Foreign policy of the Bill Clinton administration
| ||
---|---|---|
40th & 42nd Governor of Arkansas
42nd President of the United States
Policies
Appointments
First term
Second term
Presidential campaigns Controversies
Post-presidency
|
||
The foreign policy of the Bill Clinton administration was of secondary concern to a president fixed on domestic policy. He relied chiefly on his two experienced Secretaries of State Warren Christopher (1993–1997) and Madeleine Albright (1997–2001), as well as Vice President Al Gore. The Cold War had ended and the Dissolution of the Soviet Union had taken place under his predecessor President George H. W. Bush, whom Clinton criticized for being too preoccupied with foreign affairs. The United States was the only remaining superpower, with a military strength far overshadowing the rest of the world. There were tensions with countries such as Iran and North Korea, but no visible threats. Clinton's main priority was always domestic affairs, especially economics. Foreign-policy was chiefly of interest to him in terms of promoting American trade. His administration signed more than 300 bilateral trade agreements.[1] His emergencies had to do with humanitarian crises which raised the issue of American or NATO or United Nations interventions to protect civilians, or armed humanitarian intervention, as the result of civil war, state collapse, or oppressive governments.
President George H. W. Bush had sent American troops on a humanitarian mission to Somalia in December 1992. 18 of them were killed and 80 wounded in a botched raid, ordered by the commanding general, in October 1993. Public opinion, and most elite opinion, swung heavily against foreign interventions that risked the lives of American soldiers when American national interests were not directly involved. That meant humanitarian missions were problematic. Clinton agreed, and sent ground troops only once, to Haiti, where none were hurt. He sent the Air Force to intervene in the
Key achievements during the second term included the 1995 peso recovery package in Mexico,
Appointments
Clinton administration foreign policy personnel | |||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Vice President | Gore (1993–2001) | ||||||||
Secretary of State | Christopher (1993–1997) |
Albright (1997–2001) | |||||||
Secretary of Defense | Aspin (1993–1994) |
Perry (1994–1997) |
Cohen (1997–2001) | ||||||
Ambassador to the United Nations | Albright (1993–1997) |
Richardson (1997–1998) |
Burleigh (1998–1999) |
Holbrooke (1999–2001) | |||||
Director of Central Intelligence | Studeman (1993) |
Woolsey (1993–1995) |
Studeman (1995) |
Deutch (1995–1996) |
Tenet (1996–2001) | ||||
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs | Lake (1993–1997) |
Berger (1997–2001) | |||||||
Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs | Berger (1993–1997) |
Steinberg (1997–2001) | |||||||
Trade Representative | Kantor (1993–1996) |
Barshefsky (1996–2001) |
Top advisors
As a campaigner for election, Clinton promised to devote his main attention to domestic policy, in contrast to what he called the overemphasis on foreign policies by his opponent George H. W. Bush. On taking office he told his top advisers he could only spare one hour a week meeting with them.
Political scientist Stephen Schlesinger argues that Warren Christopher was:
- a cautious, discreet, and patient counselor who, reflecting his habits as a corporate lawyer, made few very bold moves without his client's [Clinton's] prior approval....Albright, is a more outspoken, even swashbuckling, character, who tends to grab hold of issues and run with them--even if this means stepping on the feet of others in the administration or foreign officials. The result has been a more activist regime in the second term.[12]
Main goals
According to Sandy Berger, Clinton's top advisor for national security, the president had three main goals: to assert American hegemonic leadership; promote American prosperity and expand the market economy globally; and to advance human rights and democracy. Berger argues that Clinton achieved above-average successes in five areas: [13]
- Working alliances in Europe and Asia, with emphasis on NATO, Japan and South Korea.
- Friendly relations with China and Russia, until recently our great enemies.
- He viewed local conflicts in continental and global perspective.
- New technology has altered military consideration and made nuclear nonproliferation a priority along with control of chemical and biological weapons.
- He integrated foreign-policy with economic goals of prosperity and extended trade.
Favorable world scene
For the first time since the mid-1930s the international scene was highly favorable. Old enemies had collapsed with the fall of Communism and the Soviet Union. Other problems seemed far less pressing and Clinton, with little expertise in foreign affairs, was eager to concentrate almost entirely on domestic issues. as Walter B. Slocombe argues:
- Germany...had been reunified peacefully and its partners in the European Union were moving toward economic integration with political integration a long-term, but now less implausible, prospect. The former Warsaw Pact satellites were on the way to stable democracy and market prosperity. North and South Korea had agreed on a process of denuclearization. China seemed absorbed in its internal development, having cast off revolutionary zeal in exchange for growth (and continued regime control) under market principles....Iraq was humbled by recent defeat in the Gulf War and under pervasive international surveillance and supervision. Apartheid was ending in South Africa, and peacefully so. Most of Latin America was emerging from rule by juntas and coups to democratic order. Taiwan and South Korea had cast off authoritarian regimes while remaining strong friends of the United States. Even in the Middle East, the Madrid agreements appeared to open the path to resolution of the Israel-Palestine problem.[14]
Less attention was being paid to the remaining minor trouble spots, as Slocombe lists them:
- Iran, Haiti, the wreckage of Yugoslavia, the seemingly endless tragedy of Africa exemplified by the chaos in Somalia, and even Northern Ireland, as well as nontraditional security challenges ranging from environmental degradation to terrorism.[15]
International trips
The number of visits per country where he travelled are:
- One visit to Macedonia, Morocco, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Palestinian Authority (West Bank and Gaza), Portugal, Romania, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Slovakia, Slovenia, South Africa, Syria, Tanzania, Thailand, Turkey, Uganda, Vatican City, Venezuela, and Vietnam
- Two visits to Belgium, Jordan, Mexico, Philippines, Poland, and Spain
- Three visits to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Ireland, South Korea, and Ukraine
- Four visits to Egypt and Israel
- Five visits to Canada, France, Japan, Russia, and Switzerland
- Six visits to Germany
- Seven visits to United Kingdom
- Eight visits to Italy
International trade
Clinton made the completion and implementation of North American Free Trade Agreement his top trade priority. He also supported the establishment and expansion of the World Trade Organization (WTO), which replaced the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) as the primary global institution overseeing international trade.
Clinton sought to open foreign markets to American goods and services through trade negotiations and agreements. Efforts were made to reduce tariffs, eliminate non-tariff barriers, and ensure fair trade practices to create opportunities for U.S. exporters. On these points Secretary of Commerce
China
The administration pursued a policy towards China that sought to engage and integrate China into the global community while simultaneously addressing concerns about human rights and trade imbalances.
However, as President Clinton continued the Bush trade policies. Clinton's highest priority was to maintain trade with China, boost American exports, expand investment in the huge Chinese market, and create more jobs at home.[24] By granting China temporary most favoured nation status in 1993, his administration minimized tariff levels in Chinese imports. Clinton initially conditioned extension of this status on Chinese human rights reforms, but ultimately decided to extend the status despite a lack of reform in the specified areas of free emigration, no exportation of goods made with prison labor, release of peaceful protesters, treatment of prisoners in terms of international human rights, recognition of the distinct regional culture of type at, permitting international television and radio coverage, and observation of human rights specified by United Nations resolutions.[25][26][27]
In 1998, Clinton paid a friendly nine-day visit to China. Albright defended the trip by saying, "Engagement does not mean endorsement."[28] In 1999 Clinton signed a landmark trade agreement with China. The agreement–the result of more than a decade of negotiations–would lower many trade barriers between the two countries, making it easier to export U.S. products such as automobiles, banking services, and motion pictures. The Chinese citizens ability to afford and purchase U.S. goods should have been taken into consideration. However, the agreement could only take effect if China was accepted into the WTO and was granted permanent "normal trade relations" status by the U.S. Congress. Under the pact, the United States would support China's membership in the WTO. Many Democrats as well as Republicans were reluctant to grant permanent status to China because they were concerned about human rights in the country and the impact of Chinese imports on U.S. industries and jobs. Congress, however, voted in 2000 to grant permanent normal trade relations with China.[29] In 2000, Clinton signed a bill granting permanent normal trade relations to China, and American imports from China massively increased in the subsequent years.[30] Clinton's last treasury secretary, Lawrence Summers, argued that Clinton's trade policies were technically "the largest tax cut in the history of the world" in that they reduced prices on consumer goods by lowering tariffs.[31]
NAFTA
In 1993 Clinton worked with a bipartisan coalition in Congress to overcome objections by labor union and liberal Democrats. They passed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) that Bush had negotiated with Canada and Mexico in 1992. It joined the American, Mexican and Canadian economies in a free trade pact. It removed many restrictions of trade in agriculture, textiles, and automobiles, provided new protections for intellectual property, set up dispute resolution mechanisms, and implemented new labor and environmental safeguards.[32] NAFTA cost jobs at first, but in the long run it dramatically increased the trade among the three countries. It increased the number of jobs in the United States, but unions complained that it lowered wage rates for some workers.[33] However, unions blocked his 1997 and 1998 proposals to provide the president with the power to quickly negotiate trade liberalization pacts with limited congressional comment.[34] Clinton's advocacy of trade agreements sparked a backlash on the left among opponents of globalization. A 1999 World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle, Washington, was overshadowed by major protests that descended into violence.[35]
International organizations
The end of superpower rivalry had freed the UN and NATO and regional security institutions from their previous Cold War mind-set, and created new opportunities for them to play a more active, collective role. Despite international norms of state sovereignty and non-intervention, the idea that the international community should intervene in a country for the good of its own people gained greater legitimacy. International organizations such as the UN and regional security such as
Genocide, war crimes and UN Peacekeeping
Embarrassed by its slow response to Rwanda, Kosovo showed Clinton his administration had to be prepared to deal with genocide and war crimes. It recognized some conflicts as genocidal, helped organize military force, and supported the International Criminal Court treaty. Finally it established the Atrocities Prevention Interagency Working Group, the forerunner of the Obama administration's Atrocities Prevention Board.[40][41]
Although the Clinton and the George W. Bush administrations started from opposite perspectives they came to adopt remarkably similar policies in support of peace operations as tools for American foreign policy. Initial positions formed by ideological concerns, were replaced by pragmatic decisions about how to support UN peace operations. Both administrations were reluctant to contribute large contingents of ground troops to UN-commanded operations, even as both administrations supported increases in the number and scale of UN missions.[42][43]
The Clinton administration faced significant operational challenges. Instead of a liability, this was the tactical price of strategic success. American peace operations help transform its NATO alliance. The George W. Bush administration started with a negative ideological attitude toward peace operations. However European and Latin American governments emphasized peace operations as strategically positive, especially regarding the use of European forces in Afghanistan and Lebanon. However American allies sometimes needed to flout their autonomy, even to the point of sacrificing operational efficiency, much to the annoyance of Washington.[44]
Africa
Somalia
In December 1992, President Bush sent troops to Somalia.
Rwanda
In April 1994, genocide in Rwanda erupted due to a long-standing conflict between the majority Hutu and dominant Tutsi ethnic groups. In little more than 100 days, Hutu militia massacred about 800,000 Tutsi men, women and children. The small UN force on the scene was helpless. European nations flew in to remove their own nationals, then flew out. There was a strong consensus in the United States at both the elite and popular levels that the United States should not send in large-scale combat forces to stop the massacres. American officials avoided the word "genocide" because that would justify military intervention. Clinton later called his inaction his worst mistake.[53][54]
The Hutu militia were highly effective in killing Tutsi civilians, but they were ineffective when a large Tutsi armed force based in neighboring Uganda invaded in July and seized full control of the entire nation of Rwanda. By the end of July, 1994, nearly two million Hutus fled the country for safety, flooding into refugee camps in neighboring countries.
Osama bin Laden attacks in Africa
In August 1998, terrorists bombed the United States embassies in the capitals of two East African countries, Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. About 250 people were killed, including 12 Americans, and more than 5,500 were injured. After intelligence linked the bombings to Osama bin Laden, a wealthy Saudi Arabian living in Afghanistan who was suspected of terrorist activity, Clinton ordered missile attacks on sites in Afghanistan and Sudan in retaliation for the bombings at the U.S. embassies and to deter future terrorist attacks.[59] The Clinton administration maintained that the sites—a pharmaceutical factory at Khartoum (the capital of Sudan) and several alleged terrorist camps in Afghanistan—were involved in terrorist activities.[60] The US aggressively pursued him after his 9-11 attacks. [61]
Europe
The Balkans
Clinton wanted to avoid European operations as much as possible, and knew little about the complex situation in the Balkans. Nevertheless, it became more and more deeply involved, starting in early 1993.[63]
Bosnia
Much of Clinton's reluctant focus was the
In early 1993 the Clinton administration decided on aggressive action, ignoring both the United Nations and key European allies. The proposed policy was called
Clinton continued to pressure western European countries throughout 1994 to take strong measures against the Serbs. But in November, as the Serbs seemed on the verge of defeating the Muslims and Croats in several strongholds, Clinton changed course and called for conciliation with the Serbs.
Derek Chollet and Samantha Power argue that:
- Dayton was a turning point for the Clinton Administration's foreign policy specifically and America's role in the world generally....In less than six months during 1995, the U.S. had taken charge of the Transatlantic Alliance, pushed NATO to use overwhelming military force, risked American prestige on a bold diplomatic gamble, and deployed thousands of American troops to help implement the agreement. That the administration ran such risks successfully gave it confidence going forward. This success also reinforced the logic of the administration's core strategic objective in Europe – to help create a continent "whole and free" by revitalizing and enlarging institutions like NATO. In the wake of Dayton, Clinton seem to be more confident foreign-policy president.[74]
Enhanced roles of NATO and the United States
According to historian David N. Gibbs:[75]
- In bolstering America's hegemonic position, the significance of the Srebrenica massacre cannot be overstated: The massacre helped trigger a NATO bombing campaign that is widely credited with ending the Bosnian war, along with the associated atrocities, and this campaign gave NATO a new purpose for the post-Soviet era. Since that time, the Srebrenica precedent has been continuously invoked as a justification for military force. The perceived need to prevent massacres and oppression helped justify later interventions in Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya, as well as the ongoing fight against ISIS. The recent UN doctrine of Responsibility to Protect, which contains a strongly interventionist tone, was inspired in part by the memory of Srebrenica.
Kosovo
In the spring of 1998, ethnic tension in the
Through attempting to impose the
Northern Ireland
Clinton successfully worked to end the conflict in Northern Ireland by arranging a peace agreement between the nationalist and unionist factions, with the approval of London.[78] In 1998 former Senator George Mitchell—whom Clinton had appointed to assist in peace talks—brokered an accord known as the Good Friday Agreement. It called for the British Parliament to devolve legislative and executive authority of the province to a new Northern Ireland Assembly, whose Executive would include members of both communities. Years of stalemate have followed the agreement, mainly due to the refusal of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA), a nationalist paramilitary group, to decommission its weapons for some years and after that the refusal of the Democratic Unionist Party to push the process forward. Mitchell returned to the region and arranged yet another blueprint for a further peace settlement that resulted in a December 1999 formation of the power-sharing government agreed the previous year, which was to be followed by steps toward the IRA's disarmament. That agreement eventually faltered as well, although Clinton continued peace talks to prevent the peace process from collapsing completely. In 2005 the IRA decommissioned all of its arms and, in 2007, Sinn Féin expressed a willingness to support the reformed Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). Power was restored to the Assembly in May 2007, marking renewed promise for the fulfillment of the Good Friday Agreement.[79][80][81]
Russia
The Clinton policy was to support the Yeltsin government in Russia, which had abolished communism but faced severe economic stresses and weak domestic support. Yeltsin opposed NATO expansion but could not stop it.[82] Clinton himself took primary responsibility for Russian policy. Yeltsin finally resigned as president at the end of 1999, replaced by his prime minister Vladimir Putin.[83] Strobe Talbott, a close friend who became chief expert on Russia, has argued that Clinton hit it off with Russian Boris Yeltsin, the president of Russia 1991-1999:
- The personal diplomacy between Clinton and Yeltsin, augmented by the channel that Gore developed with Yeltsin's longest-serving prime minister, Victor Chernomyrdin, yielded half a dozen major understandings that either resolved or alleviated disputes over Russia's role in the post–cold war world. The two presidents were the negotiators in chief of agreements to halt the sale of Russian rocket parts to India; remove Soviet-era nuclear missiles from Ukraine in exchange for Russian assurances of Ukraine's sovereignty and security; withdraw Russian troops from the Baltic states; institutionalize cooperation between Russia and an expanding NATO; lay the ground for the Baltic states to join the alliance; and ensure the participation of the Russian military in Balkan peacekeeping and of Russian diplomacy in the settlement of NATO's air war against Serbia.[84]
After Yeltsin took the lead in overthrowing Communism in 1991 relations remained generally warm. However, by Clinton's second term, relations started to fray. Moscow grew angry about Washington's intentions in the light of the first phase of the NATO eastward expansion toward the Russian border.[85][86]
In March 1999 Russia stridently opposed the U.S.-led NATO military operation against Serbia—a historic ally of Russia that was mistreating Kosovo.[87][88] In December 1999, while on a visit to China, President Yeltsin verbally assailed Clinton for criticizing Russia's tactics in suppressing rebellion in its Chechnya province (at the start of the Second Chechen War) emphatically reminding that Russia remained a nuclear superpower and adding: ″Things will be as we have agreed with Jiang Zemin. We will be saying how to live, not [Bill Clinton] alone″.[89]
The Middle East
For further information on the overarching strategy of President Clinton's approach to the Middle East, particularly Iraq and Iran, see dual containment.
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Clinton was deeply involved in the
The 1993 and 1995 peace agreements between Israel and Palestine, however, did not end the conflict in the Middle East. As the peace process came to a stall, Clinton invited Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat to peace talks on the Wye River in October 1998. The two leaders signed yet another agreement, known as the Wye River Memorandum, which called for Israel to transfer more territory in the West Bank to the Palestinians. In return, the Palestinians agreed to take steps to curb terrorism. They also agreed to a timetable to negotiate a final resolution of the Palestinian fight for an independent state.
After an abrupt outbreak of violence sparked by the agreement,[92] however, Netanyahu refused to cede any more West Bank territory and placed new demands upon Palestine. His ceding of territory had shaken his own coalition, though, and together with other factors, this contributed to the downfall of the Netanyahu government in Israel.[93] As a result, in May 1999 Israelis elected Ehud Barak, the leader of a political coalition that favored resuming the peace process, to replace Netanyahu as prime minister. Clinton continued to work passionately[94] on negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. Throughout his last year in office, Clinton came close to arranging a final peace settlement but failed, according to Clinton, as a result of Arafat's reluctance.[95] Clinton related a phone conversation he had with Arafat three days before he left office. "You are a great man," Arafat said. Clinton replied, "The hell I am. I'm a colossal failure, and you made me one."[96]
However, relations soured after Israel opposed the Kosovo War and the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia.
Iraq
Clinton was confronted with deep problems in Iraq. In 1991, United States under President
On June 26, 1993, Clinton ordered a
In October 1994, Baghdad once again began mobilizing around 64,000 Iraqi troops near the Kuwaiti border because of their expressed frustrations of economic sanctions imposed on Iraq by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC).
In September 1996, Clinton ordered
In his 1998 State of the Union Address, Clinton warned the U.S. Congress of Hussein's possible pursuit of nuclear weapons, saying:
Together we must also confront the new hazards of
biological weapons, and the outlaw states, terrorists and organized criminals seeking to acquire them. Saddam Hussein has spent the better part of this decade, and much of his nation's wealth, not on providing for the Iraqi people, but on developing nuclear, chemical and biological weapons and the missiles to deliver them. The United Nations weapons inspectors have done a truly remarkable job, finding and destroying more of Iraq's arsenal than was destroyed during the entire gulf war. Now, Saddam Hussein wants to stop them from completing their mission. I know I speak for everyone in this chamber, Republicans and Democrats, when I say to Saddam Hussein, "You cannot defy the will of the world", and when I say to him, "You have used weapons of mass destruction before; we are determined to deny you the capacity to use them again."[105]
The UNS-COM team faced resistance from Iraq, which blocked inspections and hid deadly germ agents and warheads.[106] Clinton then threatened military action several times when Hussein, who turned out to be Iraq's president, tried stalling the UNS-COM inspections.[107]
To weaken Hussein's grip of power, Clinton signed the Iraq Liberation Act into law on October 31, 1998, which instituted a policy of "regime change" against Iraq, though it explicitly stated it did not speak to the use of American military forces.[108]
Between December 16 and 19, 1998, Clinton ordered four-day period of
The
Iran
In 1993, the Clinton Administration announced that containing the "hostile" and "dangerous" government of Iran would be a basic element of its Middle East policy. Clinton continued the same policy of his predecessor, George H.W. Bush, who had concluded that Iran's support for terrorism and pursuit of nuclear technology warranted a strong response. Henry Rome argues that Israel did not shape that decision.[116] Clinton sought to contain Iranian ambitions as part of the dual containment strategy.[117] On May 6, 1995, Clinton signed Executive Order 12957, which implemented tight oil and trade sanctions on Iran and made it illegal for American corporations or their foreign subsidiaries to participate in any contract "for the financing of the development of petroleum resources located in Iran." On May 6, 1995, Clinton issued Executive Order 12959, which banned almost all trade between U.S. businesses and the Iranian government with the exception of informational materials.[118] A year before, the President declared that Iran was a "
In 1996, Clinton signed the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act, that imposed economic sanctions on firms doing business with Iran and Libya.[120]
In 1996, the Clinton administration agreed to compensate the Iranian government for the deaths of 254 Iranians in a 1988 incident in which an Iranian commercial passenger plane was shot down by mistake by an American warship the USS Vincennes. In Clinton's second term as president, beginning in 1997, the administration began to take a softer approach towards Iran, particularly after the election of reformist Mohammad Khatami as President of Iran.
Clinton at one point offered to open up an official dialogue with the Iranian government and renew diplomatic relations with the country after 20 years of no such relations. However, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei refused to accept the offer for dialogue unless the U.S. formally withdrew its support for Israel, lifted the '95 sanctions imposed on the country, stopped accusing Tehran of attempting to develop nuclear weaponry, and officially ended its policy of considering Iran a "rogue state that sponsors terrorism." Although Clinton did privately weigh the idea of revoking the executive orders he signed in the spring of 1995, the administration refused to comply with Iran's other demands.
Eventually, President Clinton did ease restrictions on export of food and medical equipment to Iran. In 2000 Albright mentioned the CIA role in the 1953 military coup that overthrew Prime Minister,
East Asia and South Asia
Vietnam
In 1994, the Clinton administration announced that it was lifting the
China and Taiwan
Running for president in 1992, Bill Clinton criticized George H. W. Bush for prioritizing trade relationships over human rights issues in China.[125] Clinton's May 28, 1993 Executive Order 128950 linked future extension of China's most favored nation trading status to China's progress on U.S.-defined human rights measures.[126]: 222 China made virtually no effort to comply with the U.S. conditions and in mid-1994 Clinton changed his position,[126]: 223 de-linking the China's most favored nation status from human rights issues.[127]
Congressional pressure, especially from the Republican Party, prompted Clinton to approve arms sales to Taiwan, despite the strong displeasure voiced by Beijing.[128][129][130]
In July 1993, the Yinhe incident occurred, in which the US Navy stopped a Chinese container ship en route to Kuwait in international waters, cut off its GPS so that it lost direction and was forced to anchor, and held it in place for twenty-four days.[127] The United States incorrectly alleged that the Yinhe was carrying precursors of chemical weapons for Iran.[127] It eventually forced an inspection of the ship in Saudi Arabia, but found no chemical precursors.[127] The United States refused China's request for a formal apology and refused to pay compensation.[127] This incident was viewed in China as international bullying by the United States.[127]
In 1995-96 the
When Clinton traveled to Shanghai during his 1998 visit to China, he declared the "three nos" for United States foreign policy towards China: (1) not recognizing two Chinas, (2) not supporting Taiwanese independence, and (3) not supporting Taiwanese efforts to join international organizations for which sovereignty is a membership requirement.[127]
North Korea
North Korea's goal was to create nuclear weapons and
With private diplomacy by former president Jimmy Carter, the Clinton administration reached a breakthrough with North Korea in October 1994 when North Korea agreed to shut down the nuclear plants that could produce materials for weapons if the United States would help North Korea build plants that generated electricity with light-water nuclear reactors. These reactors would be more efficient and their waste could not easily be used for nuclear weaponry.[136] The United States also agreed to supply fuel oil for electricity until the new plants were built, and North Korea agreed to allow inspection of the old waste sites when construction began on the new plants.[136] KEDO was established based on this agreement in 1995.[137]
This
Japan
Relations improved slowly with Japan, despite wide fears that the country was surpassing America economically. In terms of security issues and basic political solidarity, agreement was high. The friction came on trade issues, but even there, Washington and Tokyo stood together against the assertions of the fastest growing power: China.[138] The nuclear threat posed by North Korea was a concern. Clinton's policy was multilateral pressure on Pyongyang while arming South Korea and Japan. There was a strong element in Japan against any rearmament, and North Korea proved intractable.[139]
Trade issues focused on the large trade deficit, as Japan exported far more to the United States than it imported. Progress on resolving these trade issues was impeded by the rapid turnover in Japanese prime ministers--there were five in Clinton's first four years. The Clinton-Hosokawa summit in 1994 failed when Morihiro Hosokawa refused to accept unilateral US demands regarding imports of Japanese automobiles.[140] However Clinton and the new prime minister, Ryutaro Hashimoto, held a pleasant meeting in Tokyo in the spring of 1996; Clinton agreed to return one of the controversial military bases on Okinawa.[141][142] [143]
India
Under Clinton and
Latin America
In its first two years, says Robert Pastor, the Administration worked to restore democracy in Haiti and secured Senate approval of NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Agreement that Bush had negotiated. It did not offer any new or long-term objectives for the Americas. After 1994 the main issues involved the Mexican financial crisis, the questions of further sanctions on Cuba, and battles with the Republicans who controlled Congress.[146]
Haiti
Continued instability in Haiti led to difficult decisions about military intervention.
American opinion generally favored Aristide but opposed military intervention.[150][36] Clinton was highly sensitive to his black constituency, and the black leadership in Congress pushed for action. Vice President Gore and advisor Anthony Lake strongly agreed, while Sandy Berger, Strobe Talbott, Warren Christopher and Defense Secretary William Perry went along. Clinton agreed, but worried about going against the democratic will in his own country to enforce democracy in some other country. Clinton tried to rally public opinion with a forceful televised address that denounced the military junta as armed thugs engaged in "a reign of terror, executing children, raping women, killing priests."[151] Clinton demanded it leave immediately. As American warplanes were being readied for an invasion, suddenly former President Jimmy Carter proposed to negotiate a settlement. Clinton sent Carter, Colin Powell, and Senator Sam Nunn to Haiti to convince the junta to leave. In a matter of 48 hours, Carter's group achieved the desired transfer of power without any violence. In Operation Uphold Democracy American forces landed after the departure of the junta. Anthony Lake attributed the success to a combination of power and diplomacy. Without Clinton's threat of force, the junta would never have left. Without Carter, there would have been fighting. Aristide returned to power, and Clinton's prestige was enhanced. Nevertheless, six years later conditions were still terrible in Haiti.[152][153][154][155][156]
Mexico
After securing the NAFTA treaty that integrated the Mexican and American economies, Clinton faced yet another foreign crisis in early 1995. The
Cuba
American foreign policy toward Cuba had been hostile since Fidel Castro aligned the country with the Soviet Union in 1960. Clinton basically continue the policy especially regarding trade embargoes, but he faced a difficult problem on what to do with Cuban refugees trying to reach asylum in the United States.[158]
After negotiations with representatives of the Cuban government, Clinton revealed in May 1995 a controversial policy reversing the decades-old policy of automatically granting asylum to Cuban refugees. Approximately 20,000 Cuban refugees detained at
Relations between the United States and Cuba deteriorated in February 1996 when Cuba shot down two American civilian planes. Cuba accused the planes of violating Cuban airspace. Clinton tightened sanctions against Cuba and suspended charter flights from the United States to Cuba, hoping this would cripple Cuba's tourism industry.
In their response to the incident, the U.S. Congress passed the Helms–Burton Act in March 1996. The bill strengthened an embargo against imports of Cuban products. Title III, however, made the bill controversial because it allowed American citizens whose property was seized during and after the 1959 Cuban Revolution to sue in American courts foreign companies that later invested in those properties. Title III sparked an immediate uproar from countries such as Mexico, Canada, and members of the European Union because they believed that they would be penalized for doing business with Cuba. In response, Clinton repeatedly suspended Title III of the legislation (the act gave the president the right to exercise this option every six months).[159]
Clinton softened his Cuban policy in 1998 and 1999. In March 1998, at the urging of Pope John Paul II, Clinton lifted restrictions and allowed humanitarian charter flights to resume. He also took steps to increase educational, religious, and humanitarian contacts in Cuba. The U.S. government decided to allow Cuban citizens to receive more money from American friends and family members and to buy more American food and medicine.
Counterterrorism and Osama bin Laden
On February 26, 1993, thirty-six days after Clinton took office, terrorists who the CIA would later reveal were working under the direction of
In his 1995 State of the Union address, Clinton proposed "comprehensive legislation to strengthen our hand in combating terrorists, whether they strike at home or abroad."[161] He sent legislation to Congress to extend federal criminal jurisdiction, make it easier to deport terrorists, and act against terrorist fund-raising.[162] Following the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, Clinton amended that legislation to increase wiretap and electronic surveillance authority for the FBI, require explosives to be equipped with traceable taggants, and appropriate more funds to the FBI, CIA, and local police.[163]
In June 1995, Clinton issued Presidential Decision Directive 39, which stated that the United States "should deter, defeat and respond vigorously to all terrorist attacks on our territory and against our citizens." Furthermore, it called terrorism both a "matter of national security" and a crime.
In 1996, the CIA established a special unit of officers to analyze intelligence received about bin Laden and plan operations against him, coined the "Bin Laden Issue Station". It was this unit that first realized bin Laden was more than just a terrorist financier, but a leader of a global network with operations based in Afghanistan. Given these findings, the NSC encouraged the Department of State to "pay more attention" to Afghanistan and its governing unit, the Taliban, which had received funding from bin Laden. The State Department requested the Taliban to expel bin Laden from the country, noting that he was a sponsor of terrorism and publicly urged Muslims to kill Americans. The Taliban responded that they did not know his whereabouts and, even if they did, he was "not a threat to the United States." The CIA's counter-terrorism division quickly began drafting plans to capture and remove bin Laden from the country. However, Marine General Anthony Zinni and some[who?] in the State Department protested the move, saying that the United States should focus instead on ending the Afghan civil war and the Taliban's human rights abuses.[165]
In 1998, Clinton appointed Richard Clarke—who until then served in a drugs and counter-terrorism division of the CIA—to lead an interagency comprehensive counter-terrorism operation, the Counter-terrorism Security Group (CSG). The goal of the CSG was to "detect, deter, and defend against" terrorist attacks. Additionally, Clinton appointed Clarke to sit on the cabinet-level Principals Committee when it met on terrorism issues.[160]
Clinton's Counter-terrorism Center began drafting a plan to ambush bin Laden's compound in Kandahar. The CIA mapped the compound and identified the houses of bin Laden's wives and the location where he most likely slept. The plan was relatively simple, at least on paper. Tribals would "subdue" the guards, enter the compound, take bin Laden to a desert outside Kandahar, and hand him over to another group of tribals. This second group would carry him to a desert landing strip—which had already been tested—where a CIA plane would take him to New York for arraignment. When they completed a draft plan, they ran through two rehearsals in the United States.[166] Confident that the plan would work, the Counter-terrorism Center of the CIA sought the approval of the White House. While they acknowledged that the plan was risky, they stated that there was "a risk in not acting" because "sooner or later, bin Laden will attack U.S. interests, perhaps using WMD."[167]
Clarke reviewed the plans for Sandy Berger, the National Security Director, and told him that it was in the "very early stages of development" and stressed the importance of only targeting bin Laden, not the entire compound. The NSC told the CIA to begin preparing the necessary legal documents to execute the raid.[168]
The senior management of the CIA was skeptical of the plan, and despite objections, canceled the operation, fearing that the risk to their operatives and financial costs were too high. It is unclear whether or not Clinton was aware of the plan.
As the Counter-terrorism Center continued to track bin Laden, they learned in 1998 that the Saudi government had bin Laden cells within the country that were planning attacks on U.S. forces. CIA Director
On August 7, 1998, Bin Laden struck again, this time with simultaneous
At the time of the attacks, Clinton was embroiled in the Lewinsky scandal (see below). This led many Republicans in Congress to accuse the president of "wagging the dog"—launching a military attack simply to distract the public from his personal problems. Clinton and his principals, however, insist that the decision was made solely on the basis of national security.[160]
After the attacks failed, Clinton moved his focus to diplomatic pressure. On the advice of the State Department, Clinton encouraged Pakistan, whose military intelligence agency was a patron of the Taliban, to pressure the Taliban to remove bin Laden. After numerous meetings with Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, the Pakistani's would still not cooperate.[160] Sharif eventually agreed to allow the United States to train Pakistani special forces to find bin Laden. When Sharif was ousted by Pervez Musharraf, the plan was abandoned.[169]
After encouragement by Richard Clarke, Clinton issued an executive order in July 1999 declaring the Taliban regime as a state sponsor of terrorism.
In August 1999, Clinton signed a Memorandum of Notification ordering the CIA to develop another plan to capture bin Laden, and giving the CIA the authority to order bin Laden be killed.[citation needed]
Near the end of 1999, the Clinton administration, working with the government of Jordan, detected and thwarted a planned terrorist attack to detonate bombs at various New Year millennium celebrations around the world. The CIA confirmed that bin Laden was behind the plot, which was disrupted just days before the New Year.[165] While many credited Clinton's new CSG for playing a role in the foiling of these plots, critics claim it was "mostly luck."[173]
The CIA informed Clinton that they feared the thwarted attacks were just part of a larger series of attacks planned for the new year. Clinton asked Clarke and the CSG to draft plans to "deter and disrupt" al Qaeda attacks.[160]
On October 12, 2000, terrorists bombed USS Cole in the harbor of the Yemeni port of Aden. The attack on USS Cole, a U.S. Navy destroyer, killed 17 Navy sailors, and there was no clear indication during the last months of Clinton's term of who was responsible.[160] The CIA reported that they had "no definitive answer on [the] crucial question of outside direction of the attack—how and by whom. Clinton did not think it would be wise to launch an attack based on a "preliminary judgment," stating that he would have taken further action had he received definitive intelligence. The CIA was eventually able to confirm bin Laden's involvement with certainty a week after the Bush administration took office.[165]
As Clinton's second term drew to a close, the CSG drafted a comprehensive policy paper entitled "Strategy for Eliminating the Threat from the Jihadist Networks of al Qida: Status and Prospects."[174] The paper outlined a method to "roll back" al Qaeda over "a period of three to five years." Clarke stated that while "continued anti-al Qida operations at the current level will prevent some attacks, [it] will not seriously attrit their ability to plan and conduct attacks." This policy paper was forwarded to the incoming Bush administration.[165]
Criticism of Bill Clinton's inaction towards Bin Laden
In the years since
Sudan's minister of defense, Fatih Erwa, has claimed that Sudan offered to hand Bin Ladin over to the United States. The Commission has found no credible evidence that this was so. Ambassador Carney had instructions only to push the Sudanese to expel Bin Ladin. Ambassador Carney had no legal basis to ask for more from the Sudanese since, at the time, there was no indictment outstanding.[178]
Clinton acknowledged that, following the bombing on USS Cole, his administration prepared battle plans to execute a military operation in Afghanistan to overthrow the Taliban and search for bin Laden. The plans were never implemented because, according to Clinton, the CIA and FBI refused to certify that bin Laden was responsible for the bombing until after he left office and the military was unable to receive basing rights in Uzbekistan.[179] In relation to Afghanistan, Clinton criticized the Bush Administration when he said "We do have a government that thinks Afghanistan is one-seventh as important as Iraq".[179] Clinton also said that his administration left the plans and a comprehensive anti-terror strategy with the new Bush Administration in January 2001.[175]
In 2014, a September 10, 2001, audio containing Clinton's conversation at a business center at Melbourne, Australia, 10 hours before the 9/11 attacks regarding the topic of terrorism was revealed. In this audio, Clinton stated that according to intelligence agencies, Bin Laden was located in Kandahar, Afghanistan, in December 1998, and thus, a missile strike was proposed. However, he decided not to kill Bin Laden because of conflicting reports of intelligence information to his true whereabouts as well as the potential risk for civilian casualties. He stated that, "I'm just saying, you know, if I were Osama bin Laden—he's a very smart guy, I've spent a lot of time thinking about him—and I nearly got him once." And then he said that, "I nearly got him. And I could have killed him, but I would have to destroy a little town called Kandahar in Afghanistan and kill 300 innocent women and children, and then I would have been no better than him. And so I didn't do it."[180]
Nuclear issues and nonproliferation
In 1996 Clinton signed the United States onto the
- an accident of politics, an executive- legislative stalemate that resulted from clashing institutional interests, partisan struggle, intraparty factionalism, and personal vindictiveness. Certainly it was a story of zealotry, conspiracy and incompetence in which all the key players share responsibility for an outcome that only a minority really desired.[182]
Despite the rejection of the treaty, Clinton promised that the United States would continue to maintain a policy of not testing nuclear weapons, which had been in place since 1992.[183][184]
Throughout the 1990s, the Congress refused to appropriate funds for the United States to pay its dues to the United Nations. By 1999 the United States owed the UN at least $1 billion in back dues. That same year Clinton reached a compromise with Republicans in Congress to submit more than $800 million in back dues. Republicans in the House of Representatives had insisted that UN debt repayments be accompanied by restrictions on U.S. funding for international groups that lobbied for abortion rights in foreign countries.
Public response to the Clinton administration's foreign policy
During his first term, argues two political scientists:
- He earned the nickname "William the Waffler" for his administration's supposed inconsistency in linking rhetoric with policy on human rights violations in China, refugee problems in Cuba and Haiti, and in haphazardly getting the United States involved in the long-running tragic conflict in Bosnia.[186]
Public opinion in the United States about the role the country should have in the Bosnian genocide was negative. A series of
Americans were even less supportive of involvement in Kosovo. A Gallup poll in March 1999 showed that about half of the American public supported NATO air strikes in Yugoslavia. That was the weakest support for any American combat mission in the past decade.[188] Fewer people were following the news about US involvement in Kosovo, falling from 43% to 32% in two months.[189]
The public and the media paid little attention to the Rwanda genocide.[190][191] One reason why the United States did not enter Rwanda is because of the public reluctance to enter combat after the Vietnam War.[192]
Historiography
Critics agree that foreign policy was not a high priority for Clinton and his administration. According to Harvard Professor Stephen Walt:[193]
Critics on the right argue that he is too eager to accommodate a rising China, too blind to Russia's corruption and cronyism, and too slow to use force against states like Yugoslavia or Iraq. On the left, liberals bemoan Clinton's failure to prevent the genocide in Rwanda, his tardy response to the bloodletting in the Balkans, and his abandonment of his early pledge to build a multilateral world order grounded in stronger international institutions. Even pragmatic centrists find him wanting, deriding his foreign policy as "social work" that is too easily swayed by ethnic lobbies, public opinion polls, and media buzz.
Walt, however, gives two cheers for Clinton's realism and his accomplishments:[194]
Under Clinton, the United States consolidated its Cold War victory by bringing three former Warsaw Pact members into its own alliance. It shored up its alliances in East Asia and readied itself for a possible competition with a rising China while encouraging Beijing to accept a status quo that favored the United States....It forced its allies to bear a greater share of the burden in Europe and East Asia while insisting on leading both alliances. And together with its NATO allies, it asserted the right to intervene in the sovereign territory of other states, even without Security Council authorization. Clinton may cloak U.S. policy in the rhetoric of "world order" and general global interests, but its defining essence remains the unilateral exercise of sovereign power.
Historians and political scientists evaluated Clinton's immediate predecessors in terms of how well they handle the Cold War. A dilemma arises regarding what criteria to use regarding presidential administrations after the Cold War ended.
Dumbrell also sees several other possible Clinton doctrines, including perhaps a systematic reluctance to become involved in foreign complications far from the American shore.[202] Dumbrell favorite candidate is the explicit Clinton administration policy of warning "rogue" states on their misbehavior, using American military intervention as a threat. He traces the origins of this policy to Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan, arguing that the Clinton administration made it more systematic so it deserves the term "Clinton Doctrine". However, Dumbrell concludes, it did not prove successful in practice.[203]
From Tokyo former prime minister Yasuhiro Nakasone uses Clinton's own priority of economics to identify his most significant and substantial achievements:
- Unprecedented US prosperity which led to sustained global recovery.
- Global leadership in information technology.
- Ratification of NAFTA.
- Expanding NATO eastward.
- Approval of the Chemical Weapons Convention.[204]
See also
- List of international presidential trips made by Bill Clinton
- List of international trips made by Warren Christopher as United States Secretary of State
- List of international trips made by Madeleine Albright as United States Secretary of State
- International relations since 1989
References
- ISSN 0162-2889.
- ^ "CNN.com - Transcript of Clinton's remarks to the Israel Policy Forum gala - January 8, 2001". edition.cnn.com. Retrieved August 7, 2023.
- ^ "97/08/06 Albright remarks on Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process". 1997-2001.state.gov. Retrieved August 7, 2023.
- ^ "The Clinton Presidency: A Foreign Policy for the Global Age". clintonwhitehouse5.archives.gov. Retrieved August 7, 2023.
- ^ Strong, Robert A. (July 2016). "Peacemaker's Progress: Bill Clinton, Northern Ireland, and the Middle East". Cornell University Press. Retrieved August 7, 2023.
- ^ Glass, Andrew (January 31, 2019). "Clinton bails out Mexico, Jan. 31, 1995". POLITICO. Retrieved August 7, 2023.
- JSTOR 23615866.
- ^ Glass, Andrew (December 16, 2016). "Clinton orders airstrike on Iraq: Dec. 16, 1998". POLITICO. Retrieved August 7, 2023.
- ^ "Dayton Accords | Bosnia Peace Agreement, 1995 | Britannica". www.britannica.com. July 11, 2023. Retrieved August 7, 2023.
- ^ Apple Jr., R. W., "A Domestic Sort With Global Worries", The New York Times, August 25, 1999.
- ^ Charles-Philippe David, "'Foreign Policy is Not what I Came Here to Do': Dissecting Clinton's Foreign Policy-making" (Center for United States Studies, Université du Québec à Montréal, 2004) online Archived April 20, 2019, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Stephen Schlesinger, "The end of idealism" World Policy Journal (Winter 1998/99) 15#2:36-40 quoting p. 39.
- ^ Samuel R. Berger. "A Foreign Policy for the Global Age." Foreign Affairs 79 (Nov 2000) pp 22-39 https://doi.org/10.2307/20049965
- ^ Walter B. Slocombe, "A Crisis of Opportunity: The Clinton Administration and Russia " in Melvyn P. Leffler and Jeffrey W. Legro, eds. In uncertain times: American foreign policy after the Berlin Wall and 9/11 (Cornell UP, 2011) pp 78–79.
- ^ Slocombe, "A Crisis of Opportunity" p 79.
- ^ Ian Destler, "Foreign Economic Policy Making under Bill Clinton." in After the End (Duke University Press, 1999) pp . 89-107.
- ^ Steven A. Holmes, Ron Brown: An Uncommon Life (Wiley, 2001).
- ^ Shirley Anne Warshaw, The Clinton Years (2009), pp. 49-50, 254.
- ^ Clinton on Foreign Policy at University of Nebraska Archived April 28, 2015, at the Wayback Machine
- ^ See World Bank, "TRADE SUMMARY FOR UNITED STATES 1996"
- ^ John W. Dietrich, "Interest groups and foreign policy: Clinton and the China MFN debates." Presidential Studies Quarterly 29.2 (1999): 280-296.
- ^ Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy: From Nixon to GW Bush (Lynne Rienner, 2005)
- ^ Yuwu Song, ed., Encyclopedia of Chinese-American Relations (McFarland, 2009) pp 74–75.
- ^ John W. Dietrich, "Interest groups and foreign policy: Clinton and the China MFN debates." Presidential Studies Quarterly 29.2 (1999): 280-296. online
- ^ Herring 2008, p. 926–927.
- ^ Song, ed., Encyclopedia of Chinese-American Relations p 74.
- ^ Kerry Dumbaugh, and Richard C. Bush, Making China Policy: Lessons from the Bush and Clinton Administrations (Rowman & Littlefield, 2001).
- ISBN 9780230611870.
- ISBN 9780520215900.
- ^ Tankersley, Jim (March 21, 2016). "What Republicans did 15 years ago to help create Donald Trump today". Washington Post. Retrieved March 22, 2016.
- ^ Address by Lawrence H. Summers, Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Archived September 27, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
- ^ David M. Gould, "Has NAFTA Changed North American Trade?." Economic Review-Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas (1998): 12-23 online .
- ^ "NAFTA's Economic Impact". Council on Foreign Relations.
- ^ James Shoch, "Contesting globalization: Organized labor, NAFTA, and the 1997 and 1998 fast-track fights." Politics & Society 28.1 (2000): 119-150.
- ^ Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St Clair, Five days that shook the world: Seattle and beyond (2000).
- ^ Daniel Drezner, Ed. Locating the Proper Authorities: The Interaction of Domestic and International Institutions
- ^ See also: War Powers Clause, and War Powers Resolution
- ^ Frederic L. Kirgis, International Agreements and U.S. Law Archived September 25, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, in ASIL Insights, May 1997, American Society of International Law
- ^ See also: Treaty Clause
- ^ David Scheffer, "War crimes and the Clinton administration." Social Research: An International Quarterly 69.4 (2002): 1115-1123 excerpt.
- ^ Samantha Power, "A problem from hell": America and the age of genocide (2013) pp 460–473
- ^ Victoria K. Holt, and Michael G. Mackinnon. "The origins and evolution of US policy towards peace operations." International peacekeeping 15.1 (2008): 18-34 online.
- ^ Leonie Murray. Clinton, peacekeeping and humanitarian interventionism: rise and fall of a policy (Routledge, 2007).
- ^ Richard Gowan, "The United States and Peacekeeping Policy in Europe and Latin America: An Uncertain Catalyst?." International Peacekeeping 15.1 (2008): 84-101.
- ^ See New York Times coverage
- ^ See U.S> State Department summary.
- ^ White House Press Briefing on Somalia, October 7, 1993 Archived September 29, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
- ISBN 978-0-8160-5333-9.
- ISBN 978-0-19-973717-8.
- ^ William C. Berman, From the Center to the Edge: The Politics and Policies of the Clinton Presidency (2001) pp 36, 99.
- ^ Lester H. Brune, The United States and Post-Cold War Interventions: Bush and Clinton in Somalia, Haiti and Bosnia, 1992-1998 (1999)
- ISBN 978-0-465-09282-6, page 266
- ^ Patrick J. Maney, Bill Clinton: New Gilded Age President (2016) pp 127-33.
- ^ Holly J. Burkhalter, "The question of genocide: The Clinton administration and Rwanda." World Policy Journal 11.4 (1994): 44-54. online
- ^ Power, Samantha. "A Problem from Hell": America and the Age of Genocide (2002) pp 336-89.
- ^ Speech by President to Survivors Rwanda March 25, 1998 Archived September 29, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Remnick, David (September 18, 2006). "The Wanderer". The New Yorker. Retrieved August 8, 2013.
- ^ Only realism can help Africa Archived August 9, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, Magazine for Development and Cooperation [editorial]. D+C 2003:10.
- ^ "U.S. missiles pound targets in Afghanistan, Sudan". CNN. Retrieved September 24, 2009.
- ^ "U.S. missiles pound targets in Afghanistan, Sudan". CNN. August 20, 1998. Retrieved September 24, 2009.
- ^ Adrian Levy, and Catherine Scott-Clark, The Exile: The stunning inside story of Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda in flight (Bloomsbury Publishing USA, 2017).
- ^ "Serbia and Kosovo reach EU-brokered landmark accord". BBC. April 19, 2013. Retrieved December 13, 2014.
- ^ Thomas H. Henriksen, "Bill Clinton and Reluctant Interventions into the Balkans." in Cycles in US Foreign Policy since the Cold War (Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2017) pp. 119-159.
- ^ Klaus Larres, "'Bloody as Hell' Bush, Clinton and the Abdication of American Leadership in the Former Yugoslavia, 1990-1995." Journal Of European Integration History 10 (2004): 179-202. online pp 179-202.
- ^ Warren Christopher, In the Stream of History (2001) pp 344-47
- ISBN 9781134425570.
- ^ "Senate votes to lift arms embargo against Bosnia". Google News
- ^ "Key Events in the Presidency of William Jefferson Clinton". Archived from the original on May 3, 2012. Retrieved January 29, 2012.
- ^ David Rhode, A safe area--Srebrenica: Europe's worst massacre since the Second World War (1997).
- ^ Derek Chollet and Samantha Power, eds., The Unquiet American: Richard Holbrooke in the World (2011), pp 197-237.
- ^ Marc Weller, and Stefan Wolff. "Bosnia and Herzegovina ten years after Dayton: Lessons for internationalized state building." Ethnopolitics 5.1 (2006): 1-13.
- ^ "Hanging together: Though Bosnia's demise has long been predicted, it is surviving," The Economist April 27, 2019, pp 45-46, online
- ISBN 9781352005462.
- ^ Derek Chollet and Samantha Power, eds., The Unquiet American: Richard Holbrooke in the World (2011), p. 208.
- ^ Gibbs, David N. Gibbs, (2015) "How the Srebrenica Massacre Redefined US Foreign Policy," Class, Race and Corporate Power (2015) 3#2 Article 5. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.3.2.16092102 online
- ^ Gary Dempsey, Washington's Kosovo Policy: Consequences and Contradictions (Cato Institute, 1998).
- ^ Daya Kishan Thussu, "LegitimizingHumanitarian Intervention'? CNN, NATO and the Kosovo Crisis." European Journal of Communication 15.3 (2000): 345-361 online.
- ^ Roger MacGinty, "American influences on the Northern Ireland peace process." Journal of Conflict Studies 17.2 (1997): 31-50 online.
- ^ DominicBeggan, and Rathnam Indurthy, "The Conflict in Northern Ireland and the Clinton Administration's Role." International Journal on World Peace (1999): 3-25 online.
- ^ William Hazleton, "Encouragement from the sidelines: Clinton's role in the Good Friday Agreement." Irish Studies in International Affairs 11 (2000): 103-119 online.
- ^ Michael Cox, "The war that came in from the cold: Clinton and the Irish question." World Policy Journal 16.1 (1999): 59-67 online.
- ^ Svetlana Savranskaya, "Yeltsin and Clinton." Diplomatic History (2018) 42#4, p564-567.
- ^ See US State Department, "Bill Clinton, Boris Yeltsin, and U.S.-Russian Relations"
- ^ Strobe Talbott, The Russia Hand (2002) p. 9
- ^ Mary Elise Sarotte, "How to Enlarge NATO: The Debate inside the Clinton Administration, 1993–95." International Security 44.1 (2019): 7-41. online
- ^ Angela Stent, The Limits of Partnership: U.S.-Russian Relations in the Twenty-First Century (2014) pp 332–33. online
- ^ "Russia condemns Nato at UN". BBC News. March 25, 1999.
- ^ "Fighting for a foreign land". BBC News. May 20, 1999.
- ^ Michael Laris (December 10, 1999). "In China, Yeltsin Lashes Out at Clinton: Criticisms of Chechen War Are Met With Blunt Reminder of Russian Nuclear Power". The Washington Post. p. A35.
- ^ See U.S. State Department, "The Oslo Accords and the Arab-Israeli Peace Process"
- ^ Warren Christopher, Chances of a Lifetime. New York: Scribner Press, 2001. Page 214.
- ^ "A History of the Israel-Palestine Conflict". Pbs.org. December 13, 2001. Retrieved September 24, 2009.
- ^ "Israeli Elections 1999 – Character, Political Culture, and Centrism". Jcpa.org. Retrieved September 24, 2009.
- ISBN 0-375-41457-6
- ^ President Clinton's Statement on Death of Yasser Arafat Archived May 19, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "The Right Ear", in Human Events, July 16, 2001, Vol. 57, Issue 26.
- ISBN 978-0-86372-321-6
- ^ John Pike. "Air Strike 13 January 1993 – Operation Southern Watch". Globalsecurity.org. Retrieved September 24, 2009.
- ^ "The Use of Force in International Law". Courts.fsnet.co.uk. Archived from the original on June 19, 2008. Retrieved September 24, 2009.
- ^ a b Saddam Hussein & the invasion of Kuwait
- ^ a b U.S., Iraq Move More Troops Toward Kuwait : Military: Baghdad mobilizes force of 64,000. Tension up as American ships, planes, 4,000 soldiers converge on Gulf
- ^ Operation Desert Strike at globalsecurity.org
- ^ "2nd Cruise Missile Strikes in Iraq". Archived from the original on February 9, 2005. Retrieved 2013-09-01.
- ^ U.S. launches missile strikes against Iraq – CNN.com
- ^ Bill Clinton (January 27, 1998). "Text of President Clinton's 1998 State of the Union Address". The Washington Post (Press release). Retrieved August 30, 2011.
- ^ Chronology of Iraq – Royal United Services Institute Archived October 23, 2006, at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Remarks by President on UN Security Council Resolution on Iraq – 1997-11-12 Archived September 27, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "H.R.4655 - Iraq Liberation Act of 1998". www.congress.gov. October 31, 1998. Retrieved May 18, 2020.
- ^ "Iraq surveys show 'humanitarian emergency'". Newsline. Unicef.org. August 12, 1999. Archived from the original on August 6, 2009. Retrieved February 25, 2013.
- ^ "The Politics of Dead Children: Have sanctions against Iraq murdered millions?". Reason. Retrieved September 24, 2009.
- ^ Rubin, Michael (December 2001). "Sanctions on Iraq: A Valid Anti-American Grievance?". Middle East Review of International Affairs. 5 (4): 100–115. Archived from the original on October 28, 2012.
- ISBN 9781401359621. Retrieved February 25, 2013.
- Significance. Archived from the original(PDF) on July 11, 2018. Retrieved August 7, 2017.
- PMID 29225933.
- ^ "Saddam Hussein said sanctions killed 500,000 children. That was 'a spectacular lie.'". Washington Post. Retrieved August 4, 2017.
- ^ Henry Rome, "United States Iran Policy and the Role of Israel, 1990-1993." Diplomacy & Statecraft 30.4 (2019): 729-754.
- ^ Bruce O. Riedel, "The Clinton Administration." The Iran Primer (2010): 139-141. Online
- ^ "Context of 'May 6, 1995: US Prohibits American Business Firms from Trading with Iran'". Cooperativeresearch.org. Archived from the original on September 30, 2007. Retrieved September 24, 2009.
- ^ The German Law Journal
- ^ "H.R.3107 - Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996". www.congress.gov. August 5, 1996. Retrieved May 18, 2020.
- ^ John Lancaster, "U.S. Plans Major Gesture To Iran: Overture Acknowledges Past Meddling in Affairs" Washington Post. March 17, 2000
- ^ Madeleine K. Albright, "Remarks before the American-Iranian Council March 17, 2000" online
- ^ Brian J. Snee, "Clinton and Vietnam: A case for amnestic rhetoric." Communication Quarterly 49.2 (2001): 189-202.
- ^ John King and Kelly Wallace, The Associated Press and Reuters (November 17, 2000). "Tumultuous crowd welcomes Clinton to Hanoi". CNN. Archived from the original on March 20, 2005. Retrieved October 23, 2006.
{{cite news}}
:|author=
has generic name (help) - ^ Kerry Dumbaugh, and Richard C. Bush, Making China Policy: Lessons from the Bush and Clinton Administrations (Rowman & Littlefield, 2001).
- ^ ISBN 978-1-5381-8725-8.
- ^ OCLC 1332788951.
- McFarland Publishing, 2009) p 63.
- ^ John W. Dietrich, "Interest groups and foreign policy: Clinton and the China MFN debates." Presidential Studies Quarterly 29.2 (1999): 280-296.
- ^ Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy: From Nixon to GW Bush (Lynne Rienner, 2005)
- ^ See U.S. State Department, "Denuclearization and the Two Koreas, 1993–2001"
- ^ Larry A. Niksch (March 17, 2003). North Korea's Nuclear Weapons Program (PDF) (Report). Congressional Research Service. IB91141. Retrieved September 24, 2009.
- ^ Remarks by President on CNN Telecast of a Global Forum with Clinton, 1994-05-03 Archived May 20, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
- ISBN 978-1-84668-067-0.
- ISBN 9780465031238.
- ^ a b Press Briefing by Ambassador Gallucci on Korea Archived September 29, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
- ^ kEDO. About Us: Our History. The Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization.
- ^ Chang Ya-chun, "Beijing's Maritime Rivalry with the United States and Japan: The Search for Institutionalized Mechanisms of Competition." Issues & Studies (June 1998) 34#6 pp 56-79.
- ^ Jae-Jung Suh, "The Two-Wars Doctrine and the Regional Arms Race: Contradictions in US Post-Cold War Security Policy in Northeast Asia." Critical Asian Studies 35 (2003): 3-32.
- ^ Jagdish Bhagwati, "Samurais no more." Foreign Affairs (1994): 7-12 online.
- ^ Peter Gourevitch, et al. eds. United States-Japan Relations and International Institutions after the Cold War 1995)
- ^ Akira Iriye, and Robert A. Wampler, eds. "Partnership: The United States and Japan 1951–2001. (Kodansha International, 2001)
- ^ Walter LaFeber, The Clash: US-Japanese relations throughout history (1998) pp 389–394.
- ^ Arthur G. Rubinoff, "Missed opportunities and contradictory policies: Indo-American relations in the Clinton-Rao years." Pacific Affairs (1996): 499-517 online.
- ^ Strobe Talbott, Engaging India: Diplomacy, democracy, and the bomb (Brookings Institution Press, 2010). online
- ^ Robert A. Pastor, "The Clinton Administration and the Americas: the postwar rhythm and blues." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 38.4 (1996): 99-128.
- ^ See U.S. State Department, "Intervention in Haiti, 1994–1995"
- ^ Patrick Gavigan (October 1, 1997). "Migration emergencies and human rights in Haiti". Organization of American States. Archived from the original on July 10, 2014. Retrieved November 1, 2012.
The surprise coup in September 1991 opened the refugee floodgates. Within six months of the coup the US Coast Guard had intercepted more than 38,000 Haitians at sea; 10,747 were eventually allowed to pursue asylum claims in the US following screening by immigration officials on board ships or at the US naval base at Guantánamo Bay. An estimated 10% of the population of Port-au-Prince and Haiti's other large cities fled into the mountains, generating an internally displaced population of perhaps 300,000. A further 30,000 crossed into the Dominican Republic.
- ISBN 9781608717927.
- ^ Helene Dieck, "The Intervention in Haiti." in The Influence of Public Opinion on Post-Cold War US Military Interventions (Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2015( pp. 109-122.
- ISBN 9780739131312.
- ^ Maney, Bill Clinton pp 131–34.
- ^ Morris Morley and Chris McGillion. "'Disobedient' generals and the politics of redemocratization: the Clinton administration and Haiti." Political Science Quarterly 112.3 (1997): 363–85. Online
- ^ Judson Jeffries, "The United States and Haiti: An Exercise in Intervention," Caribbean Quarterly (2001 ) 47#4 71–94 online
- ^ Philippe Girard, Clinton in Haiti: the 1994 US invasion of Haiti (Springer, 2004).
- ^ Horace Bartilow, "Compliance Under Type C Coercive Diplomacy: Theoretical Insights from US Policy Toward Haiti, 1991-94." Journal of Conflict Studies 20.1 (2000) online.
- ^ Russell Dean Covey, "Adventures in the Zone of Twilight: Separation of Powers and National Economic Security in the Mexican Bailout." Yale Law Journal 105 (1995): 1311-1345. Online
- ^ Walt Vanderbush and Patrick J. Haney. "Policy toward Cuba in the Clinton administration." Political Science Quarterly 114.3 (1999): 387-408. Online
- ^ William M. LeoGrande, "Enemies evermore: US policy towards Cuba after Helms-Burton." Journal of Latin American Studies 29.1 (1997): 211-221. Online Archived January 24, 2012, at the Wayback Machine
- ^ a b c d e f g h National Commission on Terrorist Attacks. The 9/11 Commission Report. Washington: July 2004.
- ^ President Clinton, "Address Before a Joint Session of Congress on the State of the Union," January 24, 1995
- ^ President Clinton, "Message to Congress Transmitting Proposed Legislation to Combat Terrorism," February 9, 1995
- ^ President Clinton, "Message to Congress Transmitting Proposed Legislation to Combat Terrorism," May 3, 1995
- Counter-terrorism," June 21, 1995.
- ^ a b c d e Clarke, Richard. Against All Enemies. September 2004. New York: The Free Press.
- ^ Coll, Steve. Ghost Wars. January 2005. New York: Penguin Group.
- ^ CIA Memo, to Tenet, "Information Paper on Usama bin Ladin," February 12, 1998.
- ^ National Security Council note, Simon to Berger. February 27, 1998. Declassified by 9/11 Commission.
- ^ Department of State memo, Sheehan to Albright, "S/CT Update on Critical Issues." July 9, 1999.
- ^ Executive Order 13129 on Transactions with the Taliban, July 6, 1999. Archived September 27, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
- ^ UN Security Council Resolution 1267, October 15, 1999.
- ^ UN Security Council Resolution 1333, December 19, 2000.
- ^ "Foiling millennium attack was mostly luck". NBC News. April 29, 2004. Retrieved September 24, 2009.
- ^ "Home | National Security Archive" (PDF).
- ^ a b "Transcript: William Jefferson Clinton on 'FOX News Sunday'". Fox News Channel. September 26, 2006.
- ^ "Transcript: William Jefferson Clinton on 'FOX News Sunday'". ABC News. Archived from the original on March 15, 2008.
- ^ Manssor, Ijaz, "Clinton let Bin Laden Slip Away and Metastasize", Los Angeles Times, December 5, 2001
- ^ "9/11 Commission Report, Chapter 4" (PDF). 9/11 Commission. p. 110. Retrieved July 25, 2007.
- ^ a b "Bill Clinton: I got closer to killing bin Laden". CNN. September 24, 2006.
- ^ Bill Clinton: "I could have killed" Osama bin Laden
- ^ Kuchta, Angelique R. "A Closer Look: The US Senate's Failure to Ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty." Dickinson Journal of International Law 19 (2000): 333+.
- ^ Terry L. Deibel, "The Death of a Treaty." Foreign Affairs 81 (2002): 142-61, quoting p. 143. Online
- ^ Joseph M. Siracusa and Aiden Warren. "The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime: An Historical Perspective." Diplomacy & Statecraft 29.1 (2018): 3-28.
- ISBN 9781442223769.
- ^ "Online News Hour – Paying U.N. Dues". Pbs.org. Retrieved September 24, 2009.
- ^ Aubrey W. Jewett and Marc D. Turetzky, "Stability and Change in President Clinton's Foreign Policy Beliefs, 1993-96." Presidential Studies Quarterly 28.3 (1998): 638-665, quoting p. 638.
- ^ Inc., Gallup. "Americans Divided On U.S. Troops In Bosnia". Gallup.com. Retrieved November 3, 2017.
{{cite news}}
:|last=
has generic name (help) - ^ Inc., Gallup. "Public Support for U.S. Involvement in Yugoslavia Lower Than for Gulf War, Other Foreign Engagements". Gallup.com. Retrieved November 3, 2017.
{{cite news}}
:|last=
has generic name (help) - ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved November 3, 2017.
- ^ Board, The Editorial (April 8, 2014). "Opinion | After Rwanda's Genocide". The New York Times.
- ^ Carroll, Rory (March 31, 2004). "US chose to ignore Rwandan genocide". The Guardian.
- S2CID 145205613.
- ^ Stephen M. Walt, "Two Cheers for Clinton's Foreign Policy," Foreign Affairs 79#2 (2000), pp. 63-79 online.
- ^ Walt p. 78
- ^ John Davis, "The dilemma: evaluating the first post-Cold War president." White House Studies 3.2 (2003): 183-200.
- ^ John Dumbrell, "Was there a Clinton doctrine? President Clinton's foreign policy reconsidered" Diplomacy and Statecraft 13.2 (2002): 43–56.
- ^ See "The world beyond: America needs a design for foreign policy" The Economist Sept 30, 2000
- ^ Douglas Brinkley, "Democratic enlargement: the Clinton doctrine." Foreign Policy 106 (1997): 111-127 online
- ^ Kissinger himself also pointed this out. Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy (1994), p. 805.
- ^ Dumbrell, pp 43-44.
- ^ Richard Russell, "American diplomatic realism: A tradition practised and preached by George F. Kennan." Diplomacy and Statecraft 11.3 (2000): 159-182 at p. 170
- ^ Dumbrell, p 44.
- ^ Dumbrell, pp 53-55.
- ^ Yasuhiro Nakasone, "As Clinton leaves the ring." Washington Quarterly 24.1 (2001): 183–187.
Further reading
- Bouchet, Nicolas. Democracy promotion as US foreign policy: Bill Clinton and democratic enlargement (Routledge, 2015).
- Boys, James D. "The Clinton administration's development and implementation of cybersecurity strategy (1993–2001)." Intelligence and National Security 33.5 (2018): 755-770.
- Brune, Lester H. The United States and Post-Cold War Interventions: Bush and Clinton in Somalia, Haiti and Bosnia, 1992-1998 (1998)
- Bryan, Anthony T. "The new Clinton Administration and the Caribbean: Trade, security and regional politics." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 39.1 (1997): 101-120. online
- Campbell, Colin, and Bert A. Rockman, eds. The Clinton Legacy (Chatham House Pub, 2000).
- Coady, James. "Change and continuity in American Grand Strategy: a comparative analysis of the Clinton and Bush foreign policy doctrines" (PhD Diss. Institute for the Study of the Americas, 2010) online.
- Congressional Quarterly. Congress and the Nation: A Review of Government and Politics. 1993-1996 (1998) 1275pp. online
- Congressional Quarterly. Congress and the Nation: Volume 10: 1997-2001 (CQ Press, 2002) online
- Conley, Richard S. ed. Historical Dictionary of the Clinton era (Scarecrow Press, 2012). includes chronology pp xi to xvii
- Cox, Michael. “The Necessary Partnership? The Clinton Presidency and Post-Soviet Russia.” International Affairs 70#4, 1994, pp. 635–658. online.
- Crandall, Russell. Driven by drugs: US policy toward Colombia (Lynne Rienner, 2002).
- Curran, Daniel, James K. Sebenius, and Michael Watkins. "Two Paths to Peace: Contrasting George Mitchell in Northern Ireland with Richard Holbrooke in Bosnia–Herzegovina." Negotiation Journal 20.4 (2004): 513–537. online
- Davis; John. "The Evolution of American Grand Strategy and the War on Terrorism: Clinton and Bush Perspectives" White House Studies, Vol. 3, 2003
- Deibel, Terry L. Clinton and Congress: The politics of foreign policy (2000)
- Dumbaugh, Kerry, and Richard C. Bush. Making China Policy: Lessons from the Bush and Clinton Administrations (Rowman & Littlefield, 2001).
- Dumbrell, John. "Was there a Clinton doctrine? President Clinton's foreign policy reconsidered". Diplomacy and Statecraft 13.2 (2002): 43–56. online
- Dumbrell, John. "President Bill Clinton and US transatlantic foreign policy." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 8.3 (2010): 268–278.
- Dumbrell, John. American Foreign Policy: Carter to Clinton (1997)
- Dumbrell, John. Clinton's Foreign Policy: Between the Bushes, 1992-2000 (2009) Online
- Dumbrell, John. "President Clinton's Secretaries of State: Warren Christopher and Madeleine Albright." Journal of transatlantic studies 6.3 (2008): 217–227.
- Edwards, Jason Allen. "Foreign Policy Rhetoric for the Post-Cold War World: Bill Clinton and America's Foreign Policy Vocabulary." (2006). online
- Ellison, James. "Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Tony Blair: The Search for Order." in The Palgrave Handbook of Presidents and Prime Ministers From Cleveland and Salisbury to Trump and Johnson (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022) pp. 319-346.
- Feste, Karen. America responds to terrorism: Conflict resolution strategies of Clinton, Bush, and Obama ( Springer, 2011) excerpt
- Girard, Philippe. Clinton in Haiti: the 1994 US invasion of Haiti. (Springer, 2004).
- Goldgeier, James M. Not Whether But When: The U.S. Decision to Enlarge NATO (1999) excerpt
- Gourevitch, Peter et al. eds. United States-Japan Relations and International Institutions after the Cold War 1995)
- Green, Michael J. By more than providence: Grand strategy and American power in the Asia Pacific since 1783 (Columbia UP, 2017) pp 453–481. online
- Haass, Richard N. Intervention." The Use of American Military Force in the Post-Cold War World (2nd ed. 1999). online; with 75pp of primary sources
- Hamilton, Nigel. Bill Clinton: Mastering the Presidency (Public Affairs, 2007), with numerous chapters on foreign-policy; excerpt
- Herring, George C. (2008). From Colony to Superpower; U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1776. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-507822-0.
- Hyland, William G. . Clinton's World: Remaking American Foreign Policy (1999) excerpt; also online Archived May 19, 2020, at the Wayback Machine
- Jewett, Aubrey W. and Marc D. Turetzky. "Stability and Change in President Clinton's Foreign Policy Beliefs, 1993–96" Presidential Studies Quarterly, (1998) 68#3: 638-665 Online
- Keith Peter. U.S. Foreign Policy Discourse and the Israel Lobby: The Clinton Administration and the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process (Springer, 2017).
- Kim, Mikyoung. "Ethos and Contingencies: A Comparative Analysis of the Clinton and Bush Administrations' North Korea Policy." Korea and World affairs 31.2 (2007): 172–203.
- Larres, Klaus. "'Bloody as Hell' Bush, Clinton and the Abdication of American Leadership in the Former Yugoslavia, 1990-1995." Journal of European Integration History 10 (2004): 179–202. online pp 179–202.
- Leffler, Melvyn P., and Jeffrey W. Legro, eds. In uncertain times: American foreign policy after the Berlin Wall and 9/11 (Cornell UP, 2011)
- Levy, Peter B. Encyclopedia of the Clinton presidency (Greenwood, 2002).
- Lieven, Anatol. “Ham-Fisted Hegemon: The Clinton Administration and Russia.” Current History 98#630, 1999, pp. 307–315. online
- Lippman, Thomas W. Madeleine Albright and the new American diplomacy (Westview Press, 2004).
- Lynch, Timothy J. Turf war: the Clinton administration and Northern Ireland (2004). excerpt
- McCrisken, Trevor B. "Bill Clinton and the ‘Indispensable Nation’." in American Exceptionalism and the Legacy of Vietnam (Palgrave Macmillan, 2003) pp. 159-182.
- Maney, Patrick J. Bill Clinton: New Gilded Age President (2016). Highly regarded scholarly survey; foreign policy on pages 116–40 and 237–60. excerpt
- Massari, Maurizio. "US Foreign Policy Decision‐Making during the Clinton Administration." The International Spectator 35.4 (2000): 91-105. https://doi.org/10.1080/03932720008458155
- Murray, Leonie. Clinton, peacekeeping and humanitarian interventionism: rise and fall of a policy (Routledge, 2007). excerpt
- Nelson, Michael, et al. eds. 42: Inside the Presidency of Bill Clinton (Miller Center of Public Affairs Books, 2016) excerpt; also online pp 193–233 analysis of interviews with insiders on Bosnia, Kosovo, Northern Ireland, and the Middle East.
- Palmer, David Scott. U.S. Relations with Latin America during the Clinton Years: Opportunities Lost or Opportunities Squandered? (2006).
- Pastor, Robert A. "The Clinton Administration and the Americas: the postwar rhythm and blues." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 38.4 (1996): 99-128. online
- Perotti, Rosanna, ed. Foreign Policy in the Clinton Administration (2019)
- Power, Samantha. "A Problem from Hell": America and the Age of Genocide (2002) covers Bosnia, Kosovo, Srebrenica, and Rwanda; Pulitzer Prize.online free to borrow
- Rosner, Jeremy D. "Clinton, Congress, and Assistance to Russia and the NIS." SAIS Review 15.1 (1995): 15-35. online
- Sale, Richard. Clinton's secret wars: The evolution of a commander in chief (Macmillan, 2009).
- Sarotte, Mary Elise. "How to Enlarge NATO: The Debate inside the Clinton Administration, 1993–95." International Security 44.1 (2019): 7-41. online
- Schlesinger, Stephen. "The end of idealism" World Policy Journal (Winter 1998/99) 15#2:36-40
- Shields, Todd G. et al. eds. The Clinton Riddle: Perspectives on the Forty-second President (University of Arkansas Press, 2004), includes three essays by experts on the Cold War, China, and Russia
- Smith, Martin A. The Foreign Policies of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush: A Comparative Perspective (Taylor and Francis, 2017)
- Søndergaard, Rasmus Sinding. "Bill Clinton's ‘democratic enlargement’and the securitisation of democracy promotion." Diplomacy & Statecraft 26.3 (2015): 534-551. online
- ISBN 9781400848454.
- Talbott, Strobe. “Unfinished Business: Russia and Missile Defense Under Clinton.” Arms Control Today 32#5 2002, pp. 14–23. online
- Trenta, Luca. "Clinton and Bosnia: a candidate's freebie, a president's nightmare." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 12.1 (2014): 62–89.
- Tsui, Chin-Kuei. Clinton, New Terrorism and the Origins of the War on Terror (Routledge, 2016).
- van de Wetering, Carina. "India, the Underappreciated: The Clinton Administration." in Changing US Foreign Policy toward India (Palgrave Macmillan, 2016) pp. 83-118.
- Walt, Stephen M. "Two Cheers for Clinton's Foreign Policy" Foreign Affairs 79#2 (2000), pp. 63–79 online.
- Warshaw, Shirley Anne. The Clinton Years (Infobase Publishing, 2009); 530 pp; encyclopedic coverage plus primary sources
- White, Mark, ed. The Presidency of Bill Clinton: The Legacy of a New Domestic and Foreign Policy (I.B.Tauris, 2012)
Primary sources
- Albright, Madeleine. Madam Secretary: A Memoir (2013) online
- Beschloss, Michael, and Strobe Talbott. At the Highest Levels: The Inside Story of the End of the Cold War (2016); Strobe Talbott served as Deputy Secretary of State.
- Clark, Wesley K. (2001). Waging Modern War: Bosnia, Kosovo, and the Future of Combat. New York: PublicAffairs. ISBN 1-58648-043-X.
- Clinton, Bill. My Life: The Presidential Years Vol. II (Vintage, 2005) online
- Christopher, Warren. Chances of a Lifetime: A Memoir (2001) online
- Christopher, Warren. In the Stream of History: Shaping Foreign Policy for a New Era (1998) 37 episodes as Secretary of State, with Warren's commentary and excerpt from his speech online
- Nelson, Michael, et al. eds. 42: Inside the Presidency of Bill Clinton (Miller Center of Public Affairs Books, 2016) excerpt pp 193–233, analysis of interviews with insiders on Bosnia, Kosovo, Northern Ireland, and the Middle East.
- Rubinstein, Alvin Z. et al. eds. Clinton Foreign Policy Reader: Presidential Speeches with Commentary (2000)online
- Talbott, Strobe. Engaging India: Diplomacy, Democracy, and the Bomb (Brookings, 2004) online
- Talbott, Strobe. The Russia Hand: A Memoir of Presidential Diplomacy (2002) online
External links
- U.S. State Department, "1993–2000: The Presidency of William J. Clinton", summary of main foreign policy roles; covers NATO, Somalia, Russia, Korea, Oslo Accords and Haiti. Not copyrighted because this is a U.S. government document.