Harry Haywood

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Harry Haywood
Haywood in 1948
Born
Haywood Hall

(1898-02-04)February 4, 1898
DiedJanuary 4, 1985(1985-01-04) (aged 86)
Resting placeArlington, Virginia, U.S.
OccupationPolitical figure
SpouseGwendolyn Midlo Hall
Children3
Military career
Allegiance Spanish Republic
 United States
Service/branch International Brigades
United States Army
Unit370th Infantry Regiment (United States)
The "Abraham Lincoln" XV International Brigade
Battles/warsWorld War I
Spanish Civil War
World War II

Harry Haywood (February 4, 1898 – January 4, 1985) was an American political activist who was a leading figure in both the

Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA) and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). His goal was to connect the political philosophy of the Communist Party with the issues of race.[1]

In 1926, he joined other African-American Communists and travelled to the Soviet Union to study the effect of Communism on racial issues found in the United States.

Haywood was also an author. His first book was Negro Liberation, published in 1948. After he was expelled from his affiliating party, he wrote an autobiography called Black Bolshevik, which was also published in 1978. He contributed major theory to

.

Biography

Early years

Harry Haywood was born Haywood Hall, Jr., on February 4, 1898, in South Omaha, Nebraska, to former slaves Harriet and Haywood Hall, from Missouri and West Tennessee, respectively.[2] They had migrated to Omaha because of jobs with the railroads and meatpacking industry, as did numerous other southern blacks. South Omaha also attracted White immigrants, and ethnic Irish had established an early neighborhood there. Haywood was the youngest of three sons.[3]

In 1913 after their father was attacked by whites, the Hall family moved to

Chicago race riot, in which mostly ethnic Irish attacked blacks on the South Side.[3]

Hall was influenced by his older brother Otto, who joined the Communist Party in 1921 and invited Hall to enter the secret

State and Revolution as a teen.[6] He stated, in his autobiography Black Bolshevik, that "this work was the single most important book I had read in the entire three years of my political search and was decisive in leading me to the Communist Party."[4]

Military service

Haywood's military career included service in three wars. His interest in military combat began when his friends recalled tales of their service in the Eighth Illinois, Black National Guard Regiment.

Abraham Lincoln Battalion of the International Brigades. Haywood held the position of Regimental Commissar in the XV International Brigade during the Battle of Brunete. While in Spain he, Langston Hughes and Walter Benjamin Garland broadcast from Madrid in support of the Republican cause. During World War II, he served in the Merchant Marine, where he was active with National Maritime Union
.

Career with the Communist Party USA

Harry Haywood began his revolutionary career by joining the

Comintern
).

Haywood was

invasion of Ethiopia. When eleven Communist leaders were tried under the Smith Act
in 1949, Haywood was assigned the task of research for the defense.

In the CPUSA, Haywood served on the

Central Committee from 1927 to 1938 and on the Politburo from 1931 until 1938. He also participated in the major factional struggles internal to the CPUSA against Jay Lovestone and Earl Browder, regularly siding with William Z. Foster
.

The Comintern and the Black Belt nation

Map of the Black Belt Nation from Haywood's Negro Liberation, 1948.

During his four-and-half-year stay in the

autonomous republics, and participated in the struggles against both the Left Opposition headed by Leon Trotsky and the Right Opposition led by Nikolai Bukharin. In these struggles and in others, Haywood was on the side of Joseph Stalin. While working as a delegate for the Comintern, he served on commissions dealing with the question of African Americans in the United States, as well as the development of the "Native Republic Thesis" for the South African Communist Party. Haywood worked to draft the "Comintern Resolutions on the Negro Question" of 1928 and 1930, which stated that African Americans in the Southern part of the United States made up an oppressed nation, with the right to self-determination up to and including secession
. He would continue to fight for this position throughout his life.

He believed that a distinct African-American nation had developed that satisfied the criteria laid out by Stalin in his Marxism and the National Question: a historically constituted, stable community of people, formed on the basis of a common language, territory, economic life, and psychological makeup manifested in a common culture. Because African Americans in the South constituted such a nation, Haywood believed the correct response was a demand for self-determination, up to and including the right to separate from the United States. Their "national territory" was historically the South, and they deserved full equality everywhere else in the United States. Haywood believed that only with genuine political power, which from a Marxist point of view included control of the productive forces, such as land, could African Americans obtain genuine equality. Their gaining of equality was a prerequisite for broader working class unity.

Most of those in the CPUSA who disagreed with Haywood considered the question of African-American oppression a matter of

race
" is a mystification. He believed that relying on race and ignoring economic questions could only alienate African Americans and inhibit working-class unity.

Following the Great Migration of millions of blacks to the North and Midwest, accompanied by their urbanization, critics attempted to use statistics to counter the Black Belt theory and show there no longer was a black nation centered in the South. In his 1957 article, "For a Revolutionary Position on the Negro Question", Haywood responded that the question of an oppressed nation in the South was not one of "nose counting."

Harry Haywood's 1948 book, Negro Liberation, was the first major study of the African-American national question written by an African-American Marxist. He argued that the root of the oppression of Blacks was the unsolved agrarian question in the

October League. Haywood argued that "the position of the book was not new, but a reaffirmation of the revolutionary position developed at the Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928. The heart of this position is that the problem is fundamentally a question of an oppressed nation with full rights of self-determination. It emphasized the revolutionary essence of the struggle for Black equality arising from the fact that the special oppression of Blacks is a main prop of the system of imperialist domination over the entire working class and the masses of exploited American people. Therefore the struggle for Black liberation is a component part of the struggle for proletarian revolution. It is the historic task of the working-class movement, as it advances on the road to socialism, to solve the problem of land and freedom of the Black masses." On the other hand, Haywood went on to write, "What was new in the book was the thorough analysis of the concrete conditions of Black people in the post-war period. I made extensive use of population data; the 1940 census, the 1947 Plantation Count and other sources, in order to show that the present day conditions affirmed the essential correctness of the position we had formulated years before." Because of this and other works, Robert F. Williams
called Harry Haywood "one of the modern pioneers in the Black liberation struggle."

Expulsion from the CPUSA

Following the death of Stalin in 1953 and

anti-revisionist movement born out of the growing Sino-Soviet split
. He was driven out of the CPUSA in the late 1950s along with many others who took firm anti-revisionist or pro-Stalin positions.

The CPUSA's decision to change its position on the African-American national question was a central factor in Haywood's expulsion. Though the CPUSA had not been as active in the South since the dissolution of the Sharecroppers Union, in 1959 the CPUSA officially dropped its demand for self-determination for African Americans there. (The demand had been dropped earlier when Browder liquidated the party in 1944.) The CPUSA instead held that as American capitalism developed, so too would Black-White unity.

In 1957 he wrote "For a Revolutionary Position on the Negro Question" (later published by Liberator Press) but was unsuccessful at changing the direction of the Party. In 1959, Haywood, although no longer a functioning party member, attempted to intervene one last time. He wrote "On the Negro Question", which was distributed at the Seventeenth National Convention by and in the name of

dogmatism
.

In Haywood's view, "White

Black Power
Movement that was to follow.

Political Activities 1950s–1980s

Haywood and his wife

Detroit Revolutionary Union Movement (DRUM) and the League of Revolutionary Black Workers.[9] Haywood then returned to Mexico for a short time and then to the United States permanently in 1970 invited by Vincent Harding, then Director of the Institute for the Black World in Atlanta, Georgia
.

In 1964, Haywood began to become involved with the New Communist Movement, the goal of which was to found a new

played a major role in keeping the young Maoist groups from taking a strong leading role. In his last published article, Haywood wrote that the New Communist movement spent too much time and energy seeking the "franchise" of governments and parties outside the United States without validating itself among the people of our own country.

Haywood's theoretical contributions to questions of African-American national oppression and

national liberation remain highly valued by the Ray O. Light Group, which developed out of an anti-revisionist split from the Communist Party USA in 1961, Freedom Road Socialist Organization, which was originally formed from the mergers of several New Communist Movement groups in the 1980s, and the Maoist Internationalist Movement
as well as by many black revolutionaries and activists today. Haywood's role in the black protest movements during the 1960s through the 1980s can be studied at the Harry Haywood Papers, Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Books Division, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture in New York City and Harry Haywood Collection, Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.

Haywood's theoretical innovations have been influential in a range of scholarship including historical materialism,[10] geography,[11] Marxist education,[12] and social movement theory,[13] among others.

Marriage and family

In 1920, Haywood married a woman named Hazel, but they separated the same year.[3]

While he was in Los Angeles in the late 1930s or 1940, he married Belle Lewis, whom he had known for years. They divorced in 1955.[3]

In 1956, Haywood married Gwendolyn Midlo, a Jewish activist from New Orleans, Louisiana. She has been active in civil rights throughout her life. She also has become a prominent historian of slavery in the United States and Latin America, and of the African diaspora. She made her academic career at Rutgers University. They had three children, whom Midlo Hall mostly provided for alone. They are Dr. Haywood Hall (b. 1956), Dr. Rebecca Hall (b. 1963), and a third child from a previous marriage, Leonid A. Yuspeh (b. 1951.)

Haywood and Midlo Hall remained married until his death in 1985. Between 1953 and 1964, they collaborated on numerous articles, including some published in Soulbook Magazine, founded in Berkeley, California, in 1964.[14] She did not follow him into the New Communist Movement, and they mostly lived apart after late 1964. Shortly before Haywood's expulsion from the Communist Party, he moved with his family to Mexico City, Mexico.[3] During these years, Midlo Hall earned her bachelor's and master's degrees in history at Mexico City College. She returned with Haywood to the United States in 1964 working as a temporary legal secretary, started teaching in North Carolina in 1965, enrolled in graduate school in 1966, and earned her doctorate in 1970 at the University of Michigan. From there, she went to work as an assistant professor at Rutgers University, where she made her academic career and advanced to full professor. Midlo Hall has taught Africans in the Atlantic World at Michigan State University, as Adjunct Professor of History.

Death and legacy

Haywood died in January 1985, and was buried in

Arlington, Virginia. (Columbarium Court 1, Section LL, Column 7, 2nd Row from bottom. Interred under birth name "Haywood Hall.") He had a service-related disability and spent the last few years of his life at a Veterans Administration medical facility. The Harry Haywood papers are housed at the Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, and at the Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Books Division, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York Public Library
, New York City. In Richard Wright's autobiographical novel Black Boy (American Hunger), the character of Buddy Nealson is said to represent Haywood.[citation needed]

See also

Footnotes

  1. ^ .
  2. .
  3. ^ a b c d e f "Harry Haywood", Abraham Lincoln Brigade Archives, accessed January 15, 2009
  4. ^ .
  5. ^ .
  6. .
  7. .
  8. .
  9. ^ Dan Georgakas and Marvun Surkin, Detroit: I Do Mind Dying. A Study in Urban RevolutionForeword by Manning Marable, Updated Edition, Cambridge, MA, South End Press, 1998, p. 236
  10. ISSN 1465-4466
    .
  11. .
  12. .
  13. .
  14. ^ Haywood, Harry. "Selected Works". University of Massachusetts. Retrieved December 7, 2020.

Other sources consulted

  • Max Elbaum, Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals Turn to Lenin, Mao, and Che. New York: Verso, 2006.
  • William Z. Foster, History of the Communist Party of the United States. New York: International Publishers, 1952.
  • Lance Hill,Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2004.
  • Robin D.G. Kelley, Hammer & Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Depression. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1990.
  • William Eric Perkins, "Harry Haywood (1898-1985)," in Mari Jo Buhle, Paul Buhle, Dan Georgakas, Eds. Encyclopedia of the American Left. New York: Garland, 1990.
  • Cedric J. Robinson, Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2000.

Works

Further reading

  • Dawson, Michael C. Black Visions. The Roots of Contemporary African-American Political Ideologies. University of Chicago Press, Chicago: 2001.
  • Foster, William Z. History of the Communist Party of the United States. International Publishers, New York: 1952.
  • Foster, William Z. The Negro People in American History. International Publishers, New York: 1954.
  • Gilmore, Glenda Elizabeth. Defying Dixie. The Radical Roots of Civil Rights 1919–1950. W.W. Norton & Company, New York 2008.
  • Howard, Walter T. Black Communists Speak on Scottsboro. A Documentary History. Temple University Press, Philadelphia: 2008.
  • Howard, Walter T. We Shall Be Free!: Black Communist Protests in Seven Voices. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2013.
  • Kelley, Robin D. G. Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Depression. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill: 1990.
  • Kelley, Robin D. G. and Betsy Esch, "Black Like Mao: Red China and Black Revolution", in Afro-Asia: Revolutionary Political and Cultural Connections Between African Americans and Asian Americans. Fred Ho and Bill V. Mullen, Eds. Duke University Press, Durham: 2008; pp. 97–155.
  • Solomon, Mark.The Cry Was Unity. Communists and African Americans, 1917–1936. University of Mississippi Press, Jackson: 1998.

External links