or "agricultural colony" system. QUOTE: "There were two kinds of tuntian, the commoners' and the soldiers'. In the first, common farmers who did not ahve their own land or oxen were recruited to farm government land under the direction of various agriculture officials. Fifty to sixty percent of their harvest had ot be turned over to the government. In the second kind of tuntian, soldiers were organized to engage in agricultural production and the harvest was used by the military." Two Wei or Jin dynasty wall murals of a military tuntian were found at Jiayuguan, Gansu province.

Lacquerware Crafts

• Page 80: There is evidence lacquerware existed in Neolithic China, made by the
  Shang Dynasty, including basins and boxes, with black designs (i.e. of taotie, leaf, thunder-cloud, and Chinese dragon
  ) against a red background.
• Page 81: Lacquerware production became common in the
  Warring States Period
  , when advances in manufacturing lacquerware were dramatically enhanced. Lacquerware production in the Han Dynasty was widespread, as proven by the enormous amount of archaeological finds in the past decades.
• Page 81: QUOTE: "The core materials used in Han lacquerware are mainly wood and fabric; bamboo cores were also used, but only rarely." The next page also says that wood was more common than fabric cores.
• Page 82: The methods of creating the wooden cores for lacquerwares involved using a turntable for curved or rounded lacquerwares, carving the wood without a turntable for non-curved wares, or nailing thin pieces of wood together to form a thin cylinder.
• Page 82-83: In terms of decoration, painting with lacquer involved mixing pigments with semitranslucent lacquer which could be painted onto a lacquer surface; this was the most common method. Another involved painting with oil, the latter which was mixed with pigments, but this method yielded designs which deteriorate easily over time, unlike the lustrous lacquer-based paint. Another decoration method was incising the designs into the lacquer with a pointed needle. Incised designs included figures of tigers, hares, birds, fish, dragons, horses, and other animal designs, as well as horses and carriages, human figures, cloud-scrolls, floral designs, and geometric motifs. Some incised lacquerwares were inlaid with gold and silver.
• Page 83: Han lacquerwares also had gilt or silvered bronze mountings added to the rims of lacquerware basins, vessels, storage boxes, and cosmetic boxes. Gilded buttons were inlaid into the handles of lacquered cups. Other Han lacquerwares were inlaid with crystal or glass beads.
• Page 83: The price of lacquer-made goods was high, as one lacquered cup was equivalent in price to that of ten bronze cups. It was recorded that it took the labor of a hundred workmen to make a single lacquered cup, and the work of a thousand workmen to make a single lacquered screen. Since they were expensive luxury items, lacquerwares were often inscribed with the clan name characters or official titles of the officials or nobles who owned them.
• Page 84-85: Many of the lacquer items made in the Han were crafted in workshops run by the government, either in imperial workshops managed by the central government or in local departments of commerce and handicraft. Some lacquerwares were incscribed with an incredible amount of detail. For example, the lacquerwares made for the Western Han Marquis of Ruyin (his tomb at Shuanggudui in Fuyang County, Anhui Province) bore not only the owner's name and title, but many bore the name of the type of vessel (such as a zhi vessel), its voluminous capacity in a unit of measure (for example, 5 sheng), the date it was made, the official who oversaw the work, and the workman's name who made the item. There are many lacquerware items where the name of the workshop is inscribed, such as the lacquer workshops in Shu and Guanghan prefectures of Sichuan that were attested to in the Book of Han. Other centrally-controlled workshops mentioned in the Book of Han were located in Henan and Shandong.
• Page 85: Confirming statements made in the Book of Han, some Han lacquerwares were found to have gilt or silvered bronze mounts.
• Page 86-87: The imperial mark of "chenyu" incised on lacquerwares used specifically by the emperor were found far from the capital in
  Noin Ula (in Mongolia); Wang says this indicates that the emperor offered lacquerwares as gifts to his far-flung officials, to leaders of minority groups, and to foreigners. Like many other lacquer items, the ones found at Qingzhen, Pyongyang, and Noin Ula had inscriptions of "the year of manufacture, the name of the workshop, the type of vessel and its capacity, and the names of officials and workmen involved." In fact, it even mentioned the specific job in the division of labor next to each of the surnames of the workmen, including a wood-core cutter, a person who applied the first layers of lacquer, a person who applied the final layers of lacquer, a person who painted the design, and on some these are followed by the workman responsible for gilding the bronze handles or mounts, while one name title is debated as to whether it signifies one who incises or one who polishes and buffers, while another was an inspector responsible for making sure the vessel was clean, and finally the general supervising foreman of the entire workshop. This methodical process and division of labor was refined by at least the late 1st century BC, during the reign of Emperor Cheng of Han
  (33–7 BC), while only part of these steps was mentioned in the inscriptions on lacquerwares dated to the early 1st century BC.
• Page 87-88: Government lacquer shop workmen came from one of three distinct groups of people during the Han, those being exiled peasants, convicts, and skilled craftsmen who were often slaves.

• Page 100: Here he talks about the great amount of luxury bronzewares found in Prince Liu Sheng and Dou Wan's tomb at Mancheng in Hebei, which included the gilt bronze sculpture of a maid holding a real lamp which could be adjusted so that rays of light could be projected in different directions or made bright or dim; the smoke from the lamp also went into the body of the sculpture, leading Wang Zhongshu to conclude that this was an antipollution device.
• Page 101-102: In a strange phase of degeneration, the rich and sophisticated patterns achieved in bronzeware production during the Warring States and Western Han became rare during the Eastern Han, as even palace utensils became no exception. "Instead, plain bronzes became popular," that is bronzewares with little decoration. There is speculation as to why this came about. It could have simply been a fashion statement. Or, the refinement of decoration on lacquerwares and the increasing use of the latter might have pushed bronzewares onto a level of lesser importance in terms of daily use as vessels, utensils, etc. However, evidence to the contrary shows that the bronze industry had in now way been diminished in Eastern Han; in fact, the scale of production was further developed. Others speculate that the plainness in most Eastern Han vessels indicates a decline in professional bronze craftsmanship, but this does not sit well with the fact that some Eastern Han bronzewares were still highly decorative.
• Page 102: Bronzewares were used not only within the palace by the imperial family, as the nobility, government officials, and even mid-to-small landowners purchased and used bronzes. QUOTE: "Their popularity has been substantiated by the excavation of many Han tombs. It is fair to say that precisely because of the simplification of bronze patterns it was possible to produce large quantities of bronzes, thus making them widely popular during the Han."
• Page 103: Han bronze items included lamps, incense burners, tables, irons, stoves, and dripping jars. "Although bronze lamps existed during the Warring States period, Han lamps greatly exceeded those of the Warring States in variety, quantity, and popularity."
• Page 103: Even as plain bronzewares became popular, gilded bronzes with thin engraved lines became equally so. Relief casting decoration on bronzes was known in the Han but not before; on a Western Han goblet found in Shanxi and dated to 26 BC, there is relief castings popping out and representing monkeys, camels, oxen, rabbits, sheep, deer, tigers, foxes, bears, wild geese, crows, ducks, birds, and other animals. The Han continued the Warring States practice of inlaying with gold, silver, and precious stones, such as with corals, turqouise and blue gems.
• Page 103-104: Bronze was also used to make intricate models of carriages, horses, and mounted horsemen. Chinese civilization was one of the first to create bronze mirrors, and there was no shortage of them made during the Han.
• Page 104-105: The Warring States style of bronze mirrors was the mainstay during the early Western Han, but by the time of Emperor Wu of Han there were mirror types and decorations that were unique and distinctively Han, such as the grass-leaf pattern mirror and star-cloud pattern mirror. Many Western Han mirrors had decorations of the Four Deities (Green Dragon, White Tiger, Red Bird, and Black Turtle). Mirrors with dated inscriptions (of the production date) appear during the Wang Mang interregnum, as this trend persisted in Eastern Han. A new style emerged during Eastern Han as well, with mirrors having cast designs in relief. These new relief mirrors featured decorations of deities, spiritual beasts, human figures on horses or in carriages, etc. Whereas Western Han styles were uniform throughout China, the latter Eastern Han style was developed first in Zhejiang and diffused slowly throughout the country, so that a variety of styles could be found in north and south China.
• Page 105: QUOTE: "In 1953 an investigation of a Western Han copper-mine site in Xinglong, Hebei Province, disclosed shafts, ore-selection ground, and smelting workshops. The mine shafts were more than 100 m below the ground surface, and led to spacious mining areas. Iron hammers and pegs found near the shafts were the mining tools. Tunnels were dug around the mining area. Ores were selected near the exits of the tunnels and then taken to four nearby smelting workshops. The furnaces seem to have been round brick structures, according to what is left of them."
• Page 106-107: In addition to the central government and prefectural government production of bronzes for the palace or for government offices, private bronze smelting was also quite common. "Private mirror producers often made use of mirror inscriptions to advertise the superior quality and elegant design of the mirrors they made."

Iron Implements, Weapons, Armor

• Page 122: Wang says that the widespread production of iron tools during the Han Dynasty in both farming and waterworks increased productivity of food crops (and other farm products) thus boosting the overall population of China to about 60 million people; this is compared to some scholars' estimates that China of the
  Warring States Period
  only had 20 million people.
• Page 122: Iron tools made during the Han included the plowshare, pickax, spade, shove, hoe, sickle, ax, adz, hammer, chisel, knife, saw, awl, nails, etc. which QUOTE: "raised the efficiency of carpenters, bamboo craftsmen, stonemasons, and earth builders, making possible completion of large-scale construction projects."
• Page 122: Iron tools were essential for shipbuilding. In 1975, an ancient shipyard discovered in Guangzhou is now dated to the Qin or early Han period, having three large platforms capable of building wooden ships that were 30 m (98 ft) long, 8 m (26 ft) wide, and had a weight capacity of 60 metric tons.
• Page 122-123: Even by the early Western Han period, long iron swords (about one meter long) had completely replaced the short bronze swords (less than half a meter) characteristic of the Warring States Period. A new type of large iron knife with a ring at the end of the handle appeared during the Western Han, and became a major weapon during Eastern Han; it is depicted on many stone carvings of soldiers also holding shields. SIDE NOTE: You should poke around the article
  Chinese swords
  and describe a few in the Han article if you can find sources on them.
• Page 123: Although bronze
  ji halberds
  . The spearheads themselves were on average half a meter long, while the spearhead with the wooden shaft together would have been 2.5 m long. As for bronze to wholly-iron weapons, the same went for arrowheads; at first the tip remained bronze and the shaft of the iron, but eventually the entire arrow was crafted of just iron.
• Page 123: There is a large number of Han Dynasty iron armor specimens from various excavations. These were of the
  scale armor type, as Han suits of armor literally had thousands of tiny iron plates, such as a 2,800 plate scale armor suit found in the Western Han tomb of Liu Sheng
  at Mancheng, Hebei.
• Page 123: There were also barbed iron balls with sharp points sticking in all directions, thrown on the ground to deter marching soldiers and riding cavalry outside of city gates.
• Page 123: For everyday essential utensils, iron played the biggest role than other metals such as bronze. Common domestic iron tools included ding tripods, stoves, cooking pots, belt buckles, tweezers, fire tongs, scissors, kitchen knives, fishhooks, and needles.
• Page 124: Iron lamps were just as common as bronze ones, and iron mirrors became popular towards the late Eastern Han.
• Page 124: Here he talks about how iron and salt were monopolized under Emperor Wu's reign; no big surprise there.
• Page 125: Of iron products produced by the state after the monopoly's institution, iron goods bore inscriptions that hinted at which prefecture and even which workshop they were made in.
• Page 125: FINALLY! I now know where Tieshengguo is located; it is in Gongxian, not the Gongxian in Sichuan, but the Gongxian at the foot of Mount Song in Henan. Along with blast furnaces and crucible furnaces found there, there were also puddling furnaces which could turn liquid cast iron into steel or wrought iron. QUOTE: "Most of the smelting furnaces were semisubterranean with walls made of refractory bricks, and both the bricks and the bottom of the furnace were covered with refractory clay."
• Page 126: Even more important (in my mind) was the find at Tieshengguo of the types of feul used, which were wood, coal and coal cakes. QUOTE: The coal cakes were made of coal powder mixed with clay and quartz."

Ceramics

• Page 141-142: Gray Pottery. Although gray pottery had existed during the Shang and Zhou, during the Han it surpassed previous gray pottery in quality. Wang states that "It is no exaggeration to say taht in succeeding periods the techniques of gray pottery manufacture did not advance beyond the level attained by the Han potters." The firing was uniform, the firing temperatures reached beyond 1000° C (1832° F), and the finished product was very hard. The larger gray pottery wares ranged from 50 to 70 cm (20 to 28 in) in height. Warring States, Western Han, and Eastern Han kilns found at Wuji in Wu'an County, Hebei province were examined by archaeologists, and it was found that Han kilns had larger chambers, longer fire tunnels, and improved chimney designs compared to earlier kilns. Except for some having parallel bowstring lines, incised geometric patterns, or stamped patterns, most gray pottery was plain and without decoration. The old Neolithic cord mark pattern was rare by Western Han, and virtually died out after that era. Its continued use was not seen in vessels, but it was seen in roof tiles. Some gray pottery vessels had painted designs applied after firing, so the paint on these usually has not survived, flaking easily. Since none of the painted wares were found in residential areas, only in tombs, it is safe to say they were of a funerary use. Some pottery vessels were even covered in lacquer.
• Page 143: Hard Pottery. Coexisting with the gray pottery was a southern Chinese ceramic type called ying tao, or "hard pottery", made from a strong and dense adhesive clay native only to southern China. (i.e. Guangdong, Guangxi, Hunan, Jiangxi, Fujian, Zhejiang, and southern Jiangsu). Hard pottery was fired at an even higher temperature than gray pottery, while the ceramic paste was harder. They often had a stamped checkerboard pattern or an incised wave or sawtooth pattern.
• Page 143-145: Glazed Pottery. A new type of glazed pottery with a thick brown or green glaze became prominent, appearing first around Guanzhong in Shaanxi province the mid Western Han Dynasty as well as Luoyang in Henan, and afterwards became widespread and even common by the late Western Han. The brown glazes were the earliest, while the green glazes were an even newer type. The green glaze wares trumped the popularity of brown glaze wares by the Eastern Han period. The glazes of these contain oxidized lead. The firing temperature was relatively low at about 800° C (1472° F). The Shang Dynasty and Zhou Dynasty had glazed ceramics, but these were a lighter green and were fired under much higher temperatures. Han glazed wares imitate some Han bronze wares, while models of granaries, stoves, water wells, towers, and depictions of humans and animals were often made from glazed pottery.
• Page 145: Celadon. The light-green-glazed stoneware known as celadon was thought to exist only since the Three Kingdoms, but now there are shards of celadon wares that are thought to have been invented during the Eastern Han period in Zhejiang province, in the region of Shaoxing and Shangyu.
• Page 146-147: The ceramics industry was mostly in the hands of private owners of workshops. However, local governments also operated their own ceramics workshops who stamped their goods to identify which government workshop they were derived from.
• Pages 147-148: The making of bricks and roof tiles was an important part of the overall ceramics industry in Han. Brick-making began in the Warring States Period, and were used mostly in constructing tombs. The bricks used in tombs had characteristically hollow cores, and were often very large, more than a meter (3.28 ft) in length. In contrast, a smaller brick type that measured 20 to 30 cm (8 to 12 in) long was used for many types of buildings. The square type was used most often for paved floors. The rectangular type was used to build dwellings, granaries, the walls of water wells, water drain holes, and replaced the larger hollow brick in vaulted tomb architecture by the Eastern Han period (a trend which actually began in the Western Han, but did not supersede the use of the large hollow brick at that point). Bricks were not used for building city walls, as the Chinese were content with stamped and rammed earth structures. Han tomb architecture included the feature of wedge-shaped-brick arches and archways. Some bricks featured mortise and tenon joints. Some tomb bricks had decorative motifs stamped onto them.
• Page 148-149: The oldest pottery roof tiles archaeologists have discovered in China date to the
  Warring States Period, the faces (or eaves) of cylindrical tiles were often semicircular, with plain faces or decorated faces. During the Han, cylindrical roof tiles were often stamped with a cord-pattern decor. The semicircular faces were gradually replaced by full circle ones. Decorations on the face became uniform in design and decoration, from the large cities to the small towns. A common eave pattern was the scrolling cloud motif. Palaces and government halls had impressed character decorations on them indicating the name of the building. Some tiles had auspicious phrases in Chinese characters impressed onto them for decoration. Buildings of a ceremonial nature during the reign of Wang Mang
  had tiles which showed one of the Four Deities on their eave faces.

• Page 175: Burial chambers were built of brick and stone. As of 1982, some ten thousand Han Dynasty tombs have been discovered. Prior to Han, most tombs were of the rectangular earthen pit type, of varying sizes, built from the ground downward, hence called "vertical pits". During Western Han, underground tomb chambers were built down and then laterally underground, hence called "horizontal pits". In the Western Han, large hollow bricks were used, but by the Eastern Han, smaller and non-hollow bricks were used to make the domed chambers and archways of the tombs. Some tombs in the Eastern Han were also made out of stone. Horizontal tunneling into mountain cliffs to make tomb chambers existed in both Western and Eastern Han. By using stone and brick construction in tombs, QUOTE: "These features came from an effort to imitate the houses of the living."
• Page 176: Tombs in the
  Warring States Period
  were vertical earthen pits with wooden encasings or sidings, a trend that did continue in Western Han, although it existed side by side with the new brick and stone tombs.
• Page 176: For the burial caskets of royalty, nobles, and high officials, they had several wooden layers covering the inner coffin.
• Page 176: The imperial tombs dug into mountainsides were arranged to have several compartments, those being a front hall, a number of side chambers, and a rear hall. This was the case of the tomb of Liu Sheng, Prince Jing of Zhongshan. His tomb had a front hall where drapes and "principal grave goods" were placed, a southern side chamber for horses and carriages, a northern side chamber for storage, and the rear hall contained the coffin itself. Actual timber houses with tiled roofs were erected in the front hall and side chambers, while the rear hall had a house built of stone slabs with two stone doors. Overall the structure of the tomb imitated residential architecture that could be found above ground.
• Page 177: In the early Western Han, hollow-brick tombs were laid out in much the same way Warring States' rectangular pit graves looked, but by the mid Western Han, the hollow-brick tombs began imitating the layout of a house with gabled roof and door-shaped front wall. These hollow bricks were stamped with decorations, while some tombs had polychromic murals. Tombs found in Luoyang had murals of the Four Deities (Green Dragon, White Tiger, Red Brid, and Black Turtle), as well as
  Feast at Hong Gate. Tombs also had sky charts
  .
• Page 177-178: Sometime in the mid Western Han, tombs with arches built of small bricks appeared, and would eventually phase out the large hollow-brick tombs. In the tomb of the Marquis of Fuyang (in Wangdu, Hebei), murals depict officials, attendants, processions of horses and carriages, as well as scenes of banquets and entertainment.
• Page 178: The murals found in the Holinger, Inner Mongolia tomb of a military colonel of Wuhuan District illustrate his official career through scenes of horses and carriage processions. Inscriptions reveal he was a native of Dingxiangjun and was selected as a Xiaolian candidate for appointment, whereafter he served administrative posts and then his colonelcy in Wuhuan. The murals even showed town scenes of where he previously worked, with streets, official buildings, markets, and warehouses. There was also a mural of his manor where many different agricultural tasks were carried out by his retainers.
• Page 178: The stone chamber tombs that became prevalent in Eastern Han had engraved designs, thus called "tomb with pictorial stones" (hua xiang shi mu); their layout imitated that of actual houses above ground. In a tomb excavated in 1954 in Yinan, this connection is made most explicit with an engraved courtyard scene revealing that the layout of the tomb was identical to the layout of his real home.
• Page 179: As for burial mounds heaped on top of these underground structures, they did not exist in Shang and Western Zhou, started on a small scale in the Warring States Period, and became universal during the Han Dynasty.
• Page 179-180: Building shrines on top of tombs also began in the Warring States, but it did not become very popular until the Han Dynasty, along with building monumental towers. Many of the monumental towers were built of masonry and bricks, so many of them survive today! There's a picture in Wang's book. Stone animal sculptures were also built outside of tombs.
• Page 180: Beginning in Eastern Han, stone steles were placed in front of tombs, which recorded the dates of birth and death along with a short history of the tomb inhabitants' lives.
• Page 180: During Western Han, wooden coffins were assembled by using mortise and tenon joints while the lid was secured by wooden wedges placed into notches on both the lid and coffin. During the Eastern Han, the use of iron nails became universal in building them.
• Page 181: The coffins of the wealthy were elaborately decorated, some totally lacquered. Continuing an old Zhou tradition, Han coffins had funerary banners draped over them, which were used in the funerary procession leading towards the tomb before burial. Wang says the typical banner is about 2 m (6.5 ft) long, or roughly identical to the length of the coffin. The banners were made of silk and painted in fine color pigments featuring pictures that depict the world of men, heaven, and the underworld. Heaven is shown to have the sun, moon, and sometimes stars, while the sun has a golden crow and the moon a toad and a white rabbit, and sometimes Chang'e, the goddess of the moon. The underworld is portrayed as having aquatic animals and an aquatic palace at the bottom of the sea. The world of men shows scenes of daily life and a small portrait of the tomb master himself. More humble tombs had banners of hemp instead of silk, while some had no pictures or simply images of sun and moon. All banners had inscriptions of the tomb owners' names as well as their homeplaces.
• Page 181-182: A trend that began in Western Han (and continued into Eastern Han), some Han nobles and royalty were interred in the jade burial suit, made of small square jade plates, strung together by gold, silver, or copper threads.
• Page 182-183: Some Han tombs also had books of bamboo slips that listed the entire inventory of the grave goods in the tombs, including their names and quantities. Instead of bamboo strip books, wooden tablets were also used.
• Page 206: In addition to the layout of the tomb imitating that of the house above ground, tombs were also furnished with all the vessels and utensils that one would have used in daily life. The Chinese believed that these items could be used by the dead in their afterlives so they could continue to be comfortable in the other world.
• Page 206: The food items found placed in tomb number 1, meant for consumption in the afterlife, included rice, wheat, barley, panic millet, foxtail millet, soybeans, red beans, melons, jujubes, pears, plums, strawberries, malva, mustard greens, lotus roots, bamboo shoots, pigs, cattle, sheep, dogs, deer, rabbit, ducks, cranes, pigeons, owls, wild geese, magpies, sparrows, Mandarin ducks, pheasants, bamboo pheasants, three different types of carp including crucian carp, perch, and bream. These foods were often cooked and stuffed in cereals, cakes, and other wrappings. Condiments included honey, soy sauce, and salt. There was also a hefty amount of wine. The names of the dishes prepared were listed on the inventories found in the tombs.
• Page 206-207: Clothing items found in the tombs included padded robes, double-layered robes, single-layered robes, single-layered skirts, shoes, socks, and mittens. Most of these items were made of silk. Large bamboo-matted suitcases were used to store these clothing items. Items found in suitcases included patterned fabric and embroidery, common silk, damask and brocade, the leno (or gauze) weave, all with rich colors and designs.
• Page 207: The most common grave items were bronze, lacquer, and pottery goods, most of them being food or drink containers. Lamps, incense burners, irons (for ironing clothes), toilet article boxes, mirros, knives, and swords were also common items. Lavish ornaments found in tombs of the wealthy included beads and pendants made of jade, opal, amber, quartz, gold, and silver. While early and middle Western Han grave goods often contained what the tomb occupants used in real life, by the early Western Han period it became popular to use goods that were made exclusively for funerary burials. The earliest of these were small models of stoves and granaries of the early Western Han, a tomb item that became common by the mid Western Han. Then models of other building types started to appear in mid Western Han, including models for querns, wells, pigsties, multistoried buildings, pestling shops, and farm fields. There were many pottery models of pigs, dogs, sheep, chickens, ducks. These became even more prominent in the Eastern Han.

Expansion, Trade, and Foreign Relations

Davis's book

Davis, Paul K. (2001). 100 Decisive Battles: From Ancient Times to the Present. New York: Oxford University Press.

• Page 43: In the
  Liu Bang while Chu allegedly had 100,000 soldiers led by Xiang Yu
  .
• Page 44:
  Ziying
  , and the occupation of Xianyang by Liu Bang's forces.
• Page 44: Liu Bang was able to stabilize the region until Xiang Yu arrived two months later. Xiang Yu had the deposed Qin ruler executed and then had his men pillage Xianyang once he carried off the stores in the treasury for himself and his officers. The alienated Liu Bang did not challenge Xiang Yu, and instead safely played a neutral role. Instead of following the heavily-centralized Qin model, Xiang Yu began reorganizing China
  into various minor kingdoms
  that would belong to a larger confederacy led by him. He achieved this by killing the King of Chu and taking the throne for himself. Liu Bang was rewarded and slighted at the same time when he was given a minor kingdom to rule in the remote southern part of the Qin homeland called Han, thus Liu Bang called himself the King of Han. This was perhaps a move by Xiang Yu to provide distance between himself and a potential rival. To make things more tense, rumors flew about that Xiang Yu's advisors were suggesting that Liu Bang should be assassinated.
• Page 44-45: In the fifth month of 206 BC, Liu Bang went on a campaign quelling the kingdoms of the west which composed the old Qin heartland. When he approached Luoyang, he heard news that Xiang Yu had deposed and killed the King of Chu. This allowed Liu Bang to rally other kingdoms to the cause of avenging this regicide, but his assault on Chu's stronghold at Pengcheng was a failure. Liu Bang was only able to escape due to a sudden storm that stalled Xiang Yu's troops. To make matters worse, some of Liu Bang's family members were held hostage by Xiang Yu, including Liu's father. The momentum started working against Liu Bang, as more kingdoms decided to side with Xiang Yu in this fight.
• Page 45: Once again, at Xingyang along the Yellow River, Liu Bang barely escaped with his life following a defeat. Xiang Yu was unable to pursue Liu Bang, however, since the general Han Xin was making major inroads in the east. At Guangwu, the enemy armies camped on opposite sides of the Yellow River. Xiang Yu threatened to kill Liu Bang's father if he did not surrender, but Liu Bang did not budge. Xiang Yu, on the other hand, decided to spare Liu Bang's father. Then Xiang Yu challenged Liu Bang to single combat and managed to wound Liu Bang with an arrow bolt shot from a crossbow. Liu Bang withdrew into Chenggao which was then beseiged by Xiang Yu. However, Xiang Yu, hearing reports about Liu Bang's supporters having successes elsewhere against Chu, had to withdraw with part of his forces and left only a smaller force to continue the siege against Chenggao. Liu Bang used this opportunity to barge out of the city and defeat the remaining besiegers. When Xiang Yu learned of this, he pulled back around to meet Liu Bang, but the latter retreated into the mountains.
• Page 45: At this point in 203 BC, Xiang Yu offered Liu Bang a deal where he would split China in half, the eastern side belonging to him and the western side to Liu Bang. Liu Bang conceded to this arrangement, which prompted Xiang Yu to release the Liu relatives from captivity.

Battle of Gaixia

• Page 45: This arrangement was short-lived, though, since Liu Bang's advisers urged him that he had enough support from the various kings to assault and destroy Xiang Yu in the east. Add to this the advantage that Chu troops were almost totally exhausted at this point from constant marching and lack of supplies.
• Page 45: At Gaixia in modern Anhui province, the two forces met. Liu Bang coerced his subordinates to follow him into battle by enticing them with the prospect that they would be given fiefs. Xiang Yu erected a walled camp at Gaixia, while Liu Bang's forces surrounded in the twelfth month of 202 BC. The forces arrayed were allegedly 300,000 under Liu's banner and 100,000 under Xiang's banner. General Han Xin attempted to attack Xiang Yu's center when he led his army out on the field, but his assault was not successful in breaking Chu's formation. However, when two other Han generals attacked from the flanks, the Chu army began to falter, allowing Han Xin to renew his attack on the center. This forced the Chu forces to retreat within their fortified camp.
• Page 45: After a night of heavy drinking, Xiang Yu fled his camp with 800 cavalry in the early morning. When Liu Bang was awoken and told what had happened, he despatched 5,000 cavalry to pursue them. With only 100 horsemen left, Xiang Yu crossed the Huai River. Since he was completely lost, he stopped to ask a farmer where he was. The farmer tricked him by telling Xiang Yu to go in one direction that actually led to a swamp. It was here that Han cavarly finally reached him and cornered him.
• Page 45-46: Xiang Yu was convinced that Heaven was against him and that it was no personal fault of his own that he was now in this predicament. To prove this, he planned to ride through the enemy formation and kill an enemy general while also severing banners. He divided his remaining cavalry into four squadrons which departed from the hilltop in different directions. This threw the Han troops into confusion, Xiang Yu did manage to kill a Han officer, and the Chu troops and Xiang Yu managed to meet up on the east side of the river. Then Xiang Yu divided his men into three divisions and attacked the Han troops again. The Han troops responded by dividing their own troops into three and pursuing these three enemy bodies, not knowing which one contained Xiang Yu. Again, Xiang Yu was able to kill another Han officer. Allegedly, he only lost 2 men in this melee, while the Han lost some 50 to 100.
• Page 46: This moving battle continued southward towards the
  Yangzi River
  , where a boatman offered to ferry Xiang Yu to escape to the other side to safety, but Xiang Yu was not interested in avoiding Heaven's eventual judgment. He gave the boatman his prized horse (which he rode out into combat for the last 5 years), and then led his men (now all dismounted) to face Han for the last time. Xiang Yu became surrounded and was wounded several times. Knowing that there was a price for anyone who brought back his head, he decided to kill himself out of defiance.
• Page 46: All the forces of Chu surrendered to Liu Bang after Xiang Yu's death, except for those in the city of Lu. Liu Bang was impressed with the city's defiance and courage. He rode up to the city walls himself with the head of Xiang Yu. The city surrendered once they saw the severed head, and Liu Bang treated the surrendered inhabitants courteously. Liu Bang buried Xiang Yu with full honors and did not harm Xiang's family.
• Page 46: With power vested in him, Liu Bang's followers urged him to take the title huangdi, which he accepted and became Emperor Gaozu of Han, reigning from 202 to 195 BC. Liu Bang became a very well-respected ruler, reversing the ban on books imposed by Qin. However, he did retain the political organization left behind by the Qin empire with its various province administered by governors appointed by the imperial government. Liu Bang also rewarded his faithful generals with fiefs for their services.

Yü's Book

Yü, Ying-shih. (1967). Trade and Expansion in Han China: A Study in the Structure of Sino-Barbarian Economic Relations. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Introduction: The Problem and Its Origins

• Page 2: As Ying-shih Yü points out, trade and expansion in the Han Dynasty period was a result of the court's offensive against the Xiongnu and their desire to control various tribal and nomadic groups on the frontiers, so that disturbances and unwanted incursions could be kept to a minimum. The eventual direct trade with Central Asia and indirect trade with states further west was a side benefit, but not the chief goal, which was to suppress hostile components across China's vast frontier borders. In this case, Han expansion was QUOTE: "a means to an end rather than an end in itself." Emperor Wu's expansion of the empire brought about a wave of posthumous criticism by later Western Han ministers. As for Emperor Wu, QUOTE: "Even the expansionist emperor himself issued a decree toward the end of his life expressing his regrets."
• Page 2-3: Later Emperors, such as Emperor Xuan and Emperor Guangwu, were reluctant to follow the expansionist policy in the Western Regions. This is displayed in many examples, such as the Eastern Han Dynasty's annual aid of 74,800,000 cash given to the states of the Western Regions in comparison to the 100,900,000 cash given yearly to the Southern Xiongnu alone.
• Page 3: The Han Chinese state's interaction with foreign peoples will also be analyzed in regards to its relation with Confucian thought and the so-called Confucian state.
• Page 4: The Chinese had a long history of relations and predicaments with northern barbarian groups. For example, the abandonment of the Zhou capital at Hao (near what was to be
  Rong people
  's invasion.

Policy Background and Foundations of Trade

Foreign Policy

• Page 47-48 continued: As shown here, the amount reached its peak and probably remained at that amount during the reign of Wang Mang. Ying-shih Yü says that it must be pointed out that these numbers are the only ones clearly indicated in the Book of Han. The figures in the table above cannot be viewed as the total amount of silk given to the Xiongnu in this period, since every payment was likely not to be recorded in the Book of Han.
• Page 48: Han Chinese silk goods and lacquerwares dating to the late 1st century BC/early 1st century AD were found in Xiongnu tombs of northern Mongolia, at the
  Noin-Ula kurgans
  .
• Page 49: The increasing amounts of silk given to the Xiongnu show how important the tributary system was to the Chinese, so much so that they were willing to pay a heavy price (literally). From scanty amount of evidence it has been proven that the heqin agreement actually had the Chinese handing over less silk than in the tributary system (whatever 10,000 pi of silk means, which was the shanyu's suggested increase in 89 BC).
• Page 49-50: During the end of Wang Mang's rule, the Xiongnu reunited and took advantage of the Chinese Empire's internal chaos. They began raiding the Chinese frontiers once more, and even attempted to reestablish heqin relations. However, they broke apart into two branches (Northern and Southern) again in 47 AD, while Emperor Guangwu of Han had consolidated the Chinese Empire once more and brought the Southern Xiongnu back into the tributary system in 50 AD (i.e., the shanyu of the Southern Xiongnu sent a hostage prince to the capital, sent tribute, and appeared in the capital to pay homage). This second split of the Xiongnu in 47 AD was a permanent one, because the Northern Xiongnu were a few decades later decimated by the Han Dynasty. In the visit to the capital in 50 AD, the Southern Shanyu received 10,000 pieces of silk fabric, 10,000 catties of silk, 25,000 hu of rice, and 36,000 head of cattle.
• Page 50: From this point on, Han-Xiongnu relations became regularized. At the end of each year, the Shanyu sent his tribute bearers and a hostage prince, and in return the Chinese handed over the hostage prince of the previous year. Xiongnu envoys received their own set of gifts, as well as the mass of Xiongnu nobility under the shanyu (so not just the shanyu himself was bestowed with gifts).
• Page 50-51: Evidence that the Xiongnu economy had broken down by this point is the fact that they required gifts of tens of thousands of sheep and cattle from the Han court. The administrator Yuan An (d. 92) remarked in 91 AD that the Later Han provisions given to the Xiongnu amounted to the cash equivalent of 90,000 to 100,000 annually. This is confirmed by a memorial sent by the shanyu in 88 AD, who said that the Xiongnu relied on China for food and each year received gifts numbering in the hundreds of millions. Furthermore, the Xiongnu were required to give the Chinese tribute in return.
• Page 51: This increase in goods and dependence on these goods most likely correlate with a population expansion. In Huhanye's time (i.e. mid 1st century BC), it is estimated by Yü that the Southern Xiongnu population did not exceed 60,000, but by 90 AD, the total number of Southern Xiongnu is given in the
  Book of Later Han
  as 237,300 people.

The Qiang, Wuhuan, and Xianbei

• Page 51-52: The Xiongnu defeated and subjugated the Qiang people of Gansu around the same time that the Han Chinese lost at the Battle of Baideng in 200 BC. When the later Emperor Wu of Han invaded the Hexi Corridor, one of his main objectives was to split apart the Xiongnu-Qiang alliance and to befriend the Qiang people.
• Page 52: The Qiang were a scattered people who began moving into the Chinese frontier to make contact during Emperor Xuan of Han's reign, but they were too scattered to incorporate into the tributary system effectively. Nevertheless, in 98 AD one of the more powerful Qiang tribes paid homage to the Han court during the reign of Emperor He of Han, and in return they received imperial gifts.
• Page 52-53: As early as the 1st century BC during Western Han, Qiang people were employed to guard the Chinese frontier and interacted with the Chinese on a daily basis. Yet some Chinese took advantage of the language barriers and different customs of their people in order to steal their cattle, women, children, and rob them of other belongings. This enraged the Qiang, who then revolted against Chinese authority. As early as 88 BC, the Xiongnu tried to persuade the Qiang to revolt against the Han under the pretext that the Han were draining their manpower due to the labor services the Chinese had the Qiang perform. As written by Ban Biao in 33 AD and many other Eastern Han writers, the problems of Chinese robbing the Qiang, overworking the Qiang, and the Qiang subsequently revolting against Han continued into the Eastern Han period.
• Page 53-54: The Wuhuan people, living mostly in southern Manchuria, were subjugated by the Xiongnu during the beginning of the Western Han. They were forced to pay tribute of cattle and furs to the Xiongnu. When the armies of Emperor Wu defeated the Xiongnu, the Wuhuan people were incorporated into the Chinese tributary sphere and regularly paid homage to the Chinese court.
• Page 54: However, during the end of Western Han, when conditions in China were breaking down, the Xiongnu imposed a tax on the Wuhuan, forcing them to hand over cloth and fur. When the Chinese persuaded the Wuhuan not to pay the Xiongnu any tax, the Xiongnu captured some 1,000 Wuhuan women and children and forced the Wuhuan to pay a steep ransom in cattle, cloth, and fur.
• Page 54: The Wuhuan became a Xiongnu ally during the reign of Emperor Guangwu of Han, and partook in the raids on Chinese territory. When the Xiongnu realm was split and became weakened in 46 AD, Emperor Guangwu won the Wuhuan back over to the side of Han with gifts of silk and cash. A large group of Wuhuan came to the Han court in 49 AD to pay homage, presenting tribute of slaves, cattle, bows, and animal hides that were complimented by imperial Han gifts given in return. Many Wuhuan became settled across the frontier and were given provisions of Chinese food and clothes.
• Page 54-55: During Eastern Han, an office was reestablished at Ningcheng in
  Chahar (province) (what is now eastern Inner Mongolia) which dealt with the affairs of Wuhuan and Xianbei tribes. The office was responsible for forwarding gifts to them and forwarding their hostages to Luoyang
  . By the mid 2nd century AD, however, relations began to break down.
• Page 55: The Xianbei people were also active in Manchuria, but did not become active along the Han Chinese frontier boundaries until the Eastern Han period. Like the Wuhuan, the Xianbei were conquered by the Xiongnu during the beginning of Western Han and were forced to pay tribute. They were militarily stronger than the Wuhuan but were just as economically weak as the Wuhuan. As late as the 2nd century AD, some Xianbei were forced to render military service for the Xiongnu. The Xianbei alternated between submission and rebellion in their relations with Han China, engaging in trade as often as they did plunder along China's northern provinces.
• Page 55-56: Two Xianbei chieftains paid homage to the Han court in 54 AD, and when it was learned that the Han Chinese were willing to dispense a large amount of gifts, many more Xianbei chieftains submitted in 58 AD. After this, the Han provided them with annual gifts that were valued at 270,000,000 cash! This was three times the value in gifts given to the Southern Xiongnu, a testament to the military strength of the Xianbei.
• Page 56: However, relations broke down after the Han forces led by general Dou Xian defeated the Northern Xiongnu in 91 AD, forcing them to flee westward. The Xianbei took the opportunity to occupy former Northern Xiongnu lands and absorbed some 100,000 Xiongnu people into their forces. With a sudden and gigantic expansion in land and manpower, the Xianbei began their incursions of northern China. They were not incorporated back into the tributary system until the Yongchu Period (107–113), when they were offered even better economic terms than they were before. The Han regularized trade with them and built two "hostage hostels" in Ningcheng, eastern Inner Mongolia, for hostages of the Xianbei to reside. It is recorded that 121 Xianbei tribes became part of China's tributary system at this time, meaning a lot of hostages had to be overseen. When Eastern Han authority began to break down, the Xianbei became aggressive once more and attacked the northeastern and northern frontiers.

Surrendered Barbarians and Their Treatment

• Page 65: When a barbarian surrendered to the Han Dynasty, they were subjects of the Chinese emperor but had a unique status. They were seen as candidates to become full members of Chinese society, but in the meantime they were viewed as half-barbarian and half-Chinese.

The Inner and Outer Dichotomy

• Page 66-67: As explicitly stated by Cai Yong in 177 AD, the Great Wall of China and the frontier barriers built by the Han distinguished the line between the "inner" and "outer" worlds, the former containing the center of the known Chinese world (Zhongguo) and the latter representing a vast expanse of territory governed by non-Chinese barbarians. The term "inner" and "outer" was also used by some Han statesmen as a justification to halt expansionary campaigns.
• Page 67: The term "inner" and "outer" could also apply to Han provinces within the interior of China and provinces which were on the periphery of the frontier.
• Page 67-68: Despite Cai Yong's statement about inner and outer worlds, the reality was that barbarians were active on both sides of the Chinese border. There was a distinction between barbarians who surrendered and lived within the Chinese frontier ("inner barbarians") and those who were beyond the frontier and perceived as hostile. This arrangement existed during the beginning of the Western Han Dynasty and lasted through the entire Eastern Han.
• Page 68-69:
  Wei Man, who fled to Korea and established Wiman Joseon, ruled a kingdom that was considered an "outer vassal" by the Western Han court. He became associated with the term "outer frontier-guarding barbarians". The "frontier-guarding barbarians" may also apply to the Wuhuan tribes which submitted to Emperor Wu of Han, who had them placed in five frontier provinces to guard against Xiongnu invasions. Although the Wuhuan tribal chieftain paid homage to the Han court every year, he was still considered an inner barbarian, meaning he was not too different from the regular tribute-bearing barbarians. The Han also made distinction between the Qiang
  people who regularly raided Chinese territory and the Qiang people who served as "frontier-guarding barbarians" and lived within the Han Empire.
• Page 69-70: Once a barbarian tribe submitted to Han, the first thing Han did to distinguish them as "inner barbarians" was to tear down the frontier barriers which were used as defensive measures against them; instead, local defense was entrusted to the new inner barbarians.
• Page 70: It should be noted that the Southern Xiongnu were perhaps viewed as "outer barbarians" despite the fact that they submitted to Han by paying tribute. In 33 BC they offered to guard the northwestern Chinese frontier areas if the Han tore down their defenses and removed their garrisons; the Han court did not trust the Southern Xiongnu sufficiently enough to allow them to guard their entire northwestern frontier, so the barrier defenses remained, and the Xiongnu continued to live in their own territory.

• Page 70-72: The term neishu, or "to become inner subjects" was used to describe barbarian surrender. The surrender was not of individuals, but of tribal groups led by a semi-autonomous chieftain (semi-autonomous in regards to his relationship with the Han court). Neishu usually entailed the inclusion of barbarian people and new fertile land into the Chinese Empire. Population figures of these surrendered "inner" tribes were more or less accurately gathered due to the fact that the surrendered barbarians had to fulfill taxation and corvée labor obligations for the Han state.
• Page 72-73: When a chieftain and his large tribe of barbarians surrendered, they were organized under a shuguo, or dependent state. This system existed since the
  Qin Dynasty but it was greatly extended under Emperor Wu of Han
  . From 121 to 120 BC, five dependent states were established along the northern border to accomodate the 40,000 some Xiongnu who surrendered. A Chinese official entitled shuguo duwei was appointed to each dependent state in order to manage tribal affairs (each shuguo duwei was of course aided by a staff of minor officials). Under the dependent state system, the surrendered barbarians were allowed to conintue with their original way of life and retained their social customs.
• Page 73-75: It is a bit ambiguous as to whether or not every dependent state comprised "inner barbarians" or "outer barbarians," i.e. whether or not each and every dependent state was considered to exist within the Han frontier, not beyond it.
• Page 76: In theory, the dependent state system was a way for the Han court to keep an eye on tribes which were deemed rebellious and were not ready to be accepted as regular subjects under Chinese rule. Other barbarians who were deemed more submissive to Han rule were placed under regular Chinese administrative units of jun and xian (
  county
  ), although a xian with a very large proportion of barbarians living in it was often distinguished as a dao instead.
• Page 76-77: Here are two examples of large amounts of "barbarians" settled under regular administrative commanderies and counties. In 128 BC, some 280,000 people in northern Korea requested the Han court to grant them status as "inner subjects", therefore the commandery of Canghai (蒼海) was established (although it was abandoned two years later). When the Ailao barbarians of Yunnan submitted to the Han court, two counties were carved out of their lands.

Chang's Book

Chang, Chun-shu. (2007). The Rise of the Chinese Empire: Volume II; Frontier, Immigration, & Empire in Han China, 130 B.C. – A.D. 157. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

• Page 1: The conquests of Emperor Wu brought the limits of the Chinese empire, for the first time in Chinese history, all the way to what is now modern Xinjiang. Yet little about the newly conquered territories is discussed in the official and standard histories. For example, the Hexi Corridor is only given brief mentioning in the Records of the Grand Historian and Book of Han. However, excavated wood and bamboo records which were long lost to history have surfaced to show a nuanced history of the Hexi Corridor, which Chang will use in his book as an example for how the Tarim region may have been administered as well under a colonial system. Documents found from around the Juyan Lake Basin will also form a core part of Chang's analysis.
• Page 3: In Han times, the Hexi Corridor comprised four prefectures (NOTE: this is 郡jun, which means Chang translates COMMANDERY as PREFECTURE), those being Wuwei, Zhangyi, Jiuquan, and Dunhuang. The Hexi Corridor stretched from the westernmost edges of the Yellow River to the Tarim Basin, located in what is now the modern provinces of Gansu, Ningxia, and Xinjiang (at one time, also a small part of northwestern Qinghai). The Qilian Mountains (also Nan Shan) marked the southern edge of this region, while the northern edges are formed by the Bei ("Northern") Mountains and Heli Mountains.
• Page 4: Before the Han conquest of the region in 121 BC, the area was inhabited by the
  Qin Dynasty collapsed, the Yuezhi were still the most powerful group in this region, taking voluntary hostages from the others. However, this was upsetted by the Xiongnu (numbering about a million strong), who battled with them from 204 to 203 BC and pushed their community of some 400,000 westward first into Saka territory (around Lake Balkhash) and then later to Daxia (Bactria) in Central Asia (i.e., into the basin of Amu Darya in what is now modern Afghanistan
  ).
• Page 4-5: Before moving into Bactria, the Yuezhi occupied the Saka territory and in 176 BC fought and killed the leader of the Wusun named Nandoumi (in a place between the
  shanyu
  of the Xiongnu. Lajiaomi accepted Xiongnu dominance while he trained his Wusun in strict military arts. With the consent of the shanyu of the Xiongnu, Kunmo Lajiaomi led his Wusun warriors to fight the Yuezhi in Saka territory from 161 to 160 BC, killing the Yuezhi king and forcing them to move west to Bactria. Kunmo Lajiaomi then occupied Saka territory for his Wusun peoples who were now declared independent from the Xiongnu. The latter had occupied the Hexi Corridor from 177 to 176 BC, and by now had became the sole ruler of that region.
• Page 5: After the Xiongnu occupied Hexi Corridor in 177 BC, they used it as a staging ground to assault the Chinese border regions of Longxi (in modern southern Gansu) and Beidi (modern northeastern Gansu and southeastern Ningxia). Due to these raids, the Han government maintained heavy garrison defenses along the western edges of the Yellow River.
• Page 5-6: It was the martial reforms under Emperor Wu of Han in establishing a large cavalry-based army for long-range campaigns that brought about the Chinese conquest of the Hexi Corridor beginning in 121 BC. Two campaigns were led in that year by Huo Qubing, who advanced as far as the middle of the Qilian Mountains, each time with over ten thousand cavalry. Huo allegedly killed or captured 40,000 Xiongnu in these campaigns, which would make up roughly one-third to one-half of all Xiongnu in the Hexi Corridor. The shanyu was outraged and sought to execute the two Xiongnu wise kings in charge of the region, King Hunye and King Xiuchu (both subordinates of the Worthy King of the Right), although these two surrendered their remaining forces to Han before the shanyu could have them killed.
• Page 6: However, Xiongnu King Xiuchu changed his mind halfway to leading his surrendered forces to Han, splitting off with a rebel detachment of 8,000 Xiongnu. The combined forces of Xiongnu King Hunye and Han general Huo Qubing crushed King Xiuchu's forces and killed him. King Hunye then formally surrendered to Han with 40,000 Xiongnu. Thus, the Hexi Corridor was conquered by Han, incorporated into the Empire, and there was a scarce amount of Xiongnu raids as far as Longxi, Beidi, or Shang (in modern Shanxi) after that point.
• Page 6: The Han government moved approximately 725,000 people from the Guandong region of central China to the region south of the northern bend of the Yellow River. After further successful campaigns by Huo Qubing and Wei Qing, the Han government moved 60,000 farming officials and soldiers to populate the western side of the Yellow River and build new irrigation works in 119 BC.
• Page 6-8: The Han built watch stations and forts in Hexi Corridor, but this would not be enough to consolidate such a vast new region that was largely unsettled still by Han Chinese. The Xiongnu posed a constant threat still, so the Han plotted to ally with the Wusun and have them reenter the western areas of the region to block a Xiongnu advance. The diplomat Zhang Qian was even sent out to Wusun territory in 116 BC to convince them to move, but the Wusun leader had no desires to repopulate the old homeland. Therefore the Han had to make concerted efforts to populate the region, with convicts sent as far as Dunhuang in 114 BC in order to cultivate new lands.
• Page 8: The Qiang people, who numbered some 50,000 at this point, made an alliance with the Xiongnu in 112 BC to push the Han Chinese out of the Hexi Corridor. In a general flank, the Qiang assaulted from the south and the Xiongnu from the north, squeezing in on the Han position. In 111 BC the Han made a massive counterattack of some 100,000 infantry and cavalry to face the Qiang and another 25,000 cavalry—led by Gongsun He and Zhao Ponu—to face the Xiongnu. Both of the latter commanders were successful. After this the Han successfully populated Hexi with garrisoned troops and farming officials to ensure security and growth of agricultural cultivation. Zhangyi and Jiuquan commanderies were settled first, while the commandery of Dunhuang was established in 98 BC and then Wuwei commandery in 72 BC, the latter signifying the full colonization of the region.
• Page 9: When the Han people spoke of establishing a new frontier, such as in the proposal headed by Sang Hongyang in 89 BC to populate what is now Luntai County, they always referred to the establishment of watch stations. New frontiers were commanded by a military officer, yet civilian laborers working for the government migrated there to cultivate new lands in order to create self-supporting communities on the new frontier. When a chief commandant (duwei) was assigned to a frontier region, that was a sign that the area had become cultivated and populated enough to warrant his presence and command.
• Page 9-10: A chief commandant was assigned to an area that already harbored many fortresses, each under a single commandant who had their own subordinate officers.
• Page 11-12: When a
  county (xian)
  was established in an area once solely commanded by a chief commandant, a new county magistrate then handled all civilian affairs, while the chief commandant was relegated to handling only military affairs.
• Page 13: From 108 to 101 BC, the Han built an effective system of watchtowers and signal stations stretching from
  Jade Gate in Gansu, and into the Lop Nur area. By 103 BC, the Han had built a cluster of watch stations that could be found at Khara-Khoto in what is now Inner Mongolia. When Zhangyi and Jiuquan
  were established in 111 BC, the first known buildings erected in these territories were for watch stations.

• Page 15-16: Chang's model for Han frontier development consists of eight essential components, those being QUOTE: "(1) forced and voluntary migration of people to the new regions (2) full government support of new immigrants (3) military protection of regions under development (4) land cultivation by civilians or military or both (5) free land for immigrants (6) organization of immigrants under the military system in the initial stage and under the regular local administrative system at the developing stage (7) strict military control of frontier regions, and (8) immigrants forbidden to leave their assigned locations without government permission."
• Page 18: Following the Han defeat by the Xiongnu at the Battle of Baideng in 200 BC, the heqin marriage and tribute agreement devised by Liu Jing (fl. 202–98 BC) was implemented in light of the fact that Han could not make an effective counterattack. However, this policy of appeasement broke down and lost all effectiveness as the unstable Han regime tried every measure to defend its borders. In 169 BC, the official Chao Cuo (200–154 BC) sent a proposal to Emperor Wen of Han called "Guard the Frontiers and Protect the Borders", which provided a detailed account of how to counter the Xiongnu militarily. Chao concluded that an effective migration policy had to be enacted to man the borders with proper defenses, detailing the long-range benefits of such a plan. For more see Chao Cuo.
• Page 22: The expansion of the bounds of Chinese civilization was a direct result and reaction to the threat of nomadic raids and incursions by the Xiongnu. The Han needed a large frontier buffer zone to protect China proper while at the same time dismantling Xiongnu power with an offensive strategy of long-range attacks that necessitated the establishment of far-flung colonies to support militias and garrisons.

Han Colonists: Organization, Composition, and Character

• Page 23: Although the
  Han Dynasty did not establish garrison outposts in the Juyan Lake Basin region until 119 BC. Systematic development of the Juyan region did not take place until 110–105 BC, while the Khara-Khoto
  area did not have its walled headquarters of Juyan City until 103 BC. The general Lu Bode (fl. 119–89 BC), Chief Commandant of Crossbowmen, was sent to Juyan City in 102 BC in order to supervise its development.
• Page 23-24: Lu independently commanded Juyan until his death, when a Chief Commandant was then appointed by the central government to take over affairs. This continued until 72 BC, when a county government with a magistrate was established to head civilian affairs, although the Chief Commandant was still in charge of all military concerns.
• Page 25: The Chief Commandant earned Equivalent to 2000 bushels. He had commandant subordinates who earned Equivalent to 600 bushels, and subcommandants who earned only Equivalent to 200 bushels. Although the Chief Commandant had a rank salary which was equal to that of a colonel in a regular Han army, his authority was much greater and was given much greater responsibilities.
• Page 29-31: The newly-established county governments in the frontier zones were for a long time limited to administering only the small towns where their headquarters were located, as most people out on the frontier were actually still managed by garrison authorities headed by the Chief Commandant. It took a very long time and gradual process of development for new civilian governments to spread the reach of their authority into outlying civilian areas which for a long time were administered by the military.
• Page 33: The majority of civilian migrants to the frontier regions came at the government's expense; it was only when an area became self-sufficient that people started coming at their own expense to settle there.
• Page 33-34: From wooden documents found in the frontier areas, it is known that the civilians who moved into these areas were quite diverse, from hired laborers, landowners, and merchants. However, the economy in these regions were still agrarian-based.
• Page 34-35: Military servicemen comprised the majority of settled people in the frontier zones. The majority of servicemen were garrison soldiers, while the second largest group was farming soldiers. There was a scarce amount of cavalrymen. Another type of soldier that appeared regularly on the registers was the irrigation soldier. QUOTE: "Whether the irrigation soldiers were actually farming soldiers or garrison soldiers assigned to irrigation work is not clear. But since they had specific registers they were probably recruited specifically as irrigation soldiers."
• Page 37: In addition to conscripts, the Han also had hired soldiers. They were employed in the various campaigns under Emperor Wu and became a core component of military forces during the reigns of later emperors. The status of the hired soldiers was also equal to that of the recruited garrison soldier.
• Page 42: Some residents in the Juyan region were family members of the servicemen, and were located in the headquarters. From the written evidence found, it appears that onlt the family members of the soldiers and officers who were not native to Juyan actually lived in the garrison settlements. QUOTE: "This group included the parents, wives, children, brothers, and sisters of the servicemen."
• Page 43: There were also semi-independent personal attendants and followers consisting of private followers of officers and volunteers for the army. Regular private followers in the interior of the empire were tasked with simple servant's work, but the monthly grain provisions of the frontier followers indicate that their status was much higher than a simple servant.
• Page 44-45: Another group of people were slaves and convicts who had no freedom. The convicts on the frontier either served two-year terms, four-year terms, or five-year terms, judging by their convict titles. They were charged with doing hard labor for the government on the frontiers. Some convicts, however had their punishments relaxed and were treated as commoners instead of criminals, granted that they finished their labor duties and terms of service for the state.
• Page 45: Slave workers, both male and female, included those owned by the government as well as those owned by individuals.
• Page 45-46: There were also a number of temporary visitors which came to the frontier regions from nearby commanderies or from as far away as Chang'an. Traveling merchants often came to the frontier outposts to sell their wares and necessities, even slaves. There were also criminal fugitives on the run who traveled around the frontier, as garrison authorities were charged with arresting these desperadoes and announcements of rewards for their capture were often posted. Their kind included counterfeiters, murderers, and escaped slaves.
• Page 70-71: The age of military servicemen ranged from twenty to fifty years of age, although one unknown category could be as old as sixty-one. Most Han servicemen were under the age of 30. At the beginning of the dynasty, the minimum draft age for servicemen was set at 23, but in 155 BC the draft age was lowered to 20. There is some evidence that the draft age was raised to 23 again during Emperor Zhao of Han's reign, but all available evidence shows that after his reign the minimum draft age was once again 20.
• Page 76-77: Han cavalrymen were given special treatment over regular garrison soldiers. For example, the highest officials in the commanderies were not allowed to dispatch cavalry forces for any reason without explicit consent given by the central government. Cavalry forces also received their orders directly from the central government. In regards to this special treatment, QUOTE: "It was really related to the major national concerns and priorities of the Han empire during the period in question [Emperor Wu's reign]. As was discussed earlier, the greatest threat to the national security of the Former Han empire from Kao-tzu to Wu-ti was the Hsiung-nu challenge on the northern and northwestern borders. As the sense of national humiliation resulting from Kao-tzu's defeat at P'ing-ch'eng and the danger to national security inflicted by continual Hsiung-nu border invasions and their successful march to the imperial capital at Ch'ang-an became the preoccupation of the Han Court, the Hsiung-nu problem and the search for its successful solution emerged to become the top national priority for the Han empire. The Han Court was determined to channel all of its resources and manpower into meeting the Hsiung-nu challenge, but it first had to build a large mobile cavalry force to match the military superiority of the Hsiung-nu nomadic horsemen. And here the ch'i-shih of the border prefectures in the north and northwest came to play a special role in Han dynastic history and probably in Chinese history as well. By virtue of their geographic and climatic conditions, the northern and northwestern border regions of the Han empire were arid steppe pastureland, and only there were skilled horse-breeding and mounted archery a natural way of life. Therefore, it was in this territory, which mainly consisted of those prefectures [i.e. commanderies] extending roughly from modern Kansu in the west to An-tung in Manchuria, that the Han Court established government pastures to undertake the mass breeding of horses and the training of hundreds of thousands of mounted archers, the key to the grand military campaigns against the Hsiung-nu and their allies in the Western Regions. In carrying this out, the Han Court must have been dependent on the expertise of the native ch'i-shih of these regions."
• Page 77-78: It should also be said that the manpower, resources, and leadership mustered for offensive campaigns against the Xiongnu were all gathered from the developing frontier zones. The northern and northwestern frontier zone was the pristine area to draft and train cavalry forces, just as lakes, rivers, and extended seacoast south of the Huai River provided a pristine location to train mariners for the temporary navy, or North China Plain or the mountaineous region around the Sichuan Basin provided good training grounds for infantry and foot soldiers.

Interesting Facts About Social Class

• Page 62: An interesting little fact here about monetary prerequisites to become a government official, QUOTE: "There was a property qualification for official appointment, the philosophical rationale for which was that wealthy officials were less vulnerable to corruption. At the beginning of the dynasty, the Han Court made total assessed taxable wealth of one hundred thousand coins (the average wealth of a "middle class" family) the minimum property qualification for official appointment, but in 142 B.C. it lowered the requirement to forty thousand coins. Beginning with Wu-ti's reign, this rule was no longer strictly enforced. But the Chü-yan document confirms its practice on the frontier, though probably in a modified fashion."
• Page 68: QUOTE: "In ancient China, as in modern times, old age was a source of great respect because the Chinese, then as now, regarded old age as a source of wisdom, on one hand, and were guided by the moral imperative of filial piety on the other. This ethical and social ideology was ingrained in the Chinese political culture. In Han times, not only was respect for the elderly mandated through legal instruments, but emperors frequently decreed that the elderly of the empire be given special treatment by government officials and be granted special privileges. Exemption from severe punishment was one such privilege. In 195 B.C., Emperor Hui issued an edict, ordering that commoners aged seventy and over be declared exempt from mutilating punishment. Several other emperors decreed that people age eighty and over were to be exempt even from severe interrogation and adjudication for crimes other than false accusation and murder. But for all such special privileges granted to the elderly the lower age limited was always seventy." However, a person who was demoted from aristocratic rank was not treated as a commoner who was only exempt at age 70, since a former aristocrat (now a commoner) had the privilege of being exempt from mutilating punishment at age 60.
• Page 69: QUOTE: "As we discussed in an earlier chapter, the rank holders corresponded in many respects to the gentry class of the later period, except that those holding a high rank were more privileged and influential. The social stratification sketched in table 13 represents a transitional class structure between the Chou feudal system, which was based on birth and kinship, and the rising new system mainly based on landownership and education. In the Chou feudal system, the class structure was the society itself; in the later system, the class structure was first the creation of and then the basis for the political culture, particularly the bureaucratic system, which was baded on the idea of meritocracy. The Former Han social stratification lies between the two in time and structure. In recruitment, mobility, institutional means of perpetuation, and political awareness and function, the Former Han ruling class represented a transition from the Chou feudal nobility to a landed class of literati-gentry."

Construction and Structure of Han Settlements

• Page 91-92: The walled district or city was the largest type of settlement in the frontier region, and there were really only two of them in the region of Juyan. These was Juyan City located in what is now Khara-Khoto. The other was Jianshui City located at modern Taralingin-durbeljin. Juyan city had a rectangular grid design, covering an area of 171,000 square meters (1,840,628 square feet), or 380 meters (1,246 feet) by 450 meters (1,476 feet). Qianshui occupied a lesser area of 87,500 square meters (941,842 square feet), or 350 meters (1,148 feet) by 250 meters (820 feet). Both cities were constructed of stamped clay bricks, not rammed earth like in most other cities of the interior.
• Page 92: Fortresses were more irregularly shaped, considerably smaller, and also built of stamped clay bricks. The surface area of the fortresses ranged from 500 square meters (5,381 square feet) to a meager 23 square meters (247 square feet). Fortresses served as the headquarters for commandants (ranked just below a chief commandant), who oversaw commandant areas.
• Page 92: The smallest fortified unit was the watch station, with a watchtower as its central building and a surrounding wall. The areas of some watch stations were about 60 square meters (645 square feet). The watchtower at the center had a base that measured 6.5 m (21 ft) on each side and had a height of 12 m (39 ft). The watch station was built of stamped clay, while wood, hay, and other materials were used. Watchtowers could be headed by a commander or a subcommandant, and in some cases both.
• Page 94: Residential buildings were often built alongside the walls of these settlements.
• Page 94: A li was a ward, and was both an administrative unit and residential division in Han times. It was administered by the county government, and each ward had about fifty families. It often had low-lying walls and two entryways or gates, one gate located along the southern wall and one along the northern wall. Furthermore, a walled ward was partitioned into two sections (northern and southern) with a wall running east to west that had a passage gate called a yan.

Conclusion

• Page 122: Juyan County became Juyan Dependent State (Shuguo) during the Eastern Han Dynasty.
• Page 173: Conclusion section, QUOTE: "The long process of Han western expansion was completed with the full consolidation of the Western Regions in 29 B.C. With it, the larger Han expansion movement that began with Emperor Wu's massive Hsiung-nu campaigns in 129 B.C. came to its full fruition. The Han Dynasty had by now acquired over 1.5-1.7 million square miles of new land and reshaped the territorial boundaries of the Chinese empire. It was the largest expansion movement in Chinese history and virtually gave birth to a new China. Since the geographical contour and basic spacial extension of China have since experienced little fundamental change, the Han expansion may be said to have defined the ecology and hence the direction of Chinese society, culture, and history."
• Page 173-174: QUOTE: "Almost all of the Han expansion was carried out during Wu-ti's reign, mainly from 129 to 90 B.C. Later military expeditions were mostly for the defense and further consolidation of territories acquired in his time. Wu-ti's major campaigns of conquest took place in four regions beyond the Han borders of his day." The first region expanded into comprised the north and northwestern areas inhabited by the
  Hainan Island, Guangxi, and northern Vietnam. The third region was to the southwest, inhabited by various tribal peoples, which is now located in modern western Sichuan, Guizhou, Yunnan, and southern Gansu. The fourth region was to the northeast, with the expansion into what is now North Korea
  .
• Page 174: The
  Sogdiana). As a result, these states of the Western Regions sent tribute to the Han court, as well as their native hostages to be kept at the capital. This was the first time that China became an international imperial power on the Asian continent. The Hexi Corridor thus became China's gateway to the west and linked it to the outside world via the Silk Road
  .
• Page 174-175: The Han colonization of Hexi made the region a permament area of the Chinese empire. It was transformed from nomadic pasturelands into sedentary and cultivated fields of an agricultural domain. It represents the conflict between the expansion of the sedentary world with that of the nomadic. Han colonists came from every part of the empire to populate the new region, and were given an enormous amount of aid by the government to do so. With the consolidation of Hexi within five decades, the new northwestern frontier of China became what is now Xinjiang.
• Page 175-176: Both Sima Qian and Ban Gu confirmed that the expansion into the Hexi Corridor cost the Han treasury an enormous sum of cash, which Chang estimates to be 100 billion coin cash, or nearly 8.4 times the annual revenue of the government (about 12 billion) prior to Emperor Wu's campaigns and colonial programs.
• Page 176: In order to fill the losses in the coffers of the treasury and increase revenues, the Modernist statesmen implemented reforms of tax increases and new taxes, a new monopoly on liquor (which was soon abolished), price and market controls, currency reform, reorganization of the salt and iron industries, the sale of offices and sale of aristocratic ranks. To enforce these new measures, stiff penalties were introduced for anyone who broke the law. Xiahou Sheng, writing in 74 BC during the first year of Emperor Xuan of Han's reign, the Han Dynasty emperors following Wu were all concerned with recovering from the economic deterioration which was a result of his military campaigns and colonization efforts.

Di Cosmo's Book

Di Cosmo, Nicola. (2002). Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

• Page 105: QUOTE: "When conducting relations with non-Chou peoples, the Chou states never followed a single overriding doctrine, but were instead fluid, adaptive, and eminently pragmatic. Their foreign policy strategies evolved over time; "militaristic" or "pacifist" stances derived from differences in the process of growth of each state, being the reflection of its relative strengths and weaknesses. A clear association between foreign policies and philosophical doctrines, in particular the linkage of "Confucianism" and pacifism on the one hand and "legalism" and interventionism on the other, cannot be established before the Ch'in-Han period, and perhaps only at the time of the Discourses on Salt and Iron, a text attributed to Huan K'uan (first century B.C.) and written down during the reign of Emperor Hsüan-ti (74–49 B.C.). Before the long period of military confrontation with the Hsiung-nu, which served as a fertile ground for the formulation of clearer doctrines of foreign relations, the lines are blurred. Indeed, for the Spring and Autumn period it is virtually impossible to identify any philosophical orientation that could be defined as either pro-war or pro-peace."
• Page 140-141: The Xiongnu Empire was established in 209 BC. In Records of the Grand Historian by Sima Qian, the relationship between the northern nomads and Chinese are depicted in rather anachronistic fashion, as he attempted to show that the northern nomads and Chinese QUOTE: "constituted antithetic poles at odds since the dawn of Chinese history. The polarity between a unified north and a unified south was then projected back into the past." Di Cosmo then gives a rebuttal to his own point, saying QUOTE: "Yet Ssu-ma Ch'ien's account of the late Warring States cannot be regarded as pure ideology. He recorded names and events whose multiplicity and unfolding are evidence of the political and ethnic complexity of both north, where different groups appear to have been living, and the south, where, of course, Chinese states were still vying for power. Hence, although it is vital to remember that Ssu-ma Chi'en's narrative of the northern frontier is not itself neutral, one cannot use this argument to dismiss tout court his narrative of Warring States history, which was based, we presume, on an extensive knowledge of sources available at the time."

Modun's Rise to Power

• Page 174-175: The Qin general Meng Tian (d. 210) conquered the Ordos Desert region in 215 BC and forced out the Xiongnu, who were then a significant tribe but not as powerful as they were to become.
• Page 175-176: The rise of
  Toumen (d. 209 BC). His father wanted a son of another wife to succeed him, so he sent Modu as a hostage to the Wusun. To indirectly have Modun eliminated, he assaulted the Wusun in order to encourage them to execute his son. However, Modu was able to escape and return to the Xiongnu camp, which impressed his father. While at camp, Modu devised a way to have his father killed. He would test the loyalty of his personal bodyguard of warriors. First, he had them shoot at his favorite horse, and anyone who failed to do so was executed. Then he had his men shoot at his favorite wife, those who hesitated were executed. The ones who were left he ordered to shoot at his father, and no one disobeyed him. Modu thus became shanyu in 209 BC. Afterwards he gradually conquered surrounding steppe tribes, until his empire extended from Manchuria to Mongolia to the Altai Mountains to Tian Shan
  .
• Page 186-187: The heavy centralized structure of Xiongnu society created after 209 BC was a direct response to the threat of Chinese invasion (initated by Meng Tian during Qin) as well as neighboring rival tribes. With their powerful new military structure with the shanyu at the top and subordinate
  tuqi (i.e. "wise kings"), the Xiongnu were able to suppress all other tribes inhabiting Inner Asia
  and consolidate them under a single rule.
• Page 188-189: The first great conquest by the Xiongnu took place to the east. They subjugated the Eastern Hu (Dong Hu) people, who were forced to pay tribute and fed the military machine that the Xiongnu were quickly assembling. Until the campaign against the Yuezhi in the 170s BC, the Xiongnu domain did not extend farther west than the Yellow River bend. The Xiongnu were able to retake the Ordos region during the Chinese civil war. To the north, Modu subjugated several large nomadic tribes inhabiting northern Mongolia and western Siberia. In his general push south, Modu conquered the regions of what is today's Ningxia, northern Shanxi, northern Shaanxi, northern Hebei, and the whole of Liaoning.

Conflict during Liu Bang's reign

• Page 190-192: In 200 BC, the Xiongnu attacked Taiyuan, then under the control of King Xin of Hán; note that this "Hán" was just a kingdom, not the main ruling dynasty "Hàn". The Han Kingdom's character is 韩 while the Han Dynasty's character is 漢, the latter named after Hanzhong. Anyways, King Xin made a pact with the Xiongnu to rebel against the Han Dynasty. The Xiongnu then invaded Taiyuan Commandery. Liu Bang personally led Han Dynasty forces against the Xiongnu and the rebellious Kingdom of Han. Despite the frigid cold weather, Liu's troops pushed on to Pingcheng (located northeast of modern Datong, Shanxi).
• Page 192: Modu allegedly moved with 400,000 cavalrymen (this number is almost certainly bloated beyond realistic logistics) to surround Liu Bang's troops at Pingcheng by blocking them at Baideng Mountain; what ensued was the Battle of Baideng. After seven days of fighting, Han troops were allowed to withdraw. Later, a treaty was made between both sides where the Xiongnu extracted tribute from Han as part of the conditions.
• Page 192: Meanwhile, King Xin became a Xiongnu general. He disobeyed the terms of the treaty and raided Tai and Yunzhong commanderies. Other Han generals and nobles then began to revolt against Liu Bang, who was forced to suppress them in a campaign led by Fan Kuai (not to be confused with this Fan Kuai, who died earlier in 204 BC).
• Page 192: It was all apparent to Liu Bang that Han's charioteers and infantry were no match for Xiongnu cavalry, so diplomatic means had to be employed. By paying a large amount of tribute to the Xiongnu and acknowleding an inferior position, Liu Bang initiated the heqin (harmonious kinship) system in 198 BC.
• Page 193: The councillor Liu Jing (劉敬) had, from the onset, advised Liu Bang not to attack the Xiongnu. It was this minister who was the architect of the
  Modu Shanyu
  . The scheme was to have Modu become the Liu Bang's son-in-law. Modu's son and heir to the Xiongnu throne would thus be a grandson of Liu Bang, thus this half-Chinese and half-Xiongnu grandson would be in a subordinate position to the Emperor of Han. The other strategy was to corrupt the Xiongnu values by sending them lavish luxury items as tribute, which the Han already had in exorbitant amounts. Yet the third strategy involved indoctrination; Han rhetoricians would be sent to the Xiongnu where they would teach them Chinese Confucian values of how youths should respect and bow to the demands of their elders, especially a grandson to his grandfather, thus ensuring that Liu Bang's grandson-to-be would be under his control. This policy was accepted by Liu Bang in 199 BC, and was implemented in 198 BC.
• Page 193-194: Although the Chinese accepted an inferior position, the terms of the treaty actually made both sides equal in status. An official marriage alliance bound both houses of Xiongnu and Han, while the Han agreed to send annual tribute of silk, cloth, wine, grains, and other foodstuffs. The diplomatic status of
  shanyu became equal to that of huangdi, as evidenced by the rulers defining their relationship as "brotherly". In 162 BC, Emperor Wen of Han
  even made the analogy that the shanyu of Xiongnu and emperor of China were like the father and mother of the people, and that Heaven does not cover just one side, and "Earth is not partial to anyone."
• Page 194-195: However, the relationship was unequal in that the Han continued to pay tribute to a powerful military state. The Chinese were deeply insulted by Modu's marriage proposal to the Empress Dowager Lü Hou (or
  Empress Lü Zhi
  , wife of Liu Bang), yet even this affront did not stop the heqin relationship.
• Page 195: A Court Conference debate was held in 135 BC during Emperor Wu of Han's reign (see chapter 6), where the initial consensus was to retain the heqin system, yet it was soon after abandoned for an aggressive military policy.
• Page 195: The Xiongnu were effective because they had absorbed tons of different tribes which were placed under a heavily centralized command. On the other hand, Han soldiers did not have experience fighting nomads and there was a general lack of discipline among commanders who were drawn from the aristocratic order and QUOTE: "whose loyalty to the emperor could not be taken for granted."
• Page 195: Even though sending the Xiongnu "brides and bribes" appeased the Xiongnu to the piont where open warfare was not an issue, there were still many times when the Xiongnu asked the tribute amount to be increased and where Xiongnu raided Han borders.