Mohammad Najibullah
Mohammad Najibullah | |
---|---|
محمد نجیبالله احمدزی | |
Mohammed Daoud Khan (as President, 1978) | |
Succeeded by | Burhanuddin Rabbani |
Chairman of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council | |
In office 30 September 1987 – 30 November 1987 | |
Preceded by | Haji Mohammad Chamkani |
Succeeded by | Himself (as president) |
Director of the State Intelligence Agency (KHAD) | |
In office 11 January 1980 – 21 November 1985 | |
Leader | Babrak Karmal (as General Secretary) |
Preceded by | Assadullah Amin |
Succeeded by | Ghulam Faruq Yaqubi |
Personal details | |
Born | Gardez, Kingdom of Afghanistan[5] | 6 August 1947
Died | 27 September 1996 (aged 49) Kabul, Afghanistan |
Cause of death | Shot in the head |
Resting place | Gardez, Paktia, Afghanistan |
Political party | PDPA (Parcham) Homeland Party (from 1990) |
Spouse |
General |
Battles/wars | |
Mohammad Najibullah Ahmadzai (
A graduate of
During his tenure as leader of Afghanistan, the Soviets began their withdrawal, and from
In 2017, the pro-Najibullah Watan Party was created as a continuation of Najibullah's party.[12]
Early life and career
Najibullah was born on 6 August 1947 in the city of Gardez, Paktia Province, in the Kingdom of Afghanistan.[5] His ancestral village of Najibqilla is located between the towns of Gardez and Said Karam in an area known as Mehlan.[13] He belonged to the Ahmadzai Ghilji tribe of Pashtuns.[14]
He was educated at Habibia High School in Kabul, at St. Joseph's Higher Secondary School in Baramulla, Jammu and Kashmir, India, and at Kabul University where he began studying in 1964 and completed his Bachelor of Medicine, Bachelor of Surgery (MBBS) in 1975. However, he never practiced medicine. In 1965, during his study in Kabul, Najibullah joined the Parcham (Banner) faction of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) and was twice imprisoned for political activities. He served as Babrak Karmal's close associate and bodyguard during the latter's tenure in the lower house of parliament (1965–1973).[15] In 1977, he was elected to the Central Committee. On 27th April 1978, the PDPA took power in Afghanistan (Saur Revolution), with Najibullah a member of the ruling Revolutionary Council. However, the Khalq (People's) faction of the PDPA gained supremacy over his own Parcham (Banner) faction, and after a brief stint as Ambassador to Iran, he was dismissed from government and went into exile in Europe, until the Soviet Union intervened in 1979 and supported a Parcham-dominated government.[5]
Under Karmal: 1979–1986
Minister of State Security: 1980–1985
In 1980, Najibullah was appointed the head of
As the head of KHAD, Najibullah was also involved in the planning of the hijacking of Pakistan International Airlines Flight 326 with Murtaza Bhutto.[22]
As time would show, Najibullah was very efficient, and during his tenure as leader of KHAD, thousands were arrested, tortured, and executed.[14] KHAD targeted anti-communist citizens, political opponents, and educated members of society. It was this efficiency which made him interesting to the Soviets.[14] Because of this, KHAD became known for its ruthlessness. During his ascension to power, several Afghan politicians did not want Najibullah to succeed Babrak Karmal because Najibullah was known for exploiting his powers for his own benefit. Additionally, during his period as KHAD chief, the Pul-i Charki had become the home of several Khalqist politicians. Another problem was that Najibullah allowed graft, theft, bribery and corruption on a scale not seen previously.[23] As would later be proven by the power struggle he had with Karmal after becoming PDPA General Secretary, despite Najibullah heading the KHAD for five years, Karmal still had sizeable support in the parcham faction leading to Najibullah relying more on Khalqists.[24]
Rise to power: 1985–1986
History of Afghanistan | |
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Timeline | |
410–557 | |
Nezak Huns | 484–711 |
He was appointed to the
On 15 May, Najibullah announced that a collective leadership had been established, which was led by himself consisted of himself as head of party, Karmal as head of state and Sultan Ali Keshtmand as Chairman of the Council of Ministers.[30] When Najibullah took the office of PDPA General Secretary, Karmal still had enough support in the party to disgrace Najibullah. Karmal went as far as to spread rumours that Najibullah's rule was little more than an interregnum, and that he would soon be reappointed to the general secretaryship. As it turned out, Karmal's power base during this period was KHAD.[29] The Soviet leadership wanted to ease Karmal out of politics, but when Najibullah began to complain that he was hampering his plans of National Reconciliation, the Soviet Politburo decided to remove Karmal; this motion was supported by Andrei Gromyko, Yuli Vorontsov, Eduard Shevardnadze, Anatoly Dobrynin and Viktor Chebrikov. A meeting in the PDPA in November relieved Karmal of his Revolutionary Council chairmanship, and he was exiled to Moscow where he was given a state-owned apartment and a dacha.[31] In his position as Revolutionary Council chairman Karmal was succeeded by Haji Mohammad Chamkani, who was not a member of the PDPA.[20]
In 1986, there were more than 100,000 political prisoners and there had been more than 16,500 extrajudicial executions. Its main objectives were the opponents of communism and the most educated classes in society.[32]
Leader: 1986–1992
National Reconciliation
In September 1986, the National Compromise Commission (NCC) was established on the orders of Najibullah. The NCC's goal was to contact
In September 1986, a new constitution was written, which was adopted on 29 November 1987.
Elections: 1987 and 1988
Local elections were held in 1987. It began when the government introduced a law permitting the formation of other political parties, announced that it would be prepared to share power with representatives of opposition groups in the event of a coalition government, and issued a new constitution providing for a new
Emergency
Several figures of the
An Islamic state
During Babrak Karmal's later years, and during Najibullah's tenure, the PDPA tried to improve their standing with Muslims by moving, or appearing to move, to the political centre. They wanted to create a new image for the party and state. Communist symbols were either replaced or removed. These measures did not contribute to any notable increase in support for the government, because the mujahideen had a stronger legitimacy to protect Islam than the government; they had rebelled against what they saw as an anti-Islamic government, that government was the PDPA.[41] Islamic principles were embedded in the 1987 constitution, for instance, Article 2 of the constitution stated that Islam was the state religion, and Article 73 stated that the head of state had to be born into a Muslim Afghan family. The 1990 constitution stated that Afghanistan was an Islamic state, and the last references to communism were removed.[42] Article 1 of the 1990 Constitution said that Afghanistan was an "independent, unitary and Islamic state."[34]
Economic policies
Najibullah continued Karmal's economic policies. The augmenting of links with the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union continued, and so did bilateral trade. He encouraged the development of the private sector in industry. The Five-Year Economic and Social Development Plan which was introduced in January 1986 continued until March 1992, one month before the government's fall. According to the plan, the economy, which had grown less than 2 percent annually until 1985, would grow 25 percent in the plan. Industry would grow 28 percent, agriculture 14–16 percent, domestic trade by 150 percent and foreign trade with 15 percent. As expected, none of these targets were met, and 2 percent growth annually which had been the norm before the plan continued under Najibullah.[43] The 1990 constitution gave due attention to the private sector. Article 20 was about the establishment of private firms, and Article 25 encouraged foreign investments in the private sector.[34]
Afghan–Soviet relations
Soviet withdrawal
While he may have been the
On 14 April 1988, the Afghan and Pakistani governments signed the
During his January 1989 visit to Shevardnadze, Najibullah wanted to retain a small presence of Soviet troops in Afghanistan, and called for moving Soviet bombers to military bases close to the Afghan–Soviet border and place them on permanent alert.
Aid
Soviet military aid continued after their withdrawal, and massive quantities of food, fuel, ammunition and military equipment was given to the government. Varennikov visited Afghanistan in May 1989 to discuss ways and means to deliver the aid to the government. In 1990, Soviet aid amounted to an estimated 3 billion United States dollars. As it turned out, the Afghan military was entirely dependent on Soviet aid to function.[55] When the Soviet Union was dissolved on 26 December 1991, Najibullah turned to former Soviet Central Asia for aid. These newly independent states had no wish to see Afghanistan being taken over by religious fundamentalists, and supplied Afghanistan with 6 million barrels of oil and 500,000 tons of wheat to survive the winter.[56]
After the Soviets
With the Soviets' withdrawal in 1989, the Afghan army was left on its own to battle the insurgents. The most effective, and largest, assaults on the mujahideen were undertaken during the 1985–86 period. These offensives had forced the mujahideen on the defensive near Herat and Kandahar.[57] The Soviets ensued a bomb and negotiate during 1986, and a major offensive that year included 10,000 Soviet troops and 8,000 Afghan troops.[58]
The Pakistani people and establishment continued to support the Afghan mujahideen even if it was in contravention of the Geneva Accords. At the beginning, most observers expected the Najibullah government to collapse immediately, and to be replaced with an Islamic fundamentalist government. The
Hardline Khalqist Shahnawaz Tanai attempted to overthrow Najibullah in a failed coup attempt in March 1990, the coup was stopped however by the Khalqist General Aslam Watanjar. Although Tanai and his forces failed and fled to Pakistan, the coup attempt still managed to show weaknesses in Najibullah's government.
From 1989 to 1990, the Najibullah government was partially successful in building up the Afghan defence forces. The
Fall from power
By January 1992, Najibullah had become internationally isolated, with the loss of his biggest supporter he decided to consolidate his power over the non
Role of Ismailis in the overthrown of Dr. Najibullah
During the tumultuous period leading to the fall of Dr. Najibullah's government in Afghanistan, the Ismaili community, under the leadership of Sayed Mansur Naderi and his son Sayed Jafar Naderi, played a significant role in orchestrating the political and military maneuvers that culminated in Najibullah's ousting. The strategic mutiny led by these Ismaili leaders, in collaboration with other non-Pashtun factions, effectively disrupted Najibullah's main supply route from the former Soviet Union, directly contributing to the collapse of his regime. This pivotal action not only marked a turning point in Afghanistan's history but also highlighted the critical influence of the Ismaili community in shaping the nation's political landscape during a period of profound change and instability.[66]
Final years and death
Not long before Kabul's fall, Najibullah appealed to the
India also refused to let him take refuge at the Indian embassy as it risked creating "subcontinental rivalries" and reprisals against Kabul's Indian community, arguing that Najibullah would be far safer at the UN compound. All attempts failed and he eventually sought refuge in the local UN headquarters,[70] where he would stay until 1996. In 1994, India sent senior diplomat M. K. Bhadrakumar to Kabul to hold talks with Ahmad Shah Massoud, the defence minister, to consolidate relations with the Afghan authorities, reopen the embassy, and allow Najibullah to fly to India, but Massoud refused.[71] Bhadrakumar wrote in 2016 that he believed Massoud did not want Najibullah to leave as Massoud could strategically make use of him, and that Massoud "probably harboured hopes of a co-habitation with Najib somewhere in the womb of time because that extraordinary Afghan politician was a strategic asset to have by his side".[72] At the time, Massoud was commanding the government's forces fighting the militias of Dostum and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar during the Battle of Kabul. A few months before his death, he quoted, "Afghans keep making the same mistake," reflecting upon his translation to a visitor.[73]
In September 1996, when the Taliban were about to enter Kabul,[74] Massoud claimed to have offered Najibullah an opportunity to flee the capital. Najibullah refused. The reasons as to why he refused may be because unlike other members of the former regime, Najibullah was not granted amnesty by the Islamic State of Afghanistan. The UN Secertary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali had pleaded with the government of Burhanuddin Rabbani to allow Najibullah to leave the country as he felt that Najibullah was not safe as his presence was well known, Rabbani however refused to grant Najibullah amnesty. Massoud (a member of Rabbani's Jamiat-e Islami Party) himself claimed that Najibullah feared that "if he fled with the Tajiks, he would be for ever damned in the eyes of his fellow Pashtuns."[75] Others, like General Tokhi, who was with Najibullah until the day before his torture and murder, stated that Najibullah mistrusted Massoud after his militia had repeatedly fired rockets at the UN compound and had effectively barred Najibullah from leaving Kabul. "If they wanted Najibullah to flee Kabul in safety," Tokhi said, "they could have provided him the opportunity as they did with other high-ranking officials from the communist party from 1992 to 1996."[76] Dr Najibullah was the only member of the old regime (besides Assadullah Sawari) to not be granted amnesty by the Islamic State of Afghanistan. Whatever his true motivations were, when Massoud's militia went to both Najibullah and General Tokhi and asked them to flee Kabul, they rejected the offer.
Najibullah was at the UN compound when unknown soldiers came for him on the evening of 26 September 1996.
Reactions
News of Najibullah's murder was greeted with widespread international condemnation,
On the 20th anniversary of his death, in 2016, Afghanistan's Research Center blamed the ISI for his death, claiming that the plan to kill Najibullah was implemented by Pakistan.[86]
On 1 June 2020, following a visit to his grave in Gardez by the Afghan National Security Advisor Hamdullah Mohib, Najibullah's widow Fatana Najib said that before constructing a mausoleum for him, the government should first investigate his assassination.[87]
Legacy
After Najibullah's death, the brutal civil war between mujahideen factions, the Taliban regime, continued fighting, and enduring problems with corruption and poverty, his image among the Afghan people dramatically improved, and Najibullah came to be seen as a strong and patriotic leader. Since the 2010s, posters and pictures of him have become a common sight in many Afghan cities.[88][89] Najibullah is a very popular figure amongst Pashtun Nationalists many of whom view his fall as the biggest blow to the Pashtun Nationalist Movement.[9] Ever since the creation of Pakistan the various governments of Afghanistan whatever Monarchy, Republican or Communist had all backed Pashtun Nationalist parties such as ANP. The fall of Najibullah was considered by Afghan Mellat Wakman faction leader Anwar ul-Haq Ahady as "the end of Pashtun dominance in Afghan politics".[90][91] Many Pashtuns remember under Najibullah, Pashto became the 4th language spoken in space when Abdul Ahad Momand called Najibullah in 1988 from space as well as the fact Najibullah chose to speak Pashto at the UN General assembly rather than Dari.
In 1997, the Watan Party of Afghanistan was formed and in 2003, the National United Party of Afghanistan was registered – who seek to unite former PDPA members formerly led by Mohammad Najibullah.[92]
Views
Najibullah is often referred to as a communist by some however his rule from 1987 to 1992 was marked with a shift away from Communism towards Islamic Socialism and a more Mixed economy.[9] In Terms of Policy, Najibullah can be best compared to Daoud Khan who ruled the Republic of Afghanistan before the PDPA took power in 1978. Najibullah's government also featured many former ministers of the Daoud Khan government. Najibullah was in support of restoration of the monarchy to some capacity, he restored Zahir Shah's citizenship and actively encouraged Zahir Shah to take part in negotiations, Najibullah's wife Fatana Najib is also related to former Afghan King Amanaullah.[93][94] Najibullah was a Pashtun Nationalist being hailed as the first Afghan leader to speak Pashto at the UN General Assembly and having Afghan Cosmonaut Abdul Ahad Momand (also an Ethnic Pashtun) making Pashto the 4th language spoken in space under his leadership. He often questioning the legitimacy of Pakistan's existence claiming it was "born out of British colonialism".[95] Najibullah whose father was also a Pashtun Nationalist, had strong ties to the Pashtun Nationalist community in the Pashtun majority North West Frontier province. Najibullah was present during the funeral for Pashtun Nationalist leader Abdul Ghaffar who was granted military honors.[91] Najibullah also attempted to hand over the control of non Pashtun ethnic militias to Pashtun leaders as he had grown to distrust many northern militias such as Abdul Rashid Dostum's Uzbek militia which had committed atrocities and started to open channels with Ahmad Shah Massoud.[96] A Soviet GRU dossier on Najibullah described him as "A Pushtun nationalist, he is one of the motivating spirits of the policy of “Pushtunization” of Afghan society. Within his closest circle he speaks only in Pashto. He is inclined to select colleagues not for their professional qualities but for their personal devotion to him, predominantly relatives and fellow-villagers".[97] Under Najibullah over 50% of Afghan media was in the Pashto language.[98]
Family
Najibullah was married on 1 September 1974 to Fatana Najib, principal of the Peace School whom he met when she was an eighth-grade student and he was her science tutor.[99] The couple had three daughters, who were forced to leave Afghanistan after the Taliban seizure and the start of the civil war. The daughters grew up with their mother in New Delhi, India, after moving there in 1992.[100]
See also
References
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- ^ "Researchers Blame Pakistan's ISI for Death of Ex-President Najibullah".
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(help) - ^ "Shift Dr. Najibullah's corpse to Kabul: Paktia residents – The Pashtun Times". 30 August 2016.
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- ^ a b "WARNING – GRAPHIC: Anti-Taliban Pashtun Nationalists And Democrats Mark Afghan Taliban's Hanging Of Former President Dr. Najibullah In 1996 – The Afghan Taliban Had Threatened To Execute President Ashraf Ghani". MEMRI. Retrieved 20 September 2023.
- ^ Afghan Biographies – Olumi, Noorulhaq Noor ul Haq Olomi Ulumi Archived 23 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine
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External links
- Biography of President Najibullah Archived 23 October 2005 at the Wayback Machine