Antigonid Macedonian army
Antigonid Macedonian army | |
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The Antigonid Macedonian army was the army that evolved from the ancient Greek kingdom of Macedonia in the period when it was ruled by the Antigonid dynasty from 276 BC to 168 BC. It was seen as one of the principal Hellenistic fighting forces until its ultimate defeat at Roman hands at the Battle of Pydna in 168 BC. However, there was a brief resurgence in 150-148 during the revolt of Andriscus, a supposed heir to Perseus.
Starting as just a mere handful of mercenary troops under
The Antigonid army, as with the
Background and sources
The Macedonian army continued to evolve under the
Antigonid army under Antigonus Gonatas
When
Antigonid army, 239–168 BC
After the death of Doson, Philip took the throne and almost immediately began to campaign. Wars against the Aetolia, Sparta and Elis, as well as a Dardanian invasion kept Philip busy in the years 220-217 BC and gave him a great deal of military experience. Yet Philip's rule would be marked by war with Rome, which culminated with a treaty with Carthage which led to the First Macedonian War.[12] The first war ended in a stalemate and the Peace of Phoinike, which allowed Philip to keep his newly acquired land from his campaigns against the Aetolians, Rome's ally. Between 205 and 201/200 BC Philip used the peace to reorganize his army recruitment system and introduce new strict disciplinary codes for the army.[13]
Peace did not last and an alliance with
The defeat left Philip with a weakened kingdom. Consequently, the king set about a system of reforms and reorganized his kingdom, especially in increasing his manpower base for future campaigns. He encouraged large families and imported Thracians from districts he had recently annexed into Macedon proper.[19] Thus, in the autumn of 187 BC, Philip transported segments of the populations of the coastal towns and cities to the northern Paeonian frontier and then moved Thracians and so forth into the evacuated districts of the towns. This 'Macedonised' the frontier and also made it easier to defend. The Thracians moved to the cities and towns were people directly responsible to Philip as king and also a useful force to watch over suspect citizens. New mines were created, old ones were deepened and agricultural and harbour duties were increased to increase the kingdom's revenue.[20]
Overall, these social and economic moves strengthened the kingdom by Philip's death and the accession of his son Perseus of Macedon. By the eve of the Third Macedonian War, Perseus, thanks to his father, had enough grain to last the army 10 years without drawing on harvests in or outside Macedon, enough money to hire 10,000 mercenaries for 10 years, a fully reconstituted army and "arms for three such armies as Perseus possessed in his armouries".[21] In fact, when Aemilius Paullus, the Roman commander who defeated Perseus at Pydna in 168 BC, took the Antigonid royal treasury, he found 6,000 talents left.[22][23] The army fielded by Perseus in the Third Macedonian war was 43,000 strong, 29,000 of them Macedonians. Compare this to the army of Doson at Sellasia, which had 13,300 Macedonians, or the army of Philip at Cynoscephalae (18,000 Macedonian foot, 2,000 cavalry and 5,500 mercenaries). The years of peace and consolidation had increased the national levy by 9,000 men.[21] However, at the Battle of Pydna in 168 BC, Perseus was severely defeated, with the loss of 20-25,000 killed and 11,000 captured.[24][25][26] After this defeat, the Antigonid kingdom was quickly disbanded, with Perseus becoming a Roman prisoner and Macedonia being split up into several autonomous republics.
Amphipolis military codes
Sometime around the beginning of the second century BC, Philip V introduced a set of new codes for discipline in his army - the Amphipolis codes. As an example, these new measures included fines for missing equipment and weaponry: two
Peltasts and the agema
The most elite, veteran Antigonid-period Macedonian infantry from at least the time of
Malcolm Errington writes that by the time of Antigonus III, the peltastai formed a separate unit from the Macedonian phalanx and "operated as a form of
As for term Hypaspist, it still lived on in the army. However, instead of a combat unit, it was a staff corps and bodyguard force for the king. For instance, a Hypaspist was sent by Philip V to Larissa to burn state papers after the defeat at Cynoscephalae.[41]
Chalkaspides and Leukaspides
Like Alexander's phalanx, the phalanx of the Antigonids was mainly based on men "enrolled territorially from the Macedonian peasantry".
Cavalry
The importance and proportion of cavalry in the Antigonid army was far less than in Alexander's army. Whereas the proportion of cavalry to infantry in Alexander's army was about 1:6, in the later Antigonid armies the proportion was about 1:20.[28] However, we must remember that Philip II had a similar proportion of cavalry to infantry and the reasoning for the higher amounts of mounted forces in Alexander's campaigns was due to the vast distance of territory needed to be travelled, especially in Persia. In Alexander's campaigns, swift advances and the ability to cover vast distances were the key to success. In comparison, for the Antigonid commanders, the lack of any real enemy cavalry and short distances meant cavalry were not needed as much and they reverted to pitched heavy infantry battle.[47] Antigonus III Doson had only 300 Macedonian horse with him at Sellasia in 222 BC, though by the reign of Philip V the amount of cavalry had increased, with Philip fielding about 2,000 Macedonian and Thessalian horse in 197 BC.[1] A sizeable part of the Macedonian cavalry was actually supplied by Thessaly, whose city-states continued to supply horse for the Antigonid kings as they had for Alexander and his father. However, the use of Thessalian cavalry decreased in 196 BC, when the Romans, triumphant after Cynoscephalae, gave parts of Macedonian Thessaly to their allies, the Aetolians.[48] Perseus, due to his father's extensive recruitment drive and a period of 30 years of peace, was able to field 3,000 purely Macedonian cavalry to serve with him in the Third Macedonian War. The core guard cavalry unit was the small royal or 'sacred' squadron. This unit seems to have been between 300 and 400 strong, as Doson had that amount with him at Sellasia and Philip V had 400 'household' cavalry with him on his campaigns.[1] Due to the general lack of native horse, the Macedonians usually supplemented their cavalry with that of allies and mercenaries. At Sellasia, alongside Doson's 300, there were 600 allied and 300 mercenary cavalry.
Following the initiative of Philip II,
The army of Andriscus
In 149 BC, nearly 20 years after the defeat of Perseus at Pydna, Andriscus, a mercenary and supposed heir to Perseus, went to Demetrius I of Syria for aid, but was sent as a prisoner to Rome.[56] He quickly made his escape and sought refuge amongst the Thracian tribes to the north of Macedon. There, Andriscus gained the support of the Thracian king Teres III and was given a troop of 100 men, with another 100 sent by other Thracian chieftains.[57][50] Andriscus quickly defeated the forces of the several autonomous Macedonian republics in battle beyond the Strymon in the lands of the Odomanti tribe.[58] The Thracian troops of Andriscus would have primarily been Peltast skirmisher infantry and light cavalry. Andriscus, having established himself as the new king of Macedon, under the name Philip VI, decisively defeated a Roman army under Publius Juventius. Having defeated the Romans, Andriscus invaded Thessaly in 148 BC, where he suffered a setback in battle against the Achaean League, commanded by Scipio Nasica. A Roman army under Quintus Caecilius Metellus then invaded Macedon and defeated Andriscus at the Second Battle of Pydna.[59] The defeat was probably helped by the defection of Telestes, the general appointed by Andriscus to command his cavalry. The Macedonian aristocratic cavalry joined Telestes, as the richer classes supported the Romans more than they did Andriscus, and any hope of success was dead.[60]
See also
References
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Head, 1982, p.18
- ; the only thing the two functions had in common was the particular closeness to the king."
- ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 461
- ^ a b c Sekunda 2010, p. 460
- ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 460–461; for the evolution of Macedonian military titles, see also Errington 1990, pp. 242–243 for further details.
- ^ Plutarch, Life Pyrrhus, 26
- ^ Plutarch, Life of Pyrrhus, 29
- ^ Tarn, 1913, p.193
- ^ Tarn, 1913, p.194
- ^ Cary, 1978, p.235
- ^ Tarn, 1913, p.195
- ^ Polybius, Histories, 9-11
- ^ Errington, 2008, p.194
- ^ Livy, History of Rome, 5-9
- ^ Penrose, 2005, p.74
- ^ Hammond, 1965, p.52
- ^ Head, 1982, p.81
- ^ Hammond, 1988, p.60-82
- ^ Walbank, 1940, p.236
- ^ Livy XXXIV.24.2
- ^ a b Walbank, 1940, p.256
- ^ Polybius XVIII.35.4
- ^ Livy XLV.40
- ^ Head, 1982, p.83
- ^ Livy XLIV.40-43
- ^ Plutarch, Life of Aemilius Paullus 18-23
- ^ Heckel & Jones, 2006, p.24
- ^ a b Connolly, 2006, p.80
- ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 461–462
- ^ Sekunda 2013, pp. 94–95
- ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 462
- ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 463
- ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 463–464
- ^ Errington 1990, p. 245
- ^ Walbank, 1940, p.290
- ^ Arrian 1.8.4
- ^ Livy XXXI.36.1
- ^ Polybius V.4.9
- ^ Livy XLII.51
- ^ Polybius XVIII.24.8
- ^ Polybius XVIII.33.1-7
- ^ Walbank, 1940, p.289
- ^ Polybius V.97.3-4
- ^ Connolly, 2006, p.77
- ^ Livy XLIV.41
- ^ Sekunda 2013, pp. 108–127
- ^ Tarn, 1930, p.27
- ^ Head, 1982, p.12
- ^ Polybius 2.65
- ^ a b Webber, 2001, p.14
- ^ Tarn, 1930, p.28
- ^ Saddington 2011, pp. 204, Plate 12.2
- ^ Coarelli 1987, pp. 35–84
- ^ Errington 1990, pp. 247–248
- ^ a b c d Errington 1990, p. 248
- ^ Livy 49.21
- ^ Diodorus XXXII.15.6-7
- ^ Polybius XXXVI.10.4
- ^ Livy 50.14
- ^ Sekunda, 1995, p.80
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- Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica
- Livy, The History of Rome
- Plutarch, Parallel Lives: "Life of Pyrrhus"; "Life of Flamininus"; "Life of Cleomenes"; "Life of Aemilius Paullus"
- Polybius, Histories
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- Connolly, Peter (2006) [1998]. Greece and Rome at War.
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