Fascism in Bulgaria

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Bulgarian premier Bogdan Filov with Italian leader Benito Mussolini in Rome, 1941
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The extent of fascism in Bulgaria is contentious.

fascist regime in the country, while Bulgaria's political system preserved a relative pluralism.[8][9][10] An alternative opinion is that some Bulgarian organizations with considerable membership, activity, and social presence had fully developed fascist ideology by the late 1930s, but they neither came to power, nor participated in the government of the country.[11] In fact, fascist organizations did not take power within the framework of the royal dictatorships, but discourses close to fascism can be found in then Bulgarian governing elite.[12]

Although the Bulgarian marxist historiography labelled the period 1935–1944, as "monarcho-fascism", the 1990s saw the end of the dispute with the marxist ideological dogmas, and in 1993 came the end of the theory that Bulgarian fascism is an unquestionable fact.[13] Since then the label "fascism" has been openly challenged by Bulgarian scholars, but this led partially, to an untrue radical belief that fascism never existed in Bulgaria.[14][15] Regardless of the debates about whether or not there was fascism in Bulgaria, no historian denies the existence of political movements and organizations with ideologies sympathetic to Nazism and fascism.[16] What the local fascists were lacking, was enough totalitarian drive, as well as the figure of a führer, without whom they could not contest the authoritarian regime of Tsar Boris. Boris anyway succeeded to preserve the bourgeois social order,[17] but feared the use of these organizations by Germany, and tried to exert a strong control on them.[18]

History

Development

Members of Jewish labour battalion in Bulgaria (1941). All Jewish males who were Bulgarian citizens between the ages of 20 and 46 were conscripted in the Construction corps. Nevertheless, the deportation to extermination camps of nearly all about 48,000 Bulgarian Jews was prevented. The Jews from the occupied Greek and Yugoslav territories (the "Newly liberated lands") had a much worse fate. In this way about 80% of the Jews in then Bulgarian territories survived, while the rest were deported for Nazis' extermination.[19]

The Bulgarian

NSDAP and rose by the early to mid 1930s. The second fascist movement, the Union of Bulgarian National Legions, was started by general Hristo Lukov and later became an ally of the NSM, though being more ideologically radical. The third fascist movement, the Union of the Ratniks, was founded by Professor Asen Kantardzhiev
. It was also closer to the German Nazis than to Italian Fascism.

Fascism became influential in Bulgaria during the 1930s, when parliamentary democracy has failed.

antisemitic law. Boris III feared the use of these organizations as a means of pressure from Germany and sought to limit their contacts with German officials.[25] Boris died in 1943 and was replaced by a regent council, while it was itself overthrown the next year, making the country now on side with the Allies.[26] In September 1944, the Zveno and the anti-Axis Fatherland Front engineered a new coup d'état. Curiously, while the fascist influence on the Zveno itself is undisputed, the ideology of that organization in its character was not fascist.[27] Thus, fascism proved considerably less successful in Bulgaria than in WWII Romania, Hungary, Croatia or Serbia.[28]

Extreme interpretations in Bulgaria

For the

extreme left in Bulgaria today, before the coup on September 9, 1944, there was a fascist regime, and the Bulgarian communist guerillas represented the only struggle for freedom, which culminated in the fall of 1944. The same mythological scheme obeys the extreme right narrative, according to which fascism in Bulgaria was completely unknown then. Since the arrival of the Soviet troops in September 1944, the social strata from the lowlands took advantage and destroyed the nation's elite, thus interrupting the country's historical development.[29]

Interpretations in North Macedonia

rescue of its Jews, and compares their destiny to the killing of the Jews in Bulgarian-occupied territories.[33]

During the

Macedonian historians consider this period "Bulgarian fascist occupation" and have glorified the weak communist resistance there.[39]

This historical narrative was developed in post-WWII

Macedonian puppet-state in 1944, are also regarded as "fascist". Per the Holocaust the Macedonian historians have built a narrative of the common suffering and powerlessness of the locals to confront "Bulgarian fascists" in the context of a ruthless occupation. Although filled with 'sympathy' for the Jews, the Macedonians were powerless to prevent their deportation.[43] Paradoxically, in North Macedonia, which declared independence in 1991, the issue of war reparations payment by Bulgaria has been raised, although this case was settled in 1947 between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria.[44]

Today there are revisionist opinions in North Macedonia that question the official historical narrative inherited from the

Lyubcho Georgievski, the "Bulgarian occupiers" were welcomed as liberators from Serbian occupation, which was much longer and more difficult than the Bulgarian one, but in regard to which, the Macedonian society has fallen into a long historical amnesia.[50] According to Dragi Gjorgiev, director of the Institute of National History in North Macedonia, Bulgaria couldn't be defined as a classic fascist state at that time, but rather a pro-fascist one. The terms which might be used in this case are Bulgarian occupation, Bulgarian invasion and Bulgarian annexation.[51]

Bulgarian views

Bulgaria has insisted that North Macedonia should stop using the term "fascist occupation" in reference to the country and should remove all such mentions on the World War II monuments in the country. Bulgaria denies that assertion and claims its army liberated its brethren firstly from Serbian oppression and later from German occupation.[52] It insists also the two countries must "harmonize" historic literature about WWII, "overcoming the hate speech" against Bulgaria.[53] On the Holocaust the Bulgarian historiography claims that the citizens of the "Old lands" of the kingdom, who had rescued the Jews there, lacked the time to mobilize themselves against the deportations from the "Newly liberated lands", where their Slavic fellow citizens were apathic to the fate of the local Jews.[54]

Organizations

References

  1. ISBN 9781135296940
    . The study of Fascism in Bulgaria is a contentious issue
  2. ISBN 9789637326851
    . The constantly simmering debate has flared up in several direct disputes
  3. ^ Constantin Iordachi, Fascism in Southeast Europe: A Comparison between Romania's Legion of the Archangel Michael and Croatia's Ustaša, p. 461, in In: Entangled Histories of the Balkans - Volume Two, Pages: 355–468; DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004261914_006.
  4. ISBN 1576079406
    .
  5. ^ Despite significant political and economic crises, indigenous fascism remained split into a number of small movements that failed to become prominent political force in the country. The paper argues that Bulgarian fascist movements faced problems differentiating their goals and ideologies from other elements of the far right, highlighting the porous boundaries between the two movements. For more see: Frusetta, J. (2010). Fascism to Complete the National Project? Bulgarian Fascists' Uncertain Views on the Palingenesis of the Nation, East Central Europe, 37 (2–3), pp. 280–302.
  6. ISBN 9781785331312
    .
  7. ^ James Frusetta, Anca Glont, Interwar fascism and the post-1989 radical right: Ideology, opportunism and historical legacy in Bulgaria and Romania, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Volume 42, Issue 4, 2009, Pages 551-571, ISSN 0967-067X, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.10.001.
  8. ISBN 6155211922
    .
  9. ISBN 6155053006
    .
  10. ^ In my opinion, Bulgaria cannot be defined as a classic fascist country, as can be said about then fascist Italy or Nazi Germany. We may treat Bulgaria as a pro-Nazi, pro-fascist country, but Bulgaria is not a fascist country at that time, says the Macedonian co-chairman of the joint Macedono-Bulgarian commission for historical and educational issues Dragi Gjorgiev. For more see: Фросина Димеска, интервjу со Драги Ѓоргиев - Имало бугарска окупација или инвазија, но не фашистичка. Радио Слободна Европа / Радио Слобода. 06.02.2022.
  11. ISBN 9789633863268
    . Taking into account the specifics of fascism in its Italian prototype and its other European expressions, and its development under Bulgarian conditions, we may give the following definition of the phenomenon in Bulgaria: • Ideas and political programs similar to and identical with the fascist prototype spread in Bulgarian context. Organizations with several hundred to several dozens of thousands membership were founded. • Fascism in the form of a single political organization (but also as ideology) has not been in power and has not participated in the government of the country.[...] Three major stages may be discerned in terms of ideas, ideology, propaganda, and organization in the development of fascism in the Bulgarian context: • early fascism (proto-fascism), in the first half of the 1920s, a period of active initial acquaintance with, respectively, propaganda of Italian Fascism, and of formation of the first organizational nuclei of fascist activity; • an increasing interest in the phenomenon and of the rapid development of some organizations; a period coincident both with the world economic crisis and the rise of National Socialism in Germany, namely, the period of the second half of the 1920s and the beginning of the 1930s, until the coup of 1934; and • a fully developed fascist ideology of organizations with considerable membership, activity, and presence, in the second half of the 1930s and the beginning of the 1940s. For more see: Nikolai Poppetrov, Fashizmut v Bulgaria: razvitie i proyavi, translated by Rossitsa Gradeva. [Fascism in Bulgaria. Development and Activities] (Sofia: IK Kama, 2008), pp.7–9; 69–72.
  12. ^ Stefan Rohdewald, Mobilization and Sacralization of the Nation through Religious Remembrance (1918–1944). In: Sacralizing the Nation through Remembrance of Medieval Religious Figures in Serbia, Bulgaria and Macedonia. pp. 487–841; DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004516311_005
  13. ^ Elenkov, Ivan & Koleva, Daniela. (2012). Historiography in Bulgaria After the Fall of Communism: Did "The Change" Happen?. HISTOREIN. 4. 10.12681/historein.87.
  14. ISBN 9781135296940
    . With the end of the Communist era in 1989, a radical view emerged suggesting that Fascism never existed in Bulgaria. This is not true. Although, Bulgaria's variant of Fascism was not as total as elsewhere, inspection of the country's history provides persuasive evidence of the domination of the Fascist ideological doctrine, the efforts of various government administrations and institutions to ensure its acceptance in society and their aspiration to create an 'Aryan' manhood.
  15. ^ "History must be known, because if we don't know it - we won't know the future either. Now it's becoming especially relevant, because historical knowledge has recently turned out to be extremely important. And the categorical opinion of historical science is that there was no fascist regime in Bulgaria" said the historian Prof. Nikolay Ovcharov. For more see: Проф. Овчаров: Трябва да използваме внимателно термина фашизъм. Факти.бг, 02.02.2022.
  16. ^ Божин Трайков, От антикомунизъм към фашизъм.BODIL.bg, 16.01.2019.
  17. ^ Werner, Menski, '7 Transcending Modernity: the Postmodern Reconstruction of Hindu Law', Hindu Law: Beyond Tradition and Modernity (Delhi, 2009; online edn, Oxford Academic, 18 Oct. 2012), https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195699210.003.0007, accessed 19 Aug. 2022.
  18. ISBN 978-954-9890-92-1
    .
  19. ^ Steven F. Sage (2017) The Holocaust in Bulgaria: Rescuing History from 'Rescue', Dapim: Studies on the Holocaust, 31:2, 139-145, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/23256249.2017.1346743
  20. ^ Wien, M. (2008). The Bulgarian monarchy: A politically motivated revision of a historical image in a post-socialist transitional society. In D. Brett, C. Jarvis & I. Marin (Eds.), Four empires and an enlargement: States, societies and individuals: Transfiguring perspectives and images of Central and Eastern Europe (pp. 79–86).
  21. ISBN 1576079406
    .
  22. ^ Frusetta, J. Interwar fascism and the post-1989 radical right: Ideology, opportunism and historical legacy in Bulgaria and Romania, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Volume 42, Issue 4, 2009, pp. 551–571, ISSN 0967-067X.
  23. ^ Frusetta, J. (2010). Fascism to Complete the National Project? Bulgarian Fascists' Uncertain Views on the Palingenesis of the Nation, East Central Europe, 37 (2–3), pp. 280–302.
  24. ISBN 1442241802
    .
  25. ISBN 978-954-9890-92-1
    .
  26. ISBN 1576079406
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  27. ^ Исторически преглед 65 (2009) 1-2, 112. ISSN 0323-9748. Valentina Zadgorska. The circle "Zveno" and its ideology. (Summary).
  28. ISBN 9781785331312
    .
  29. ^ Димитър Атанасов, България преди 9 септември 1944: имало ли е фашизъм и съпротива? Дойче веле, 21.02.2022.
  30. ^ In July 1942 a law of citizenship was passed, by which all (Slavic) inhabitants were held to have acquired Bulgarian nationality on the occupation, except, theoretically, those who chose to opt for their former nationality. If they chose the latter, they had to emigrate. Many Serbs in fact fled to Serbia. For more see: Macedonia. Its Place in Balkan Power Politics. Reprint. (Greenwood Press, 1980.) p. 72.
  31. ISBN 0691043566
    .
  32. ^ Димитров, Пл. Рекрутиране и функциониране на българската администрация в Скопска и Битолска област 1941–1944. Във: Втората световна война и Балканите, Военно издателство, София, Сборник доклади и научни съобщения, изнесени на международна конференция в София, 20-21 юни 2001; 2002, стр. 188–203.
  33. ^ Ragaru, Nadège. "Nationalization through Internationalization. Writing, Remembering, and Commemorating the Holocaust in Macedonia and Bulgaria after 1989" Südosteuropa, vol. 65, no. 2, 2017, pp. 284-315. https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2017-0019
  34. ISBN 9781134712229
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  35. ISBN 113479844X
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  36. ISBN 1351244892
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  37. ISBN 0191528722
    , pp. 118-141.
  38. ISBN 0-8047-3615-4
    , pp. 751–752.
  39. ISBN 0253346568
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  40. ^ Paul Reef, Macedonian Monument Culture Beyond 'Skopje 2014'. From the journal Comparative Southeast European Studies. https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2018-0037
  41. ISBN 1135193886
    , p. 766.
  42. ^ Brunnbauer, Ulf. (2005). Pro-Serbians vs. Pro-Bulgarians: Revisionism in Post-Socialist Macedonian Historiography. History Compass. 3. 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2005.00130.x.
  43. ^ Ragaru, Nadège. "Nationalization through Internationalization. Writing, Remembering, and Commemorating the Holocaust in Macedonia and Bulgaria after 1989" Südosteuropa, vol. 65, no. 2, 2017, pp. 284-315. https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2017-0019
  44. ISBN 978-954-28-0588-5
    . с. 267 – 268.
  45. ^ Marinov, Tchavdar T. "Historiographical Revisionism and Re-Articulation of Memory in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia." (2010).
  46. ^ Стенографски белешки от Тринаесеттото продолжение на Четиринаесеттата седница на Собранието на Република Македонија, одржана на 17 јануари 2007 година.
  47. ^ Заев: Договорът ще бъде закон, ще преследвам омразата, "Дълбоката държава" е в опозицията. БГНЕС, 25.11.2020.
  48. ^ Колозова: Практично сите "окупатори" биле наши луѓе, не може Бугарите да депортираат толку Евреи без локална помош. Македонски весник, 25/07/2022.
  49. ^ Проф. Катерина Колозова: Потомците на партизаните в Македония претендират, че са нация, създадена от "чиста тъкан". Антифашизмът e лицето на техния фашизъм. Faktor.bg, 25 March, 2021.
  50. ^ Любчо Георгиевски: В националната памет на македонците е останало само "български фашистки окупатор". БНР, 25.09.2021.
  51. ^ Македонският историк професор Драги Георгиев*: България не е била фашистки окупатор. Труд, 07.02.2022.
  52. ^ Bulgaria asks EU to stop 'fake' Macedonian identity. Deutsche Welle, 23.09.2020.
  53. ^ Sinisa Jakov Marusic, Bulgaria Sets Tough Terms for North Macedonia's EU Progress Skopje. BIRN; 10 October 2019.
  54. ^ Н. Цеков, А. Андреев, София ли депортира македонските евреи? Дойче Веле, 25.04.2012.

See also

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