Hoa people
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Người Hoa | |
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Related ethnic groups | |
Hoa | |
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Chinese name | |
Hanyu Pinyin | Yuènán huárén |
Hakka | |
Romanization | iad6 nam2 fa2 ngin2 |
Yue: Cantonese | |
Jyutping | jyut6 naam4 waa4 jan4 |
Southern Min | |
Hokkien POJ | O̍at-lâm Hôa-jîn |
người Hán
người Tàu [a]
𠊛漢
𠊛艚
The Hoa people (
Historically, the first wave of Han Chinese migrants into Vietnam brought Chinese-oriented cultural, religious and philosophical thought to Vietnam, where the Vietnamese gradually developed and adapted such elements to syncretically its own.[2] Beginning as early as the 19th century, the Hoa people were known during the French Indochina era for being favoured by the French colonial rulers. Despite subsequent backlash that followed this, the Hoa community still exists in contemporary Vietnamese society today, either as descendants of Han Chinese who have immigrated to Vietnam over the nation's history or as more recent immigrants.
During prehistoric times in the Red River Delta basin, there were two main language families present. One being the Austroasiatic family from which the native modern Vietnamese language is descended and the other being influenced by the Sino-Tibetan culture and language by the Chinese-speaking Han immigrants into Vietnam.[3]
The Hoa, especially those of more recent Han Chinese extraction who settled in Vietnam since the 18th century, have played a leading role in Vietnam's private business sector before the end of the
From the late 19th century, the Hoa played a leading role in Vietnam's private business sector prior to the Fall of Saigon in 1975. They were a well-established commercial middle class ethnic group that made up a disproportionately high percentage of Vietnam's upper class.[6] Despite their small numbers, the Hoa were disproportionately dominant in the Vietnamese economy having started an estimated 70 to 80 percent of pre-fall Saigon's privately owned and operated businesses.[7] Communist intervention was then deemed necessary by wide swathes of the Vietnamese population and is considered to be an ingrained symbol of the Vietnamese identity by some.[8] Many Hoa had their businesses and property confiscated by the Communists after 1975, and many fled the country as boat people due to persecution by the newly established Communist government. Hoa persecution intensified in the late 1970s, which was one of the underlying reasons for the Sino-Vietnamese War.[5][9]
The Vietnamese government's post-1988 shift to
Migration history
Early history
According to folklore, prior to
In 179 BC, the Âu Lạc Kingdom was annexed by Nanyue, which ushered in more than a millennium of Chinese domination. Zhao Tuo incorporated the regions into Nanyue but left the indigenous chiefs in control of the population.[23][24][25] This was the first time the region formed part of a polity headed by a Chinese ruler,[26] Zhao Tuo posted two legates to supervise the Âu Lạc lords, one in the Red River Delta, named Giao Chỉ, and one in the Mã and Cả River, named Cửu Chân.[27][28] although we do not know if the locals agreed with this nomenclature or if they were even aware of it.[29] It appears that these legates are mainly interested in trade; and their influence was limited outside outposts.[30][31]
In 111 BC, the Han dynasty
A Giao Chỉ prefect, Shi Xie, who was in the sixth generation from his ancestors who migrated to Northern Vietnam during the Wang Mang era, ruled Vietnam as an autonomous warlord for forty years and was posthumously deified by later Vietnamese monarchs.[52][53] In the words of Stephen O'Harrow, Shi Xie was essentially "the first Vietnamese."[54] His rule gave "formal legitimacy" to those identifying with interests of the local society than with the Chinese empire.[55][56] And while the Chinese saw Shi Xie as "frontier guardian", the Vietnamese considered him the head of regional ruling-class society. According to Taylor (1983):
He was the first of many such people to emerge as strong regional leaders who nurtured the local society in the context of Chinese civilization.[55]
A revolt against China was mounted by Ly Bon, whose ancestors were also among the Chinese who fled south to escape the disorders of Wang Mang's usurpation, in the fifth century.[57]
Attempts to civilize the Vietnamese were failed and there was more 'Vietnamization' of Chinese of Vietnamese ancestry than assimilation of the Vietnamese in the first six centuries of Chinese rule.[58][59] The Chinese of Vietnamese ancestry became assimilated while still maintaining their Chinese identity with the native people and absorbed into the "social, economic and political environment" in Northern Vietnam.[59][60] The insight, skills, customs, and ideas brought in by the Chinese allowed the native to develop an identity, making the probability of their being assimilated to Chinese and Chinese intrusion lower.[60][58] The strength of localization in ancient Vietnam has thus been widely noted. The policy of assimilation was continually enforced over the 1,000 years of Chinese rule of Vietnam until the Ngô dynasty when the Vietnamese regained their independence from China. The Vietnamese rulers deported some 87,000 Chinese nationals, although a smaller minority applied for permanent residency in Vietnam. Chinese who chose to remain in Vietnam chose to assimilate.[61] The Vietnamese were wedded with Chinese peasantry that later became gentry of Vietnam.[62]
After independence
Sporadic Chinese migration into Vietnam continued between the 9th and 15th centuries AD. The Vietnamese court during the Lý dynasty and the Trần dynasty welcomed ethnic Chinese scholars and officials to fill into its administrative and bureaucratic ranks, but these migrants had to renounce their Chinese identity and assimilate into Vietnamese society.
The founder of the Lý dynasty, Lý Thái Tổ (Lý Công Uẩn) 李公蘊, has been ascribed of having origins from Fujian Province somewhere in his paternal bloodline[74][75] while little is known about his maternal side except for the fact that his mother was a woman named Phạm Thị. Very few direct details about his parents are known,[76] however, the ethnic Chinese background of Lý Công Uẩn (李公蘊 [Hokkien Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Lí Kong-ùn]), at least on his paternal side has been accepted by Vietnamese historian Trần Quốc Vượng.[77]
The ancestors of the Trần clan originated from the province of
Professor
Southern Song Chinese military officers and civilian officials left to overseas countries, went to Vietnam and intermarried with the Vietnamese ruling elite and went to Champa to serve the government there as recorded by Zheng Sixiao.[91] Southern Song soldiers were part of the Vietnamese army prepared by emperor Trần Thánh Tông against the second Mongol invasion.[92]
A Vietnamese woman and a Chinese man were the parents of Phạm Nhan (Nguyễn Bá Linh). He fought against the Tran for the Yuan dynasty.[93][94][95] Dong Trieu was his mother's place.
Fujian was the origin of the ethnic Chinese Tran who migrated to Vietnam along with a large amount of other Chinese during the Ly dynasty where they served as officials. Distinct Chinese last names are found in the Tran and Ly dynasty Imperial examination records.
China's province of Zhejiang around the 940s was the origin of the Chinese Hồ/Hú family from which Hồ dynasty founder Emperor Hồ Quý Ly came from.[98][99]
The Chinese elites who were descended from mixed marriages between Chinese and Vietnamese viewed others as beneath them and inferior due to Chinese influence.[100]
While
15th–18th centuries
Lê dynasty
After the
There was no mandatory required reparation of the voluntarily remaining Ming Chinese in Vietnam. The return of the Ming Chinese to China was commanded by the Ming and not Lê Lợi. The Trai made up the supporters of Le Loi in his campaign. He lived among the Trai at the border regions as their leader and seized the Ming-ruled lowland Kinh areas after originally forming his base in the southern highland regions. The southern dwelling Trai and Red River dwelling Vietnamese were in effect locked in a "civil war" during the anti-Ming rebellion by Le Loi.[98]
The leader Lưu Bác Công (Liu Bogong) in 1437 commanded a Dai Viet military squad made out of ethnic Chinese since even after the independence of Dai Viet, Chinese remained behind.[105] Vietnam received Chinese defectors from Yunnan in the 1400s.[106]
The Vietnamese Emperor Lê Thánh Tông cracked down on foreign contacts and enforced an isolationist policy. A large amount of trade between Guangzhou and Vietnam happened during this time. Early accounts recorded that the Vietnamese captured Chinese whose ships had blown off course and detained them. Young Chinese men were selected by the Vietnamese for castration to become eunuch slaves to the Vietnamese. It has been speculated by modern historians that Chinese who were captured and castrated by the Vietnamese were involved in regular trade between China and Vietnam instead of being blown off course, and that they were punished after a Vietnamese crackdown on trade with foreign countries.[107][108]
A 1499 entry in the
A 1472 entry in the
Northern and Southern dynasties (1533–1597)
The Chinese living in the Mekong Delta area settled there before any Vietnamese settled in the region.
In the 16th century, Lê Anh Tông of the Lê dynasty encouraged traders to visit Vietnam by opening up Thăng Long (Hanoi), Huế and Hội An. Chinese presence in the Huế/Hội An area dated back as early as 1444, when a monk from Fujian built the Buddhist temple, Chua Chuc Thanh.[122] Hội An quickly developed into a trading port from the 16th century onwards, when Chinese and Japanese traders began to arrive in the city in greater numbers. When an Italian Jesuit priest, Father Christofo Borri, visited the city in 1618, he aptly described the city as: "The city of Faifo is so vast that one would think it is two juxtaposed cities; a Chinese city and a Japanese city." The Japanese traders quickly disappeared by the first half of the 17th century as Tokugawa shogunate imposed a policy of self-isolation and when Dutch traders such as Francisco Groemon [who?] visited Hội An in 1642, the Japanese population was no more than 50 people, while the Chinese numbered some 5,000 individuals.[123]
Nguyễn Lords (1533–1789)
Han Chinese Ming dynasty refugees numbering 3,000 came to Vietnam at the end of the Ming dynasty. They opposed the Qing dynasty and were fiercely loyal to the Ming dynasty. Vietnamese women married these Han Chinese refugees since most of them were soldiers and single men. Their descendants became known as Minh Hương and they strongly identified as Chinese despite influence from Vietnamese mothers. They did not wear Manchu hairstyle unlike later Chinese migrants to Vietnam during the Qing dynasty.[124]
Hội An was also the first city to take on refugees from the
The Nguyễn court allowed Duong and his surviving followers to resettle in
Vietnamese women were wedded as wives of the Han Chinese Minh Hương 明鄉 who moved to Vietnam during the Ming dynasty's fall. They formed a new group of people in Vietnamese society and worked for the Nguyễn government.[84] Both Khmer and Vietnamese wedded the Chinese men of the Minh Hương.[132] Ha Tien came under the control of Mo Jiu (Ma Cuu), a Chinese who was among the Mekong Delta Ming migrants. Lang Cau, Cam Pho, Chiem, and Cu Lao in Hoi An were the sites of settlement by Minh Huong who were the result of native women becoming wives of Fujianese Chinese.[85] The Minh Hương community descended from Vietnamese wedding youthful Chinese men in Cochinchina and Hoi An in Nguyễn lands. This new migration established a distinct Chinese diaspora group in Vietnam which was unlike in ancient times when the Vietnamese upper class absorbed ethnic Chinese who had come.[133] Minh Hương were ethnically hybrid Chinese and Vietnamese descended from Chinese men and Vietnamese women. They lived in rural areas and urban areas.[134] Chinese citizens in Vietnam were grouped as Huaqiao by the French while the Minh Huong were permanent residents of Vietnam who were ethnic Chinese.[135] To make commerce easier, Vietnamese female merchants wedded Chinese male merchants wedded in Hoi An.[100][136] Trần Thượng Xuyên and Yang Yandi (Dương Ngạn Địch) were two Chinese leaders who in 1679 brought Minh Hương to South Vietnam to live under the Nguyễn lords.
Chinese trade and immigration began to increase towards the earlier half of the 18th century as population and economic pressures encouraged more Chinese men to seek trade opportunities in Southeast Asia, including Vietnam. It was around this time that the descendants of the Ming Chinese refugees–often referred to as Ming Huong Chinese–begin to foster a separate ethnocultural identity for the newer Chinese immigrants, whom they refer to as "Thanh nhân (清人)", or Qing people. The Thanh Nhan form independent
The
A shipwrecked Chinese blown to Vietnam by the wind, Pan Dinggui in his book "Annan ji you" said that the Trinh restored the Le dynasty to power after Vietnam was struck by disease, thunder and winds when the Le was dethroned when they initially could not find Le and Tran dynasty royals to restore to the throne when he was in Vietnam in 1688. Pan also said that only the Le king was met by official diplomats from the Qing, not the Trinh lord.[143]
19th–20th centuries
The Thanh Nhan Chinese made their living by exporting rice to other Southeast Asian countries, and their participation increased greatly in the years during the early 18th century after the Tây Sơn rebellion. Under local laws, rice exports to other countries were tightly regulated, but the Chinese largely ignored this rule and exported rice en masse. The prices of rice witnessed an increase of 50–100% in the 1820s as a result of these exports, which irked the Nguyễn court under Emperor Minh Mạng.[144] Minh Mạng's mandarin, Lê Văn Duyệt noticed that the Chinese had a great autonomy over trade affairs in Gia Dinh, which was partly attributed to the patronage of Trinh Hoai Duc who was serving as the governor of the province. Minh Mạng introduced a new series of measures to curb Chinese trade from 1831 onwards, and started by introducing new restrictions to which residents are banned from overseas travel, which culminated in a brief revolt among Gia Dinh's residents in 1833.[145] The Nguyễn court also experimented with measures to assimilate the Chinese immigrants; in 1839 an edict was issued to abolish the Chinese clan associations in Vietnamese-ruled Cambodia, which proved to be ineffective. Minh Mạng's son, Thiệu Trị, introduced a new law to allow only Chinese-born immigrants to register with the Chinese clan associations, whereas their local-born male descendants are allowed to register with the Minh-Huong-xa and adorn the Vietnamese costume. The Nguyễn court also showed signs of subtle discrimination against people of Chinese origin; only one Minh Huong Chinese was promoted to a Mandarin. This sharply contrasted with the high representation of people of Chinese descent who were able to serve the Nguyễn court under Gia Long's reign.[146]
Chinese immigration into Vietnam visibly increased following the French
The inter-ethnic marriage between Chinese and Vietnamese brought Chinese customs into Vietnam society. For example, crocodiles were eaten by Vietnamese while they were taboo and off-limits for Chinese. Vietnamese women who married Chinese men adopted the Chinese taboo.[134]
Vietnamese women were wedded to the Chinese who helped sell Viet Minh rice.[151]
Statehood under North Vietnam and South Vietnam: 1950–1975
At a party plenum in 1930, the Indochinese Communist Party made a statement that the Chinese were to be treated on an equal footing with the Vietnamese, specifically defining them as "The workers and laborers among the Chinese nationals are allies of the Vietnamese revolution". One year after the state of North Vietnam was established, a mutual agreement was made between the Chinese Communist Party and Communist Party of Vietnam to give ethnic Chinese living in North Vietnam Vietnamese citizenship. This process was completed by the end of the 1950s.[152]
During the Vietnam War, the initially favorable situation of the Chinese minority in North Vietnam began to deteriorate. In 1967–1968, friction started to occur in Sino-DRV relations, because the People's Republic of China disapproved of both Hanoi's broadening cooperation with the Soviet Union and the North Vietnamese decision to start negotiations with the U.S. in Paris. Inspired by the Chinese embassy, the official newspaper of the ethnic Chinese community published a number of anti-Soviet articles until the DRV authorities replaced its editors with some more compliant cadres. Anxious to prevent Beijing from exerting a political influence on the Chinese minority.
In the early 1970s, the North Vietnamese leaders resorted to various methods of forced assimilation. At first, they sought to pressure ethnic Chinese to adopt Vietnamese citizenship, but only a handful of Hoa cadres complied, most of whom were heavily assimilated individuals anyway. Thereupon the authorities attempted to seize the Chinese passports of the ethnic Chinese under various pretexts, but most Hoa refused to give up their passports. The regime made repeated efforts to transform the Chinese minority schools into mixed Chinese-Vietnamese schools in which Hoa children were to study together with Vietnamese pupils and the curriculum was to be based on the standard North Vietnamese curriculum. The authorities ceased to hire Hoa interpreters, nor did they employ Hoa in offices that were in regular contact with foreigners. Ethnic Chinese were rarely admitted to the military, and even if they volunteered for service, they could serve only in logistical units but not in troops sent to the front in South Vietnam. Following the Battle of the Paracel Islands (a Chinese action that Hanoi disapproved), the DRV authorities started to hinder the Hoa in visiting their relatives in the PRC.[153]
Around the same time in South Vietnam, President Ngô Đình Diệm issued a series of measures between 1955 and 1956 to integrate the ethnic Chinese into South Vietnamese society:
- 7 December 1955: A nationality law was passed which automatically qualified Vietnamese residents of mixed Chinese and Vietnamese parentage as South Vietnamese citizens.
- 21 August 1956: Decree 48 was passed which made all ethnic Chinese born in Vietnam South Vietnamese citizens, irrespective of their family wishes. First-generation immigrants who were born in China, however, were not allowed to apply for Vietnamese citizenship and had to apply for residential permits that were to be renewed periodically, on top of paying residential taxes.
- 29 August 1956: Decree 52 was passed which required all Vietnamese citizens regardless of their ethnic origin to adopt a Vietnamese name within six months, failing which they had to pay a heavy fine.
- 6 September 1956: Decree 53 was issued which prohibited all foreigners from engaging in eleven different trades, all of which were dominated by ethnic Chinese. The foreign shareholders were required to liquidate their business or transfer their ownership to Vietnamese citizens within 6 months to 1 year, and failure to do so would result in deportation or a fine of up to 5 million piastres.[154]
As most ethnic Chinese in Vietnam were holders of
Departure from Vietnam: 1975–1990
Following the
While such measures were targeted at all bourgeois elements, such measures hurt Hoa the hardest and resulted in the expropriation of Hoa properties in and around major cities.
The size of the exodus increased during and after the war. The monthly number of boat people arriving in Southeast Asia increased to 11,000 during the first quarter of 1979, 28,000 by April, and 55,000 in June, while more than 90,000 fled by boat to China. In addition, the Vietnamese military also began expelling ethnic Hoa from Vietnamese-occupied Cambodia, leading to over 43,000 refugees of mostly Hoa descent fleeing overland to Thailand.[184] By now, Vietnam was openly confiscating the properties and extorting money from fleeing refugees. In April 1979 alone, Hoa outside of Vietnam had remitted a total of US$242 million (an amount equivalent to half the total value of Vietnam's 1978 exports) through Hong Kong to Ho Chi Minh City to help their friends or family pay their way out of Vietnam.[185] By June, money from refugees had replaced the coal industry as Vietnam's largest source of foreign exchange and was expected to reach as much as 3 billion in US dollars.[186] By 1980, the refugee population in China reached 260,000,[187] and the number of surviving boat people refugees in Southeast Asia reached 400,000.[188] (An estimated 50%[189][190] to 70%[185] of Vietnamese and Chinese boat people perished at sea.)
Đổi Mới (since 1986)
After
Trade and industry
Like much of Southeast Asia, the Hoa
Early history and French colonial rule (3rd century BC–1945 AD)
The Hoa have played a prominent role in Vietnamese business and industry for over two millennia as the presence of Chinese economic dominance in Vietnam dates back to 208 B.C.. When the renegade Qin Chinese military general
The Hoa were notoriously enterprising entrepreneurs that traded and manufactured a myriad of goods and services of value ranging from fine Chinese silk to black incense.[48] The monopolized gold export trade was entirely under the hands of the Hoa in addition to their predominance of the local trade in paper, tea, pepper, arms, sulfur, lead, and lead oxide.[48] Throughout the topography of Hoa economic life, different Hoa sub-ethnic groups monopolized various industry sectors. The Hakka predominated the traditional Chinese medicinal clinic trade, the Cantonese became grocers, with the Hainanese having flourished in the management of restaurant chains, while the Hokkien monopolized hardware merchandising, and the Teochew having taken over the rice trade.[210] The economic clout wielded by the Hoa coupled with repeated military incursions and other invasive attempts by successive Chinese dynasties to conquer and dominate Vietnam inflamed anti-Chinese sentiment, hostility, bitterness, envy, insecurity, and resentment from their Kinh counterparts.[48][205] Nonetheless, Chinese economic dominance continued to surge in an unswerving manner following the establishment of the Nguyễn dynasty in 1802.[205] Since the commercial purpose from the business activities overseen by wealthy Hoa merchants and investors functioned as an important source of tax revenue and the political interests of the Nguyen mandarin officials.[211] By the time the French arrived in the mid-18th century, the Hoa commercially dominated the Kinh majority in trade, mining, and every urban market sector in addition to prospering under the colonial laissez-faire market policies enshrined by the French colonialists.[211] During the epoch of French administration, the Hoa assumed a dominant position in Vietnam's rice processing, marketing, transportation, meat slaughtering, and grocery outlets.[212] Vietnam's gold industry in particular, was monopolized entirely by Hoa merchants.[211] The Hoa also monopolized Vietnam's entire internal gold procurement and distribution system as the French colonial regime saw that their colonial interests would be better served through the benefits of market expertise imparted by the Chinese and allowed Hoa merchants to freely engage in external trade; sometimes leading to a certain amount of commercial cooperation between the French and Hoa in the import-export sectors.[213] The French would shrewdly cultivate and champion Hoa entrepreneurship as the French colonial administrators welcomed the influx of Chinese immigrants who saw the value of the Chinese community's entrepreneurial acumen that was imperative for the predicated tenability of French colonial rule as well as its corresponding economic prosperity that was submerged within it. The Hoa population rose nearly ten-fold from 25,000 in the 1860s to more than 200,000 in 1911.[198][213] In addition, Hoa businessmen also functioned as intermediaries by operating as agents for the French as well as their own.[48] Hoa businessmen also collaborated with the French and other European capitalists in tapping the ample riches of Vietnam's well-endowed natural resources and exploiting the indigenous Kinh at their expense via the laissez-faire economic policies enshrined under the aegis of the French colonial authorities to enrich themselves. During the French colonial era, imports were completely under the control of the French authorities, as were nearly all the major import items such as machinery, transport equipment, building materials, and luxury goods that were undertaken by French chartered companies, while the Hoa operated as intermediaries for the French colonial authorities in exchange for a commission.[214]
The first modern mass migration of Han Chinese into Vietnam happened during the late 17th century, when dejected and demoralized Ming generals and their followers fled a defeated and fallen Ming China in the aftermath of the
Given the ubiquitous predominance of the Hoa that permeated throughout Vietnam's economic life during the early part of the twentieth century, the Hoa emerged as a prosperous economic minority and established themselves as the country's leading entrepreneurs and investors. This was due the fact that the Chinese community's disproportionately high levels of extensive socioeconomic success relative to their small population size made them practically inseparable from the Vietnamese economy.[223] In the fishing sector, the Hoa maintained a strong foothold, particularly with their engagement in deep-sea fishing. Without exception, stiff competition and high rates of attrition between Hoa fishermen drove out and eventually displaced their competing indigenous Kinh counterparts with ease away from the local fish export trade. As a result of cutthroat competition between the Hoa fishermen themselves, the production of Nuac Mann, a popular Vietnamese fish sauce also ended up being monopolized by them.[223] The Hoa also owned sugar refineries, construction equipment, and industrial machinery manufacturing establishments as well as their own rice and sawmills. Other Hoa businessmen participated in the production of textiles, cotton, sugar, condiments, silk, cinnamon bark, cardamom, as well as partaking in the tea trade.[224] Many Hoa also delved into coconut and peanut oil production prior to beginning their humble business careers as lowly menial labourers on French rubber plantations who eventually worked their way up to start their own tea, pepper, and rice plantations to supply the domestic Vietnamese market. Hoa gardeners monopolized the grocery stores and nurseries in the suburban areas of Saigon while Hoa-owned restaurants and hotels began to take root in every urban Vietnamese market centre.[225] In 1906, Hoa and French businessmen together generated a combined total capital output of 222 million francs, compared to 2 million francs for the indigenous Kinh majority.[226] In 1930, an estimated 40 Hoa trading cooperatives and 11 French concerns controlled more than 80 percent of Cochinchina's entire export of rice, of which served as the region's leading source of wealth.[227] Throughout the 1930s, open niches and gaps found between the large-scale manufacturing establishments, commercial, plantation, and financial services providers held by the French were filled by smaller businesses controlled by the Chinese.[48][211] Auspicious economic policies attracted a rapid influx of Han Chinese immigrants who sought to unlock and realize their economic nirvana through business and investment success up until the mid-twentieth century.[48][211] Between 1925 and 1933, some 600,000 newly-minted Han Chinese immigrants settled in Vietnam.[218] Between 1923 and 1951, as many as 1.2 million Chinese emigrants moved from China to Vietnam.[228] Hoa merchants delved into the rice, salt, liquor, opium, and spice trade, where they set up plantations in the rural hinterlands of the Mekong Delta and sold their finished products in Cholon.[150] In the north, the Hoa were mainly rice farmers, fishermen, and coal miners, except for those residing in cities and provincial towns.[150] The French regularly collaborated with Hoa businessmen in the agricultural and heavy industry sectors, and the latter often served as middlemen to liaise between themselves, the indigenous Kinh masses, and the French in the domestic Vietnamese trading sector.[150]
South Vietnamese rule (1945–1975)
By the 1950s, the Hoa had held enormous sway on Vietnam's economic life as the concomitant brunt that came with the societal implications of wielding such vast amounts of economic power, the Chinese community was stereotypically viewed as "
Up until the 1960s, the Hoa alongside their Overseas Chinese counterparts dominated Vietnam's garment and textile industries, as the nation's 600 small and medium sized textile businesses and top 3 textile manufacturing firms Vinatex; Vinatexco; and Vinatefico were the controlling ownership of Chinese hands that supplied up to four-fifths of the entire nation's collection of textile products.[219] The Hoa also dominated Vietnam's processing sectors such as the cooking oil, dairy, cosmetics, plastics, and rubber industries in addition to controlling 80 percent of the largest metallurgical factories in South Vietnam.[219] With much of the buzz surrounding the overwhelming dominance of the Chinese in the Vietnamese retail merchant trade, centrally integral to the fundamentals of that dominance were attributed to the development of extensive systems of canals allowing Chinese merchant traders to exert their economic clout and maintain their monopoly on Vietnam's shipping industry.[219] Hoa retail merchants also controlled the wholesale trades in Binh Tay, An Dong and Soai Kinh Lam and the merchants were also behind three-fifths of the retail goods that were distributed throughout Southern Vietnam.[220] In Vietnamese business circles, the Hoa were dubbed as "crownless kings", "rice kings", "oil kings", "gasoline kings", or "scrap-iron kings" with regard to their shrewd business acumen and investment prowess throughout Chợ Lớn, which was a center of Hoa private enterprise throughout the South.[198][236] Highly publicized profiles of wealthy Hoa businessmen and investors often attracted great public interest and were used to illustrate the Chinese community's strong economic clout throughout the country.[237] The huge materials supply chain system ensured maximum support for Hoa businesspeople to gain complete access to whatever goods and services they had to provide for sale to their clientele. The South Vietnamese market was allegedly calibrated in favour of the Hoa so as to ensure maximum profits and manipulation of prices executed through the Vietnamese import-export and transport systems. One of the most notorious of South Vietnam's Hoa compradore bourgeoisie was a businessman and investor by the name of Ly Long Than, who reportedly held a diverse portfolio of business assets ranging from 18 major commercial and industrial manufacturing establishments (Vinatexco and Vinafilco textile factories, Vinatefinco dye-works, Vicasa steel factory, Nakydaco edible oil factory) in addition to presiding the Rang Dong shipping line, a real estate holding company, a plush hotel, an insurance agency, a chain of restaurants, as well as being a controlling shareholder in sixteen Vietnamese banks including the Vietnamese branches of the Bank of China and the Agricultural Bank of China respectively, as well as the Agriculture Industry Commerce Bank. Foreign investors and visitors doing business in Chợ Lớn would recall seeing the plethora of import-export shipping lines, banks, modern high-rise buildings, plush hotels, bars, discotheques, and restaurants all controlled by Hoa businessmen and investors.[238] Other notable Hoa compradore bourgeoisie investors include Hoan Kim Quy, a native of Hanoi who derived his private fortune from barbed wire manufacturing and presided over a prominent shipping line, the operation of a large textile and appliance importer, a gold mining concession, and a trading cooperative. He also served as the corporate director of the Vitaco shipping line and was a major shareholder in several Vietnamese banks.[238]
In 1961, the Hoa controlled 80 percent of all the capital in Vietnam's retail trade and 75 percent of the entire nation's commercial activities.[239] Utilizing the Confucian paradigm of personal networks, the Hoa dominated several types of industries such as financial services, food, information technology, chemicals, electronic and electrical equipment, machinery, fabricated metals, wholesale trade, transportation equipment, and other miscellaneous services. Constituting a mere 1 percent of Vietnam's population, the Hoa controlled an estimated 90 percent of non-European private capital in the mid-1960s and dominated Vietnam's entire retail trade, financial services sector, manufacturing establishments, transportation outlets, and all aspects of the country's rice trade.[191][198] In the hospitality industry, the Hoa owned more than 50 percent of all the largest hotels and 90 percent of small hotels and boarding houses in the Saigon-Cholon and Gia Dinh areas respectively, in addition to 92 large restaurants, 243 tea and beer shops, 48 hotels, and 826 eateries.[198][240] Furthermore, the Hoa controlled much of the restaurants, drink and hotels, amusement parks and recreation centres, medical, educational, and other miscellaneous establishments throughout Vietnam. In particular, Hoa businessmen operated restaurants and hotels as a launchpad to eventually scale up and venture out into other businesses since these businesses turned in a quick profit while requiring negligible amounts of startup capital to take off from scratch. Furthermore, due to the lack of bureaucratic red tape, hospitality companies were not regulated by the Vietnamese government nor were they subject to local discriminatory policies.[240] Although there were numerous wealthy Kinh in the Vietnamese commercial class, the vast disproportion of economic power still remained concentrated in the hands of the Hoa minority, attracting the outright resentment, jealousy, insecurity, envy, and hostility from the Kinh majority.[191][241]
The Hoa also came to predominate Vietnam's financial services sector as they were also the sole pioneers of the Vietnamese financial services industry, being the key masterminds that played a major role behind the emergence of some of Vietnam's early banking houses and esteemed financial institutions. Early in the twentieth century, the
In 1970, it was estimated that while the Hoa made up a mere 5.3 percent of Vietnam's total population, they reputedly controlled 70 to 80 percent of the entire country's commercial sector.
The control and regulation of markets were one of the most sensitive, controversial, and persistent political issues faced by the Vietnamese revolutionary government following the beginning of North-South integration in 1975. The government, in its doctrinaire efforts to nationalize the commercial market-oriented Southern economy, faced several paradoxes. The first was the need both to cultivate and to curtail the heavy presence of commercial business activity controlled by Hoa in the South, especially in Ho Chi Minh City, as Chinese-owned businesses controlled much of the commercial activity in Ho Chi Minh City alone and the South in general. Following the breakdown of relations with China in 1978, some Vietnamese political leaders evidently feared the potential for espionage activities within the Hoa business community. On the one hand, Hoa-owned businesses controlled trade in a number of commodities and services including the development of pharmaceuticals, fertilizer distribution, grain milling, and foreign-currency exchange dealers, as such businesses were ostensibly presumed to be state-owned and operated monopolies. On the other hand, Hoa businessmen also provided excellent access to international markets for Vietnamese exports through Hong Kong and Singapore. Such access became increasingly important during the 1980s as a way of circumventing the boycott on trade with Vietnam imposed by a number of Continental Asian and Western nations.[7] The Hoa have dominated several types of businesses such as selling rice, crewed junk, rice transportation, and shipbuilding during their early arrival to Vietnam. Through enterprise, organization, and cooperation, many Chinese became part of a garishly prosperous and urbanized commercial middle and upper class that soon controlled the country's entire retail trade. Hoa-owned retail outlets filled every major Vietnamese town and sea route as rice selling and transportation were one of the most renumerative businesses that generated some of the highest profit margins and returns on equity in the country. In addition, the Hoa business community also emerged as a commercially dominant force in Saigon, where they worked as petty dealers, hawkers, sellers, traders, and vendors that peddled an array of products to the indigenous Kinh masses as an industrious entrepreneurial and business-savvy community responsible for generating much of the city's economic output and commercial business activities. Many budding and up-and-coming Hoa entrepreneurs and investors started off their business careers from humble beginnings by working as butchers and tailors and then ventured into confectionery while other Hoas began their business careers by working as money changers, lenders, bankers, who sold products such as tea, porcelain, pharmaceuticals and medicine, furniture, and cabinet-work on the side that were shipped to Vietnam from China. Southern Vietnamese politicians said the Hoa business community in Chợ Lớn also remained active in municipal politics and the Vietnamese Communist Party, but maintained their primary interest of focus of entrepreneurship, business, and investing. Regardless of the Vietnamese political climate, the Hoa business community felt secure when partaking in business in everyday public life as well as engaging in activities that improved and enriched their social and cultural lives in private. About 20 percent of the 6,000 private companies and 150,000 individual small businesses in the city were Hoa-run, as their commercial activities accounted for more than 30 percent of Ho Chi Minh City's business output due to better equipment used by the businesses.[266]
Prior to 1975, the influx of Chinese investment capital, entrepreneurship, and skilled manpower in South Vietnam played a significant role in shaping the development of Vietnam's domestic markets and international trade.[267] In South Vietnam, Hoa controlled more than 90 percent of the non-European capital, 80 percent of the food, textile, chemical, metallurgy, engineering, and electrical industries, 100 percent of the wholesale trade, more than 50 percent of the retail trade, and 90 percent of the import-export trade.[268][269] Of the Chinese-owned factories and manufacturing establishments that operated in Southern Vietnam before 1975, the Hoa controlled 62.5 percent of the food manufacturing, 100 percent of the tobacco manufacturing, 84.6 percent of the textile manufacturing, 100 percent of the pulp and paper mills, 100 percent of the chemical production, 100 percent of the pottery-making, 100 percent of the steel and iron fabrication, 100 percent of the engineering, 80 percent of the food processing, and 100 percent of the print manufacturing.[220] The sheer overwhelming economic dominance presided by the Hoa prompted resentful accusations from the Kinh majority who felt that they could not successfully compete against Chinese-owned businesses in a free market capitalist system.[235][270] With the Hoas' glaringly omnipresent economic clout, it was noted by 1983 that more than 60 percent of Southern Vietnam's bourgeoisie were of Han Chinese ancestry.[259] Hoa merchants controlled the entirety of South Vietnam's rice paddy market and obtained up to 80 percent of the South's bank loans. Furthermore, Hoa entrepreneurs and investors also owned 42 of the 60 of South Vietnam's corporations with an annual turnover of more than 1 million dong and their investments accounted for two-thirds of the aggregate investment in the South.[250][271]
As Hoa entrepreneurs in South Vietnam became more financially prosperous, they often pooled large amounts of seed capital and started joint business ventures with expatriate Mainland and Overseas Chinese businessmen and investors from all over the world.[272] Apropos to exports, Hoa businessmen established their own business networks with their fellow Han Chinese business compatriots operating in Mainland China and other Overseas Chinese business community counterparts across Southeast Asia.[250] Analogous to other Southeast Asian businesses owned by those of Chinese ancestry, Hoa-owned businesses in Vietnam often foster corporate partnerships with Greater Chinese and other Overseas Chinese businesses across the globe in search of new business opportunities to capitalize, collaborate, and concentrate on.[273] Besides sharing a common ancestral background in addition to similar cultural, linguistic, and familial ties, many Hoa businessmen and investors are particular strong adherents of the Confucian paradigm of interpersonal relationships when doing business with each other, as the Chinese believed that the underlying source for entrepreneurial and investment success relied on the cultivation of personal relationships. Moreover, Vietnamese businesses that are Chinese-owned form a part of the larger bamboo network, a business network of Overseas Chinese companies operating in the markets of Greater China and Southeast Asia that share common family, ethnic, linguistic, and cultural ties.[274] Hoa have also acted as agents for expatriate Mainland and Overseas Chinese investors outside of Vietnam that act as their underlying providers of economic intelligence.[238] Under the Saigon administration, a rapid horde of expatriate Chinese businessmen and investors from Macau, Hong Kong, and Taiwan came to South Vietnam in search of new business and investment opportunities to exploit.[218] Hoa compradore bourgeoisie in South Vietnam also had the economic and political backing of wealthy expatriate Chinese businessmen from Taiwan and Hong Kong and Overseas Chinese investors in the United States and other countries in Southeast Asia.[238] In addition, prominent Hoa compradore bourgeoisie were often seen colluding and mingling with Saigon's government officials and the South Vietnamese military elite to attain even greater wealth.[238] Moreover, Hoa business networks adhering through the Confucian paradigm of guanxi or personal relationships cooperate with extended family members to marshal capital, make use of technology, and establish distribution networks.[249] In addition, Hoa business networks employ business negotiations in casual settings that go down during Hoa community activities hosted by Hoa-based associations and guilds. Philanthropy is also a major tenet with wealthy Hoa businesspeople often conferring generously charitable donations to the community's less fortunate as well as providing them startup financial and social capital to establish their own respective businesses.[249] In a historical sense, the success of Hoa-owned enterprises was mainly due to the heavy premium on the businesses being family-oriented, trust-based networks, latitude towards Han internationalization, and patronage towards the Chinese community.[270][275] Much like the bamboo network, Hoa-owned businesses and business networks following Đổi Mới center on family management where the company's senior management teams work in unison with the founder's relatives to maintain the organization's day-to-day corporate activities.[249] Many of the founders come from humble beginnings, starting out as physical laborers while establishing their own part-time businesses through borrowing and scraping meager sums of startup seed capital from their families and gradually pass down the business to the next generation.[249]
Reunification and Doi Moi (1975–present)
Following Vietnam's reunification in 1976, the socialist and revolutionary Vietnamese government began using the Hoa as a scapegoat for their socio-economic woes. The revolutionary government referred to the enterprising Chinese as "bourgeois" and perpetrators of "world capitalism."
Until the early 1990s, Hoa-owned businesses in Ho Chi Minh City contributed to 40 percent of its entire gross domestic product.[247] By the 1990s, the commercial role and influence of Hoa in Vietnam's economy have rebounded substantially since the introduction of Doi Moi as the Vietnamese government's post-1988 shift to a capitalist-based free-market liberalization has led to an astounding resurgence of Chinese economic dominance across the country's urban areas.[12][278] According to District 5 statistics from the Vietnamese Department of Industry and Trade in 1990, there were 8653 registered Chinese business households of which 963 were running hotels and restaurants and 854 services.[247] Registered Hoa-owned businesses made up 75 percent of all the market stalls in the urban market district of Binh Ta, the largest wholesale market throughout the entire country.[247] Across the country, enterprising Hoa entrepreneurs and investors have re-asserted much of their previous economic influence that they once held prior to 1975. The Hoa with their commercial prowess have once again begun to contribute significantly to the expansive development of Vietnamese internal markets and capital accumulation where both of which are served for the purpose of small-scale industrial business incubation, as 45 percent of all privately registered Vietnamese businesses were under the hands of a Chinese-descended founder in 1992.[267][279] In Ho Chi Minh City alone, Hoa entrepreneurs have been responsible for generating half of the city's commercial market activity as well as having percolated their economic primacy into Vietnam's light industry, import-export trade, shopping malls, and private banking sector.[280][191][281][282] In 1996, Hoa entrepreneurs continued to dominate Vietnam's private industry and were responsible for generating an estimated $4 billion in commercial business volume, making up one-fifth of the entire country's aggregate domestic business output.[283]
Modern population
The official census from 2019 accounted the Hoa population at 749,466 individuals and ranked 9th in terms of its population size. 70% of the Hoa live in cities and towns in which they make up the largest minority group, mostly in Ho Chi Minh city while the remainder live in the countryside in the southern provinces. The Hoa had constituted the largest ethnic minority group in the mid 20th century and its population had previously peaked at 1.2 million, or about 2.6% of Vietnam's population in 1976 a year following the end of the Vietnam War. Just 3 years later, the Hoa population dropped to 935,000 as large swathes of Hoa left Vietnam. The 1989 census indicated the Hoa population had appreciated to 960,000 individuals, but their proportion had dropped to 1.5% by then.[284] In 1999, the Hoa population at some 860,000 individuals,[285] or approximately 1.1% of the country's population and by then, were ranked Vietnam's 4th largest ethnic group.[286]
Ancestral affiliations
The Hoa trace their ancestral origins to different parts of China many centuries ago and they are identified based on the dialects that they speak. In cities where large Chinese communities exist such as Ho Chi Minh City, Chinese communities set up clan associations that identify themselves based on surnames or their ancestral homeland.[287] In southern Vietnam, five different bang or clans are traditionally recognized within the Hoa community: Quảng (Cantonese), Tiều (Teochew), Hẹ (Hakka), Phúc Kiến (Hokkien) and Hải Nam (Hainanese), with the Cantonese forming the largest group. Each of these Hoa sub-groups tends to congregate in different towns and one dialect group may predominate over the others.
Dialect Group | 1924 | 1950 | 1974 | 1989 | Main areas of living |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Cantonese | 35.0% | 45.0% | 60.0% | 56.5% | |
Teochew | 22.0% | 30.0% | 20.0% | 34.0% | Ho Chi Minh City, |
Hoklo (Hokkien) |
24.0% | 8.0% | 7.0% | 6.0% | Ho Chi Minh City, Hội An, Huế[292] |
Hakka/Ngái | 7.0% | 10.0% | 6.0% | 1.5% | Lâm Đồng
|
Hainanese | 7.0% | 4.0% | 7.0% | 2.0% | Phú Quốc,[294] Ninh Hòa, Tuy Hòa, Nha Trang[295] |
Others | 5.0% | 3.0% | - | - | – |
Other Sinitic groups
- Sán Dìu (Chinese: 山由) are a Yue-speaking group of Yao origins living around the Tam Đảo range in Northern Vietnam. Some ethnic Hoa in Thái Nguyên province, who speak Quan hỏa or Southwest Mandarin Chinese, also indentify themselves as Sán Dìu.[296]
- Sán Chay (Chinese: 山泽) are an ethnic group living sporadically in Northern Vietnam. Some of the Sán Chay speak Cao Lan, a Tai-Kadai language while some of them speak Pạc và (Chinese: 白话), another name of Pinghua. According to 2009 census, there are 18,444 ethnic Hoa in Bắc Giang province, the majority of them living in Lục Ngạn district. However, some ethnic Hoa identify themselves as Nùng or Sán Chay.[297]
- Chinese Nùng and Ngái: The Nùng are a Tai ethnic group in Vietnam, related to the Zhuang of China. The Chinese Nùng are Cantonese and Hakka-speaking people from the region of eastern Quảng Ninh and Lạng Sơn provinces. After 1954, more than 50,000 Chinese Nùng resettled in Đồng Nai and Bình Thuận provinces. Some identify themselves as Ngái.
- Xạ Phang (Chinese: 下方) are a group of 2,000 Chinese speakers mainly living in western districts of Điện Biên province. They immigrated from China during the 20th century.[298]
Diaspora communities
Today, there are many Hoa communities in Australia, Canada, France, United Kingdom and the United States, where they have reinvigorated old existing Chinatowns. For example, the established Chinatowns of
The Chinese Vietnamese population in China now number up to 300,000, and live mostly in 194 refugee settlements mostly in the provinces of Guangdong, Guangxi, Hainan, Fujian, Yunnan and Jiangxi. More than 85% have achieved economic independence, but the remainder live below the poverty line in rural areas.[299] While they have most of the same rights as Chinese nationals, including employment, education, housing, property ownership, pensions, and health care, they had not been granted citizenship and continued to be regarded by the government as refugees. Their refugee status allowed them to receive UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) assistance and aid until the early 21st century.[300] In 2007, the Chinese government began drafting legislation to grant full Chinese citizenship to Indochinese refugees, including the ethnic Hoa which make up the majority, living within its borders.[301]
Genetics
Frequencies of the main mtDNA haplogroups and sub-haplogroups by ethnic group | ||
---|---|---|
Haplogroups: A B C D M (xD,C) N(xB,R9'F,A) R9'F | ||
n = 622) | ||
n = 399) | ||
n = 115) | ||
n = 62) | ||
Hoa ( n = 23) | ||
n = 21) | ||
Source: Figure 1 A, Page 6, Sara Pischedda et al. (2017)[102] |
Notable Hoa people
Historical people
- Lý Tài, merchant pirate.
- Republic of Vietnam during the height of the Vietnam War
- Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army
- Lieutenant General of Army of the Republic of Vietnam during the Vietnam War
- crime syndicate
- Guangxi, China)
Celebrities
- Lý Hùng, Vietnamese vovinam artist, actor, film director, producer, entrepreneur, philanthropist, activist, and singer
- Lương Bích Hữu, Vietnamese actress and pop singer
- Tăng Thanh Hà, Vietnamese actress and model (Real name: Tăng Thị Thanh Hà)
- La Hối, Vietnamese musician (Real name: La Doãn Chánh)
- Lam Trường, Vietnamese singer (Real name: Tiêu Lam Trường)
- Tống Anh Tỷ, Vietnamese footballer
- Trấn Thành, MC and artist
Hoa diaspora
- Carol Huynh, Canadian wrestler
- Chi Muoi Lo, actor, writer, director, and producer
- poker player, three-time World Series of Poker bracelet winner and three-time final tablist of the World Poker Tour
- Frank Jao, prominent American businessman in Southern California
- Jack Lee, American celebrity chef
- Ching Hai, spiritual leader of the Guanyin Famen (Chinese) or Quan Yin Method transnational cybersect (Real Name: Hue Dang Trinh)
- Ray Lui Leung-Wai, Hong Kong actor, famous for his role in TVB Classic, The Bund
- Pauline Chan, Australian actress, director, screenwriter, and producer
- Jeannie Mai, American television host, make-up artist, and stylist
- Jennifer Pan, Canadian woman who committed matricide[302]
- Kyle Colonna, American soccer player
- Gia Huy Phong, German footballer
- Eliza Sam, Canadian actress
- Vico Thai, Australian actor
- Priscilla Chan, philanthropist and spouse of Mark Zuckerberg
- choreographer
- Tsui Hark, Hong Kong film director, producer, and screenwriter
- Wan Kwong, Hong Kong singer, known as "The Temple Street Prince" (Real Name: Lui Minkwong)
- trade unionist and a former member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong
See also
- China–Vietnam relations
- Taiwan-Vietnam relations
- Singapore-Vietnam relations
- Demographics of Vietnam
- Hoa people in Ho Chi Minh City
- Indochina refugee crisis
- List of ethnic groups in Vietnam
Notes
- ^ the term Tàu meaning "boat" may also be used as an adjective, placed after a noun to signify something Chinese, such as Chinese ink (mực tàu), jujube or Chinese dates (táo tàu) or Chinatown (phố tàu). This usage is derived from Chinese refugees who sailed to Vietnam in boats
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The victims were hardworking ethnic Chinese immigrants from Vietnam,[...]
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External links
- Media related to Hoa people at Wikimedia Commons
- Chinese Affairs Department of Ho Chi Minh City (in Vietnamese, Chinese, and English)
- Photo album