Presidency of Jimmy Carter
Presidency of Jimmy Carter January 20, 1977 – January 20, 1981 | |
Cabinet | See list |
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Party | Democratic |
Election | 1976 |
Seat | White House |
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Library website |
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76th Governor of Georgia
39th President of the United States
Policies
Appointments
Tenure
Presidential campaigns Post-presidency
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Jimmy Carter's tenure as the 39th president of the United States began with his inauguration on January 20, 1977, and ended on January 20, 1981. Carter, a Democrat from Georgia, took office following his narrow victory over Republican incumbent president Gerald Ford in the 1976 presidential election. His presidency ended following his landslide defeat in the 1980 presidential election to Republican Ronald Reagan, after one term in office. Aged 99, he is the oldest living, longest-lived and longest-married president, and has the longest post-presidency. He is the fourth-oldest living former state leader.
Carter took office during a period of "
Carter reoriented U.S. foreign policy towards an emphasis on human rights. He continued the conciliatory late Cold War policies of his predecessors, normalizing relations with China and pursuing further Strategic Arms Limitation Talks with the Soviet Union. In an effort to end the Arab–Israeli conflict, he helped arrange the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt. Through the Torrijos–Carter Treaties, Carter guaranteed the eventual transfer of the Panama Canal to Panama. Denouncing the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, he reversed his conciliatory policies towards the Soviet Union and began a period of military build-up and diplomatic pressure such as pulling out of the Moscow Olympics.
The final fifteen months of Carter's presidential tenure were marked by several additional major crises, including the
1976 election
Carter was elected as the Governor of Georgia in 1970, and during his four years in office he earned a reputation as a progressive, racially moderate Southern governor. Observing George McGovern's success in the 1972 Democratic primaries, Carter came to believe that he could win the 1976 Democratic presidential nomination by running as an outsider unconnected to establishment politicians in Washington.[1] Carter declared his candidacy for the 1976 Democratic presidential nomination in December 1974 and swore "to never lie to the American people."[2] As Democratic leaders such as 1968 nominee Hubert Humphrey, Senator Walter Mondale of Minnesota, and Senator Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts declined to enter the race, there was no clear favorite in the Democratic primaries. Mo Udall, Sargent Shriver, Birch Bayh, Fred R. Harris, Terry Sanford, Henry M. Jackson, Lloyd Bentsen, and George Wallace all sought the nomination, and many of these candidates were better known than Carter.[3]
Carter sought to appeal to various groups in the party; his advocacy for cutting defense spending and reining in the
The Republicans experienced a contested convention that ultimately nominated incumbent President Gerald Ford, who had succeeded to the presidency in 1974 after the resignation of Richard Nixon due to the latter's involvement in the Watergate scandal.[9] With the Republicans badly divided, and with Ford facing questions over his competence as president, polls taken in August 1976 showed Carter with a 15-point lead.[10] In the general election campaign, Carter continued to promote a centrist agenda, seeking to define new Democratic positions in the aftermath of the tumultuous 1960s. Above all, Carter attacked the political system, defining himself as an "outsider" who would reform Washington in the post-Watergate era.[11] In response, Ford attacked Carter's supposed "fuzziness", arguing that Carter had taken vague stances on major issues.[10] Carter and President Ford faced off in three televised debates during the 1976 election,[12] the first such debates since 1960.[12] Ford was generally viewed as the winner of the first debate, but he made a major gaffe in the second debate when he stated there was "no Soviet domination of Eastern Europe."[a] The gaffe put an end to Ford's late momentum, and Carter helped his own campaign with a strong performance in the third debate. Polls taken just before election day showed a very close race.[13]
Carter won the election with 50.1% of the popular vote and 297 electoral votes, while Ford won 48% of the popular vote and 240 electoral votes. The 1976 presidential election represents the lone Democratic presidential election victory between the elections of 1964 and 1992. Carter fared particularly well in the Northeast and the South, while Ford swept the West and won much of the Midwest. In the concurrent congressional elections, Democrats increased their majorities in both the House and Senate.[14]
Transition
Preliminary planning for Carter's presidential transition had already been underway for months before his election.[15][16] Carter was the first presidential candidate to allot significant funds and a significant number of personnel to a pre-election transition planning effort, which subsequently would become standard practice.[17] Carter made an innovation with his presidential transition that would influence all subsequent presidential transitions, taking a methodical approach to his transition, and having a larger and more formal operation than past presidential transitions had.[17][16]
Inauguration
In his inaugural address, Carter said, "We have learned that more is not necessarily better, that even our great nation has its recognized limits, and that we can neither answer all questions nor solve all problems."
Administration
Though Carter had campaigned against Washington insiders, many of his top appointees had served in previous presidential administrations.[21] Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, Secretary of Defense Harold Brown, and Secretary of the Treasury W. Michael Blumenthal had been high-ranking officials in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations.[22] Other notable appointments included Charles Schultze as Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers, former Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger as a presidential assistant on energy issues, federal judge Griffin Bell as Attorney General, and Patricia Roberts Harris, the first African-American woman to serve in the cabinet,[23] as Secretary of Housing and Urban Development.[24]
Carter appointed several close associates from Georgia to staff the Executive Office of the President. He initially offered the position of White House Chief of Staff to two of his advisers, Hamilton Jordan and Charles Kirbo, but both declined. Carter decided not to have a chief of staff, instead implementing a system in which cabinet members would have more direct access to the president.[25] Bert Lance was selected to lead the Office of Management and Budget, while Jordan became a key aide and adviser. Other appointees from Georgia included Jody Powell as White House Press Secretary, Jack Watson as cabinet secretary, and Stuart E. Eizenstat as head of the Domestic Policy Staff.[26] To oversee the administration's foreign policy, Carter relied on several members of the Trilateral Commission, including Vance and National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski. Brzezinski emerged as one of Carter's closest advisers, and Carter made use of both the National Security Council and Vance's State Department in developing and implementing foreign policy.[27] The hawkish Brzezinski clashed frequently with Vance, who pushed for detente with the Soviet Union.[28][page needed]
Vice President Mondale served as a key adviser on both foreign and domestic issues.[29] First Lady Rosalynn Carter emerged as an important part of the administration, sitting in on several Cabinet meetings and serving as a sounding board, advisor, and surrogate for the president. She traveled abroad to negotiate foreign policy, and some polling found that she was tied with Mother Teresa as the most admired woman in the world.[30]
Carter shook up the White House staff in mid-1978, bringing in advertising executive
Judicial appointments
Among presidents who served at least one full term, Carter is the only one who never made an appointment to the
Domestic affairs
President Carter was not a product of the New Deal traditions of liberal Northern Democrats. Instead he traced his ideological background to the Progressive Era. He was thus much more conservative than the dominant liberal wing of the party could accept.[38] British historian Iwan Morgan argues:
- Carter traced his political values to early twentieth-century southern progressivism with its concern for economy and efficiency in government and compassion for the poor. He described himself as a fiscal conservative, but liberal on matters like civil rights, the environment, and "helping people to overcome handicaps to lead fruitful lives," an ideological construct that appeared to make him the legatee of Dwight D. Eisenhower rather than Franklin D. Roosevelt.[39]
Relations with Congress
Carter successfully campaigned as a Washington "outsider" critical of both President Gerald Ford and the Democratic Congress; as president, he continued this theme. This refusal to play by the rules of Washington contributed to the Carter administration's difficult relationship with Congress. After the election, the President demanded the power to reorganize the executive branch, alienating powerful Democrats like Speaker Tip O'Neill and Jack Brooks. During the Nixon administration, Congress had passed a series of reforms that removed power from the president, and most members of Congress were unwilling to restore that power even with a Democrat now in office.[40][b] Unreturned phone calls, verbal insults, and an unwillingness to trade political favors soured many on Capitol Hill and affected the president's ability to enact his agenda.[42] In many cases, these failures of communication stemmed not from intentional neglect, but rather from poor organization of the administration's congressional liaison functions.[43] President Carter attempted to woo O'Neill, Senate Majority Leader Robert Byrd, and other members of Congress through personal engagement, but he was generally unable to rally support for his programs through these meetings.[44] Carter also erred in focusing on too many priorities at once, especially in the first months of his presidency.[45] Democrats in Congress were displeased with his moralistic, executive-oriented, rational approach to decision-making and his reluctance to accept standard congressional methods of compromise, patronage, and log-rolling.[46]
A few months after his term started, Carter issued a "hit list" of 19 projects that he claimed were "pork barrel" spending. He said that he would veto any legislation that contained projects on this list.[47] Congress responded by passing a bill that combined several of the projects that Carter objected to with economic stimulus measures that Carter favored. Carter chose to sign the bill, but his criticism of the alleged "pork barrel" projects cost him support in Congress.[48] These struggles set a pattern for Carter's presidency, and he would frequently clash with Congress for the remainder of his tenure.[49]
Budget policies
On taking office, Carter proposed an economic stimulus package that would give each citizen a $50 tax rebate, cut corporate taxes by $900 million, and increase spending on public works. The limited spending involved in the package reflected Carter's fiscal conservatism, as he was more concerned with avoiding inflation and balancing the budget than addressing unemployment. Carter's resistance to higher federal spending drew attacks from many members of his own party, who wanted to lower the unemployment rate through federal public works projects. Carter signed several measures designed to address unemployment in 1977, including an extension of the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act, but he continued to focus primarily on reducing deficits and inflation. In November 1978, Carter signed the Revenue Act of 1978, a $19 billion tax cut.[50]
Energy
National Energy Act
In 1973, the
Upon taking office, Carter asked James Schlesinger to develop a plan to address the energy crisis.
1979 energy crisis
Another energy shortage hit the United States in 1979, forcing millions of frustrated motorists into long waits at gasoline stations. In response, Carter asked Congress to deregulate the price of domestic oil. At the time, domestic oil prices were not set by the world market, but rather by the complex
I want to talk to you right now about a fundamental threat to American democracy... I do not refer to the outward strength of America, a nation that is at peace tonight everywhere in the world, with unmatched economic power and military might. The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways. It is a crisis of confidence. It is a crisis that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. We can see this crisis in the growing doubt about the meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity of purpose for our nation...
Jimmy Carter[64]
In July 1979, as the energy crisis continued, Carter met with a series of business, government, labor, academic, and religious leaders in an effort to overhaul his administration's policies.
The initial reaction to Carter's speech was generally positive, but Carter erred by forcing out several cabinet members, including Secretary of Energy Schlesinger, later in July.[70] Nonetheless, Congress approved a $227 billion windfall profits tax and passed the Energy Security Act. The Energy Security Act established the Synthetic Fuels Corporation, which was charged with developing alternative energy sources.[71] Despite those legislative victories, in 1980 Congress rescinded Carter's imposition of a surcharge on imported oil,[c] and rejected his proposed Energy Mobilization Board, a government body that was designed to facilitate the construction of power plants.[73] Nonetheless, Kaufman and Kaufman write that policies enacted under Carter represented the "most sweeping energy legislation in the nation's history."[71] Carter's policies contributed to a decrease in per capita energy consumption, which dropped by 10 percent from 1979 to 1983.[74] Oil imports, which had reached a record 2.4 billion barrels in 1977 (50% of supply), declined by half from 1979 to 1983.[51]
Economy
Fiscal Year |
Receipts | Outlays | Surplus/ Deficit |
GDP | Debt as a % of GDP[76] |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1977 | 355.6 | 409.2 | −53.7 | 2,024.3 | 27.1 |
1978 | 399.6 | 458.7 | −59.2 | 2,273.5 | 26.7 |
1979 | 463.3 | 504.0 | −40.7 | 2,565.6 | 25.0 |
1980 | 517.1 | 590.9 | −73.8 | 2,791.9 | 25.5 |
1981 | 599.3 | 678.2 | −79.0 | 3,133.2 | 25.2 |
Ref. | [77] | [78] | [79] |
Carter took office during a period of "
The 1979 energy crisis ended a period of growth; both inflation and interest rates rose, while economic growth, job creation, and
Following a mid-1979 cabinet shake-up, Carter named
Health care
During the 1976 presidential campaign, Carter proposed a health care reform plan that included key features of a bipartisan bill, sponsored by Senator Ted Kennedy, that provided for the establishment of a universal national health insurance (NHI) system.[96] Though most Americans had health insurance through Medicare, Medicaid, or private plans, approximately ten percent of the population did not have coverage in 1977. The establishment of an NHI plan was the top priority of organized labor and many liberal Democrats, but Carter had concerns about cost, as well as the inflationary impact, of such a system. He delayed consideration of health care through 1977, and ultimately decided that he would not support Kennedy's proposal to establish an NHI system that covered all Americans. Kennedy met repeatedly with Carter and White House staffers in an attempt to forge a compromise health care plan, but negotiations broke down in July 1978. Though Kennedy and Carter had previously been on good terms, differences over health insurance led to an open break between the two Democratic leaders.[97]
In June 1979, Carter proposed more limited health insurance reform—an employer mandate to provide private catastrophic health insurance. The plan would also extend Medicaid to the very poor without dependent minor children, and would add catastrophic coverage to Medicare.[98] Kennedy rejected the plan as insufficient.[99] In November 1979, Senator Russell B. Long led a bipartisan conservative majority of the Senate Finance Committee to support an employer mandate to provide catastrophic coverage and the addition of catastrophic coverage to Medicare.[98] These efforts were abandoned in 1980 due to budget constraints.[100]
Welfare and tax reform proposals
Carter sought a comprehensive overhaul of welfare programs in order to provide more cost-effective aid; Congress rejected almost all of his proposals.[101] Proposals contemplated by the Carter administration include a guaranteed minimum income, a federal job guarantee for the unemployed, a negative income tax, and direct cash payments to aid recipients. In early 1977, Secretary Califano presented Carter with several options for welfare reform, all of which Carter rejected because they increased government spending. In August 1977, Carter proposed a major jobs program for welfare recipients capable of working and a "decent income" to those who were incapable of working.[102] Carter was unable to win support for his welfare reform proposals, and they never received a vote in Congress.[103] In October 1978, Carter helped convince the Senate to pass the Humphrey–Hawkins Full Employment Act, which committed the federal government to the goals of low inflation and low unemployment. To the disappointment of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) and organized labor, the final act did not include a provision authorizing the federal government to act as an employer of last resort in order to provide for full employment.[104]
Carter also sought tax reform in order to create a simpler, more progressive taxation system. He proposed taxing capital gains as ordinary income, eliminating tax shelters, limiting itemized tax deductions, and increasing the standard deduction.[105] Carter's taxation proposals were rejected by Congress, and no major tax reform bill was passed during Carter's presidency.[106] Amid growing public fear that the social security system was in danger of bankruptcy within a few years, Carter signed the Social Security Financing Amendments Act in December 1977, which corrected a flaw that had been introduced into the benefit formula by earlier legislation in 1972, raised Social Security taxes and reduced Social Security benefits. "Now this legislation", the president remarked, "will guarantee that from 1980 to the year 2030, the social security funds will be sound".[107][108]
Environment
Carter supported many of the goals of the environmentalist movement, and appointed prominent environmentalists to high positions. As president his rhetoric strongly supported environmentalism, with a certain softness regarding his acceptance of nuclear energy – he had been trained in nuclear energy with atomic submarines in the Navy.[109] He signed several significant bills to protect the environment, such as the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act of 1977, which regulates strip mining.[110] In 1980 Carter signed into law a bill that established Superfund, a federal program designed to clean up mining or factory sites contaminated with hazardous substances.[111] Other environmental laws signed by Carter addressed energy conservation, federal mine safety standards, and control of pesticides.[112] Secretary of the Interior Cecil Andrus convinced Carter to withdraw over 100 million acres of public domain land in Alaska from commercial use by designating the land as conservation areas. The 1980 Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act doubled the amount of public land set aside for national parks and wildlife refuges.[113][114] Business and conservative interests complained that economic growth would be hurt by these conservation efforts.[115]
Education
Early in his term, Carter worked to fulfill a campaign promise to teachers' unions to create a cabinet-level Department of Education. Carter argued that the establishment of the department would increase efficiency and equal opportunity, but opponents in both parties criticized it as an additional layer of bureaucracy that would reduce local control and local support of education.
Other initiatives
Carter took a stance in support of decriminalization of cannabis, citing the legislation
Carter was the first president to address the topic of
Carter presided over the deregulation of several industries, which proponents hoped would help revive the sluggish economy. The
The Housing and Community Development Act of 1977 set up Urban Development Action Grants, extended handicapped and elderly provisions, and established the Community Reinvestment Act,[133] which sought to prevent banks from denying credit and loans to poor communities.[134] The Child Nutrition Amendments of 1978 introduced a national income standard for program eligibility based on income standards prescribed for reduced-price school lunches. The Act also strengthened the nutrition education component of the WIC program by requiring the provision of nutritional education to all program participants.[135] Urban development Action grants supplied nearly $5 million for some 3,300 projects in declining cities,[136] and a Fair Debt Collection Practices Act was passed with the aim of prohibiting "abusive and unfair techniques of debt collection."[137] The Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act of 1977 was passed with the intention of enabling the coal industry to develop coal resources without damaging other natural resources in the process,[138] while the Federal Mine Safety and Health Act of 1977 was aimed at safeguarding mineworkers from harm in the workplace.[139] Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) programs and women's programs were also strengthened, and "common sense priorities" led to focus on major health problems.[140] The Pregnancy Discrimination Act, passed in 1978, prohibited companies or organizations from discriminating against pregnant employees while providing protection in the areas of childbirth and medical conditions related to pregnancy or childbirth.[141] The National Consumer Cooperative Bank Act of 1978 sought to put funds aside for low-interest loans to start cooperatives.[142] Minimum wage coverage was extended to farmworkers, and the Age Discrimination in Employment Act Amendments of 1978 increased the upper age limit on coverage against age discrimination in non-federal employment and in the private sector from 65 to 70 as a means of extending safeguards against age discrimination.[143] In addition, the purchase requirement for food stamps was abolished[144] and the first-ever national youth employment law was enacted.[145]
In 1979 Carter opened the first White House Conference on Library and Information Services stating that "libraries must be strengthened and the public made more aware of their potential: Libraries can be community resources for the consumer and small business on matters such as energy and marketing and technological innovation."[146] The White House Conference on Library and Information Services was a project of the National Commission on Libraries and Information Science.
Foreign affairs
Although foreign policy was not his highest priority at first, a series of worsening crises made it increasingly the focus of attention regarding the Soviet Union, Afghanistan, Iran, and the global energy crisis.[148] His handling of the Iranian Revolution and hostage crisis made him very unpopular at home and lowered his historical stature as measured by historians.[149]
Cold War
Carter took office during the
Human rights
Carter believed that previous administrations had erred in allowing the Cold War concerns and
Latin America was central to Carter's new focus on human rights.[156] The Carter administration ended support to the historically U.S.-backed Somoza regime in Nicaragua and directed aid to the new Sandinista National Liberation Front government that assumed power after Somoza's overthrow. Carter also cut back or terminated military aid to Augusto Pinochet of Chile, Ernesto Geisel of Brazil, and Jorge Rafael Videla of Argentina, all of whom he criticized for human rights violations.[157]
Carter's ambassador to the United Nations,
The more assertive human rights policy championed by Derian and State Department Policy Planning Director
SALT II
Ford and Nixon had sought to reach agreement on a second round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT), which had set upper limits on the number of nuclear weapons possessed by both the United States and the Soviet Union.[166] Carter hoped to extend these talks by reaching an agreement to reduce, rather than merely set upper limits on, the nuclear arsenals of both countries.[167] At the same time, he criticized the Soviet Union's record with regard to human rights, partly because he believed the public would not support negotiations with the Soviets if the president seemed too willing to accommodate the Soviets. Carter and Soviet Leader Leonid Brezhnev reached an agreement in June 1979 in the form of SALT II, but Carter's waning popularity and the opposition of Republicans and neoconservative Democrats made ratification difficult.[168] The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan severely damaged U.S.-Soviet relations and ended any hope of ratifying SALT II.
Yemen
In 1979, the Soviets intervened in the Second Yemenite War. The Soviet backing of South Yemen constituted a "smaller shock", in tandem with the Iranian Revolution. This played a role in shifting Carter's viewpoint on the Soviet Union to a more assertive one, a shift that finalized with the Soviet-Afghan War.[169]
Afghanistan
Afghanistan had been non-aligned during the early stages of the Cold War.[170] In 1978, Communists under the leadership of Nur Muhammad Taraki seized power.[171] The new regime—which was divided between Taraki's extremist Khalq faction and the more moderate Parcham—signed a treaty of friendship with the Soviet Union in December 1978.[171][172] Taraki's efforts to improve secular education and redistribute land were accompanied by mass executions and political oppression unprecedented in Afghan history, igniting a revolt by Afghan mujahideen rebels.[171] Following a general uprising in April 1979, Taraki was deposed by Khalq rival Hafizullah Amin in September.[171][172] Soviet leaders feared that an Islamist government in Afghanistan would threaten the control of Soviet Central Asia, and, as the unrest continued, they deployed 30,000 soldiers to the Soviet–Afghan border.[173] Historian George C. Herring states Carter and Brzezinski both saw Afghanistan as a potential "trap" that could expend Soviet resources in a fruitless war, and the U.S. began sending aid to the mujahideen rebels in mid-1979.[174] However, a 2020 review of declassified U.S. documents by Conor Tobin in the journal Diplomatic History found that "a Soviet military intervention was neither sought nor desired by the Carter administration ... The small-scale covert program that developed in response to the increasing Soviet influence was part of a contingency plan if the Soviets did intervene militarily, as Washington would be in a better position to make it difficult for them to consolidate their position, but not designed to induce an intervention."[175] By December, Amin's government had lost control of much of the country, prompting the Soviet Union to invade Afghanistan, execute Amin, and install Parcham leader Babrak Karmal as president.[171][172]
Carter was surprised by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, as the consensus of the U.S. intelligence community during 1978 and 1979 was that Moscow would not forcefully intervene.
The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan brought a significant change in Carter's foreign policy and ended the period of detente that had begun in the mid-1960s.[185] Returning to a policy of containment, the United States reconciled with Cold War allies and increased the defense budget, leading to a new arms race with the Soviet Union.[186] U.S. support for the mujahideen in Afghanistan would continue until the Soviet Union withdrew from Afghanistan in 1989. The USSR collapsed two years later.[187][176]
Middle East
Camp David Accords
On taking office, Carter decided to attempt to mediate the long-running Arab–Israeli conflict.[188][189] He sought a comprehensive settlement between Israel and its neighbors through a reconvening of the 1973 Geneva Conference, but these efforts had collapsed by the end of 1977.[190] Carter did convince Egyptian leader Anwar Sadat to visit Israel in 1978. Sadat's visit drew the condemnation of other Arab League countries, but Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin each expressed an openness to bilateral talks. Begin sought security guarantees; Sadat sought the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Sinai Peninsula and home rule for the West Bank and Gaza, Israeli-occupied territories that were largely populated by Palestinian Arabs. Israel had taken control of the West Bank and Gaza in the 1967 Six-Day War, while the Sinai had been occupied by Israel since the end of the 1973 Yom Kippur War.[191]
Seeking to further negotiations, Carter invited Begin and Sadat to the presidential retreat of
On March 26, 1979, Egypt and Israel signed a peace treaty in Washington,[194] Carter's role in getting the treaty was essential. Author Aaron David Miller concluded the following: "No matter whom I spoke to — Americans, Egyptians, or Israelis — most everyone said the same thing: no Carter, no peace treaty."[195] Carter himself viewed the agreement as his most important accomplishment in office.[193]
Iranian Revolution and hostage crisis
By 1978, the Iranian Revolution had broken out against the Shah's rule.[198] Secretary of State Vance argued that the Shah should institute a series of reforms to appease the voices of discontent, while Brzezinski argued in favor of a crackdown on dissent. The mixed messages that the Shah received from Vance and Brzezinski contributed to his confusion and indecision. The Shah went into exile, leaving a caretaker government in control. A popular religious figure, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, returned from exile in February 1979 to popular acclaim. As the unrest continued, Carter allowed Pahlavi into the United States for medical treatment.[199] Carter and Vance were both initially reluctant to admit Pahlavi due to concerns about the reaction in Iran, but Iranian leaders assured them that it would not cause an issue.[200] In November 1979, shortly after Pahlavi was allowed to enter the U.S., a group of Iranians stormed the U.S. embassy in Tehran and took 66 American captives, beginning the Iran hostage crisis.[199] Iranian Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan ordered the militants to release the hostages, but he resigned from office after Khomeini backed the militants.[200]
The crisis quickly became the subject of international and domestic attention, and Carter vowed to secure the release of the hostages. He refused the Iranian demand of the return of Pahlavi in exchange for the release of the hostages. His approval ratings rose as Americans rallied around his response, but the crisis became increasingly problematic for his administration as it continued.[201] In an attempt to rescue the hostages, Carter launched Operation Eagle Claw in April 1980. The operation was a total disaster, and it ended in the death of eight American soldiers. The failure of the operation strengthened Ayatollah Khomeini's position in Iran and badly damaged Carter's domestic standing.[202] Carter was dealt another blow when Vance, who had consistently opposed the operation, resigned.[203] Iran refused to negotiate the return of the hostages until Iraq launched an invasion in September 1980. With Algeria serving as an intermediary, negotiations continued until an agreement was reached in January 1981. In return for releasing the 52 captives, Iran was allowed access to over $7 billion of its money that had been frozen in the United States. Iran waited to release the captives until 30 minutes after Carter left office on January 20, 1981.[204]
Released in 2017, a declassified memo produced by the CIA in 1980 concluded "Iranian hardliners – especially Ayatollah Khomeini" were "determined to exploit the hostage issue to bring about President Carter's defeat in the November elections." Additionally, Tehran in 1980 wanted "the world to believe that Imam Khomeini caused President Carter's downfall and disgrace"[205]
Latin America
Panama Canal treaties
Since the 1960s, Panama had called for the United States to cede control of the Panama Canal.[206] The bipartisan national policy of turning over the Canal to Panama had been established by presidents Johnson, Nixon, and Ford, but negotiations had dragged on for a dozen years. Carter made the cession of the Panama Canal a priority, believing it would implement Carter's call for a moral cleaning of American foreign policy and win approval across Latin America as a gracious apology for American wrongdoing. He also feared that another postponement of negotiations might precipitate violent upheaval in Panama, which could damage or block the canal.[207]
The Carter administration negotiated the
Cuba
Carter hoped to improve relations with Cuba upon taking office, but any thaw in relations was prevented by ongoing Cold War disputes in Central America and Africa. In early 1980, Cuban leader Fidel Castro announced that anyone who wished to leave Cuba would be allowed to do so through the port of Mariel. After Carter announced that the United States would provide "open arms for the tens of thousands of refugees seeking freedom from Communist domination", Cuban Americans arranged the Mariel boatlift. The Refugee Act, signed earlier in the year, had provided for annual cap of 19,500 Cuban immigrants to the United States per year, and required that those refugees go through a review process. By September, 125,000 Cubans had arrived in the United States, and many faced a lack of adequate food and housing. Carter was widely criticized for his handling of the boatlift, especially in the electorally important state of Florida.[213]
Asia
Rapprochement with China
Continuing a rapprochement begun during the Nixon administration, Carter successfully achieved closer relations with the People's Republic of China (PRC).
South Korea
One of Carter's first acts was to order the withdrawal of troops from South Korea, which had hosted a large number of U.S. military personnel since the end of the
Africa
In sharp contrast to Nixon and Ford, Carter gave priority to sub-Sahara Africa.[219][220] Southern Africa especially emerged as a Cold War battleground after Cuba sent a large military force that took control of Angola in 1976.[221] The chief policy person for Africa in the Carter administration was Andrew Young, a leader in the black Atlanta community who became Ambassador to the United Nations. Young opened up friendly relationships with key leaders, especially in Nigeria. A highly controversial issue was independence of Namibia from Union of South Africa. Young began United Nations discussions which went nowhere, and Namibia would not gain independence until long after Carter left office.[222] Young advocated strong sanctions after the murder by South African police of Steve Biko in 1977, but Carter refused and only imposed a limited arms embargo and South Africa ignored the protests.[223] The most important success of the Carter administration in Africa was helping the transition from white-dominated Southern Rhodesia to black rule in Zimbabwe.[224][225]
Controversies
OMB Director Bert Lance resigned his position on September 21, 1977, amid allegations of improper banking activities prior to his becoming director.
Carter's brother Billy Carter generated a great deal of notoriety during Carter's presidency for his colorful and often outlandish public behavior.[231] The Senate began an investigation into Billy Carter's activities after it was disclosed that Libya had given Billy over $200,000 for unclear reasons.[49] The controversy over Billy Carter's relation to Libya became known as "Billygate", and, while the president had no personal involvement in it, Billygate nonetheless damaged the Carter administration.[232]
1980 presidential election
In April 1978, polling showed that Carter's approval rating had declined precipitously, and a Gallup survey found Carter trailing Ted Kennedy for the 1980 Democratic nomination.[233] By mid-1979, Carter faced an energy crisis, rampant inflation, slow economic growth, and the widespread perception that his administration was incompetent.[234] In November 1979, Kennedy announced that he would challenge Carter in the 1980 Democratic primaries.[235] Carter's polling numbers shot up following the start of the Iran hostage crisis,[236] and his response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan further boosted his prospects in the Democratic primaries.[178] Carter dominated the early primaries, allowing him to amass an early delegate lead. Carter's polling numbers tumbled in March, and Kennedy won the New York and Connecticut primaries.[237] Though Carter developed a wide delegate lead, Kennedy stayed in the race after triumphing in Pennsylvania and Michigan.[238] By the day of the final primaries, Carter had registered the lowest approval ratings in the history of presidential polling, and Kennedy won just enough delegates to prevent Carter from clinching the nomination.[239]
After the final primaries, Carter met with Kennedy in the White House. Partly because Carter refused to accept a party platform calling for the establishment of a national health insurance program, Kennedy refused to concede. He instead called for an "
The 1980 Republican presidential primaries quickly developed into a two-man contest between former Governor Ronald Reagan of California and former Congressman George H. W. Bush of Texas. Bush, who referred to Reagan's tax cut proposal as "voodoo economics", won the Iowa Caucus but faded later in the race. Reagan won the presidential nomination on the first ballot of the 1980 Republican National Convention and named Bush as his running mate.[243] Meanwhile, Republican Congressman John B. Anderson, who had previously sought the Republican presidential nomination, launched an independent campaign for president.[244] Polls taken in September, after the conclusion of the party conventions, showed a tied race between Reagan and Carter.[245] The Carter campaign felt confident that the country would reject the conservative viewpoints espoused by Reagan, and there were hopeful signs with regards to the economy and the Iranian hostage crisis.[246] Seeking to unite Democrats behind his re-election campaign, Carter decided to focus on attacking Reagan's supposed ideological extremism rather than on his own policies.[247]
A key strength for Reagan was his appeal to the rising conservative movement, as epitomized by activists like Paul Weyrich, Richard Viguerie, and Phyllis Schlafly. Though most conservative leaders espoused cutting taxes and budget deficits, many conservatives focused more closely on social issues like abortion and homosexuality.[248] Developments of the 1970s, including the Supreme Court case of Roe v. Wade and the withdrawal of Bob Jones University's tax-exempt status, convinced many evangelical Protestants to become engaged in politics for the first time. Evangelical Protestants became an increasingly important voting bloc, and they enthusiastically supported Reagan in the 1980 campaign.[249] Reagan also won the backing of so-called "Reagan Democrats", who tended to be Northern, white, working-class voters who supported liberal economic programs but disliked policies such as affirmative action.[250] Though he advocated socially conservative view points, Reagan focused much of his campaign on attacks against Carter's foreign policy, including the SALT II treaty, the Torrijos–Carter Treaties, and the revocation of the Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty.[251] Reagan called for increased defense spending, tax cuts, domestic spending cuts, and the dismantling of the Department of Education and the Department of Energy.[252]
Polling remained close throughout September and October, but Reagan's performance in the October 28 debate and Carter's failure to win the release of the Iranian hostages gave Reagan the momentum entering election day.[253] Reagan won 50.7 percent of the popular vote and 489 electoral votes, Carter won 41 percent of the popular vote and 49 electoral votes, and Anderson won 6.6 percent of the popular vote.[254] Reagan carried all but a handful of states, and performed especially well among Southern whites.[255] The size of Reagan's victory surprised many observers, who had expected a close race. Voter turnout reached its lowest point since the 1948 presidential election, a reflection of the negative attitudes many people held towards all three major candidates.[256] In the concurrent congressional elections, the Senate went Republican for the first time since the 1950s.[255] Carter, meanwhile, was the first elected president to lose re-election since Herbert Hoover in 1932.[257]
Evaluation and legacy
Polls of historians and political scientists have generally ranked Carter as a below-average president. A 2018 poll of the American Political Science Association's Presidents and Executive Politics section ranked Carter as the 26th best president.[258] A 2017 C-SPAN poll of historians also ranked Carter as the 26th best president.[259] Some critics have compared Carter to Herbert Hoover, who was similarly a "hardworking but uninspiring technocrat."[260]
Robert A. Strong writes:
Jimmy Carter is much more highly regarded today than when he lost his bid for reelection in 1980. He has produced an exemplary post-presidency, and today there is an increased appreciation for the enormity of the task he took on in 1977, if not for the measures he took to deal with the crises that he faced. Carter took office just thirty months after a President had left the entire federal government in a shambles. He faced epic challenges—the energy crisis, Soviet aggression, Iran, and above all, a deep mistrust of leadership by his citizens. He was hard working and conscientious. But he often seemed like a player out of position, a man more suited to be secretary of energy than president. Carter became President by narrowly defeating an uninspiring, unelected chief executive heir to the worst presidential scandal in history. The nomination was his largely because in the decade before 1976, Democratic leadership in the nation had been decimated by scandal, Vietnam, and an assassination.[261]
Historians Burton I. Kaufman and Scott Kaufman conclude:
It was Carter's fate to attempt to navigate the nation between the rock of traditional Democratic constituencies and the hard place of an emerging conservative movement whose emphasis was more on social and cultural values than on the economic concerns of the Democratic Party. It was also Carter's misfortune that he led the nation at a time of staggering inflation and growing unemployment, compounded by an oil shock over which he had little control... At the same time, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that Carter's was a mediocre presidency and that this was largely his own doing. He was smart rather than shrewd. He was not a careful political planner. He suffered from strategic myopia. He was long on good intentions but short on know-how. He had lofty ideals, such as in the area of human rights, which had symbolic and long-lasting importance, but they often blinded him to political realities. He was self-righteous. He was an administrator who micro-managed, but not well. Most important, he was a president who never adequately defined a mission for his government, a purpose for the country, and a way to get there.[262]
See also
- History of the United States (1964–1980)
- Jimmy Carter rabbit incident
- Sixth Party System
- Timeline of United States history (1970–1989)
Notes
- ^ Ford meant to say that the United States did not accept the Soviet domination of Eastern Europe.[13]
- ^ The War Powers Resolution and the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974 were among the laws passed by Congress under Nixon and Ford to restrict the president's power; Congress also created the Congressional Budget Office and began to take a more active role in foreign policy.[41]
- ^ Congress rescinded the surcharge by passing a joint resolution over Carter's veto. Carter was the first president since Harry S. Truman to have his veto overridden by a Congress controlled by the same party.[72]
References
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- ^ Zelizer, pp. 31–32
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 35–36
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 34–38
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 39–40
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 15
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 41–44
- ^ a b Zelizer, pp. 45–46
- ^ a b Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 16–17
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 47–48
- ^ a b Howard, Adam (September 26, 2016). "10 Presidential Debates That Actually Made an Impact". NBC News. Retrieved December 31, 2016.
- ^ a b Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 17–19
- ^ Zelizer, p. 52
- JSTOR 41427379.
- ^ a b Skinner, Richard (October 5, 2016). "Jimmy Carter changed presidential transitions forever". Vox. Retrieved February 4, 2021.
- ^ ISBN 1-58826-292-8.
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- ^ David Shichor and Donald R. Ranish. "President Carter's Vietnam amnesty: An analysis of a public policy decision." Presidential Studies Quarterly (1980) 10#3: 443–450. online
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- ^ Justin Vaïsse, Zbigniew Brzezinski: America's Grand Strategist (2018).
- ^ Joel Kramer Goldstein, The White House Vice Presidency: The Path to Significance, Mondale to Biden (2016) ch 4.
- ^ Scott Kaufman, Rosalynn Carter: Equal Partner in the White House (2007) p. ix.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 128–129
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 178–182
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- ^ Fallon, Christopher Kang, Brian (June 28, 2020). "What Joe Biden Can Learn From Jimmy Carter". The American Prospect. Retrieved June 29, 2020.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ Timothy Stanley, Kennedy vs. Carter: the 1980 battle for the Democratic party's soul (UP of Kansas, 2010).
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- ^ Zelizer, pp. 53–55
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- ^ "The "Georgia Mafia" . Jimmy Carter . WGBH American Experience | PBS". pbs.org. Archived from the original on February 15, 2017. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
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- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 32–33
- ^ Paul E. Scheele, "President carter and the water projects: a case study in presidential and congressional decision-making." Presidential Studies Quarterly 8.4 (1978): 348–364. Online
- ^ Pincus, Walter (April 1, 1977). "When a Campaign Vow Crashes into a Pork Barrel". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on May 25, 2011. Retrieved July 5, 2008.
- ^ Matthews, Dylan (August 4, 2017). "Trump is wasting his congressional majority — like Jimmy Carter did". Vox. Retrieved November 21, 2017.
- ^ a b c Strong, Robert A. (October 4, 2016). "JIMMY CARTER: DOMESTIC AFFAIRS". Miller Center. University of Virginia.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 33–34, 64–65, 131.
- ^ a b c "1988 Statistical Abstract of the United States" (PDF).
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- ^ J. D. Park, "OPEC and Superpowers-Interpretation." Coexistence 13.1 (1976): 49–64.
- ^ Frum, p. 312
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- ^ Patterson, pp. 120–121
- ^ Burton J. Kaufman, the Carter Years (2006) pp 558–62
- ^ Burton I Kaufman, The Carter Years (2006) pp 431–36.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. pp. 38, 70–71, 85–87, 129–131
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- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 170–173
- ^ J. William Holland, "The Great Gamble: Jimmy Carter and the 1979 Energy Crisis," Prologue (1990) 22#1: 63–79
- ^ a b
- Carter, Jimmy (July 15, 1979). "A Crisis of Confidence Speech". American Rhetoric.
- Carter, Jimmy (July 15, 1979). "'Malaise' Speech". Bill of Rights Institute.
- Carter, Jimmy. "Crisis of Confidence". PBS.org. Retrieved February 23, 2023.
- Carter, Jimmy. "Crisis of Confidence". PBS.org.
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- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 176–177
- ^ "Jimmy Carter". American Experience. PBS. Archived from the original on October 19, 2013. Retrieved September 8, 2017.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 177–178
- ^ ""Crisis of Confidence" Speech (July 15, 1979)". Miller Center, University of Virginia. Archived from the original (text and video) on July 21, 2009.
- ^ Alter, His Very Best: Jimmy Carter, a Life (2020) pp 456–475.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 178–179, 182
- ^ a b Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 182–183, 214
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 215–216
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 182, 215
- ^ Patterson, pp. 119–120
- fiscal year, which ends on September 30. For example, fiscal year 2020 ended on September 30, 2020.
- ^ Represents the national debt held by the public as a percentage of GDP
- ^ "Historical Tables". whitehouse.gov. Office of Management and Budget. Table 1.1. Retrieved March 4, 2021.
- ^ "Historical Tables". whitehouse.gov. Office of Management and Budget. Table 1.2. Retrieved March 4, 2021.
- ^ "Historical Tables". whitehouse.gov. Office of Management and Budget. Table 7.1. Retrieved March 4, 2021.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 90–91
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 126–127
- ^ a b "Percent Change From Preceding Period in Real GDP". Bureau of Economic Analysis.
- ^ a b "Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey". Bureau of Labor Statistics.
- ^ "Households by Median and Mean Income". United States Census Bureau.[permanent dead link]
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 136–138
- ^ Frum, p. 292
- University of California at Berkeley and National Bureau of Economic Research. December 19, 1995. Archived from the originalon February 19, 1997. Retrieved March 18, 2012.
- ^ "The Outlook for U.S. Oil Dependence" (PDF). U.S. Department of Energy. Archived from the original (PDF) on May 13, 2017. Retrieved June 13, 2011.
- ^ Erwin C. Hargrove, Jimmy Carter as President: Leadership and the Politics of the Public Good, London, 1988, p. 102.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 175
- ^ a b Ivan Eland, Recarving Rushmore, 2014, p.351
- ^ "Jimmy Carter vs. Inflation". Time. March 24, 1980. Archived from the original on January 13, 2005.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 205–206
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 221
- ^ Frum, pp. 301–302
- ^ Auerbach, Stuart (April 17, 1976). "Carter gives broad outline for national health plan; cost unknown". The Washington Post. p. A1.
The outlines of Carter's program are close to one sponsored by Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.) and strongly supported by organized labor.
UPI (April 17, 1976). "Carter urges universal health plan". Chicago Tribune. p. 4. Archived from the original on January 30, 2013. Retrieved July 7, 2017.Although Carter didn't provide an estimate of what his health plan would cost taxpayers, it features many proposals similar to plans suggested by others, including Sen. Edward Kennedy [D., Mass.] which are estimated to cost at least $40 billion annually.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 122–125
- ^ )
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 173
- )
- ^ Jeff Bloodworth, " 'The Program for Better Jobs and Income': Welfare Reform, Liberalism, and the Failed Presidency of Jimmy Carter." International Social Science Review 81.3/4 (2006): 135–150.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 65–68
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 122
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 134–135
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 71–72
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 122, 131
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 71–72
- ^ "Presidential Statements: Jimmy Carter". ssa.gov/history. Washington, D.C.: Social Security Administration. Retrieved September 28, 2019.
- ^ Byron W. Daynes and Glen Sussman, White House Politics and the Environment: Franklin D. Roosevelt to George W. Bush (2010) pp 84–100.
- ^ Robert A. Strong, "Jimmy Carter: Domestic affairs" Miller Center
- ^ Patterson, pp. 118–119
- ^ Kaufman, the Carter Years (2006) pp 592–610.
- ^ Stephen W. Haycox, "The Politics of Environment: Cecil Andrus and the Alaska Lands Act," Idaho Yesterdays 36#3 (Fall 1992), pp 28–36.
- ^ See Seth S. King, "Carter Designates U.S. Land In Alaska For National Parks," New York Times, Dec 2, 1978
- ^ Timo Christopher Allan, "Locked up!: A history of resistance to the creation of national parks in Alaska" (PhD dissertation Washington State University, 2010).
- ^ Deanna L. Michael, Jimmy Carter as educational policymaker: equal opportunity and efficiency (2008).
- ^ Kaufman, Carter Years pp 209–11.
- ^ "ilheadstart.org/about-ihsa/history-goals-and-values/head-start-a-historical-perspective/". ilheadstart.org. Archived from the original on December 20, 2013. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
- ISBN 9780313278488.
- ^ Robert Freedman, "The religious Right and the Carter administration." Historical Journal 48.1 (2005): 231–260.
- ^ Lawrence J. McAndrews, "Constricting Change: Jimmy Carter and Tuition Tax Credits." Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia 109.3/4 (1998): 65–111. online
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- ^ ISBN 978-0-275-97448-0.
- ISBN 978-0-8157-2907-5.
- ISBN 978-1-315-28727-0.
- ISBN 978-1-5063-3824-8.
- Conduct Unbecoming: Gays and Lesbians in the US Military.
- ^ a b "www.gaywired.com/article.cfm?section=66&id=14671". gaywired.com. Archived from the original on May 6, 2008. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 87–90
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 135
- ^ a b Mary Jane Capozzoli Ingui, American History, 1877 to the Present, 2nd edn. (Hauppauge, NY: Barron's Educational Series, 2003), 192–3.
- ^ Patterson, p. 115
- ISBN 9781555534363. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
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- ^ Government and Politics of the United States Second Edition by Nigel Bowles, 1998, P.344
- ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on December 20, 2013. Retrieved December 19, 2013.
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: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - ^ Paradise Regained? Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act of 1977 By D. Michael Harvey, P.1151
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- ^ "U.S. Department of Labor – History – Portraits: Ray Marshall". Archived from the original on September 10, 2014. Retrieved December 22, 2013.
- ^ Discrimination Law Issues for the Safety Professional By Thomas D. Schneid, P.195
- ^ Debt for Sale: A Social History of the Credit Trap By Brett Williams, P.24
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- ^ “White House Conference on Library and Information Services.” Journal of Reading 24, no. 8 (1981): 719–21.
- ^ "Travels of President Jimmy Carter". U.S. Department of State Office of the Historian. Archived from the original on April 25, 2023. Retrieved December 15, 2023.
- ^ John Dumbrell, American foreign policy: Carter to Clinton (Macmillan International Higher Education, 1996).
- ^ Lee Sigelman, and Pamela Johnston Conover, "The dynamics of presidential support during international conflict situations: The Iranian hostage crisis." Political behavior 3.4 (1981): 303–318.
- ^ Herring, pp. 830–833
- ^ Suprin, John (October 25, 2012). "Yom Kippur War & The Development of U.S. Military Doctrine". The Dole Institute of Politics. YouTube.
- ^ Wagner, Rich; Tegnelia, Jim. "Technology-Strategy Seminar: NATO's AirLand Battle Strategy and Future Extended Deterrence". Center for Strategic & International Studies Center for Strategic & International Studies.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 44–46
- ^ David F. Schmitz, and Vanessa Walker, "Jimmy Carter and the Foreign Policy of Human Rights: The Development of a Post‐Cold War Foreign Policy." Diplomatic History 28.1 (2004): 113–143.
- ^ Herring, pp. 845–846
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- ^ Herring, pp. 846–847
- ^ Herring, p. 833
- ^ Ottaway, David B. (April 1, 1978). "Carter Arrives in Nigeria on State Visit". New York Times. Retrieved May 4, 2018.
- ^ Herring, p. 842
- ^ Herring, pp. 842–844
- ISBN 978-0801448157.
- ^ Herring, pp. 844–845
- ^ Herring, p. 846
- ^ Alter, His Very Best: Jimmy Carter, a Life (2020) pp 355–370.
- ^ Thornton, The Carter Years: Toward a New Global Order (1991) pp 186–207, 231–286.
- ^ Herring, pp. 835–836
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 57–58
- ^ "Jimmy Carter and the Second Yemenite War: A Smaller Shock of 1979? | Wilson Center". www.wilsoncenter.org. Retrieved November 21, 2021.
- ^ Herring, pp. 852–853
- ^ ISBN 9780307546982.
- ^ ISBN 9781845112578.
- ^ Weiner, pp. 422–423
- ^ Herring, pp. 853–854
- .
- ^ ISBN 978-0815725954.
- ^ Weiner, pp. 423–425
- ^ a b Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 197
- ISBN 9781416543367.
- ^ a b Herring, pp. 853–855
- ^ Nicholas Evan Sarantakes, Dropping the torch: Jimmy Carter, the Olympic boycott, and the Cold War (Cambridge UP, 2010).
- JSTOR 26376807. Retrieved June 20, 2022.
- ^ Treadaway, Dan (August 5, 1996). "Carter stresses role of Olympics in promoting global harmony". Emory Report. 48 (37).
- ^ Robert L. Paarlberg, "Lessons of the grain embargo." Foreign Affairs 59.1 (1980): 144–162. online
- ^ Thornton, The Carter Years: Toward a New Global Order (1991) pp 456–493.
- ^ Herring, pp. 855–857
- ISBN 978-0-19-878070-0.
- ^ Jonathan Alter, His Very Best: Jimmy Carter, a Life (2020) pp 388–417.
- ^ Jørgen Jensehaugen, Arab-Israeli Diplomacy under Carter: The US, Israel and the Palestinians (2018).
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 53–56
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 104–106
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 150–151
- ^ a b Herring, pp. 841–842
- ^ Bickerton and Klausner, pp. 190–193; 198–200.
- ^ Aaron David Miller, The Much Too Promised Land (Bantam Books, 2008), page 159.
- ^ a b Herring, pp. 847–848
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 156
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 155
- ^ a b Herring, pp. 848–850
- ^ a b Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 193–194
- ^ Herring, p. 850
- ^ Herring, pp. 858–859
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 211–213
- ^ Patterson, pp. 125–126
- ^ "Declassified CIA memo predicted the 1980 October Surprise". MuckRock. July 24, 2017. Retrieved November 13, 2021.
- ^ Robert A. Strong, "Jimmy Carter and the Panama Canal Treaties." Presidential Studies Quarterly (1991) 21.2: 269–286 online.
- ^ Gaddis Smith, Morality Reason, and Power: American Diplomacy in the Carter Years (1986) pp 111–15.
- ^ Alter, His Very Best: Jimmy Carter, a Life (2020) pp 371–387.
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 69–70
- ^ Herring, pp. 837–838
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 69–76
- ^ Mary C. Swilling, "The Business of the Canal: The Economics and Politics of the Carter Administration's Panama Canal Zone Initiative, 1978." Essays in Economic & Business History (2012) 22:275-89. online
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 227–228
- ^ Alter, His Very Best: Jimmy Carter, a Life (2020) pp 418–430.
- ^ Herring, pp. 839–840
- ^ Herring, pp. 855–856
- ^ Strong, Robert A. (October 4, 2016). "Jimmy Carter: Foreign Affairs". Miller Center. University of Virginia. Retrieved November 21, 2017.
- ^ Herring, pp. 834–835
- ^ Gaddis Smith, Morality Reason, and Power: American Diplomacy in the Carter Years (1986) pp 133–56.
- ^ For highly detailed scholarly coverage see Nancy Mitchell, Jimmy Carter in Africa: Race and the Cold War (Stanford UP, 2016), 913pp. excerpt
- ^ "Over Where? Cuban Fighters in Angola's Civil War". HistoryNet. October 20, 2016. Retrieved July 21, 2022.
- ^ Piero Gleijeses, "A Test of Wills: Jimmy Carter, South Africa, and the Independence of Namibia." Diplomatic History 34.5 (2010): 853–891.
- ^ Alex Thomson, "The Diplomacy of Impasse: the Carter Administration and Apartheid South Africa." Diplomacy & Statecraft 21.1 (2010): 107–124.
- ^ Andrew J. DeRoche, Andrew Young: Civil Rights Ambassador (2003).
- ^ Robert Schulzinger, ed., A Companion to American Foreign Relations (2006), pp 115–17.
- ^ Bert Lance, Carter Adviser, Dies at 82 New York Times August 15, 2013 [1]
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 77
- ^ Staff. "I Have a Job to Do", Time (magazine), April 2, 1979. Accessed September 7, 2008.
- ^ McFadden, Robert D. (September 6, 2008). "Paul Curran, 75, Corruption Foe, Dies". The New York Times. p. A30. Retrieved September 6, 2008.
He also investigated President Jimmy Carter's family peanut business for the Justice Department in 1979, and thus became the first lawyer to examine a sitting president under oath.
- ^ Pound, Edward T. (October 17, 1979). "Carter's Business Cleared in Inquiry on Campaign Funds; Indictments Are Ruled Out: Investigator Finds No Evidence of Diversion of Warehouse Profit to '76 Presidential Race Insufficient Loan Collateral Loan Diversion Alleged Carter Business Cleared in Inquiry on Bank Loans and Campaign Funds Errors in the Records History of Loans Traced". The New York Times. p. A1. Retrieved September 7, 2008.
- ^ "PBS's American Experience – Billy Carter". pbs.org. Archived from the original on June 28, 2012. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 228–230
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 101
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 176
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 184
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 194–195
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 208–210
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 210–211
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 217–220
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 220–221
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 232–233
- ISBN 978-0-307-45370-9.
- ^ Patterson, pp. 128–129
- ^ Zelizer, p. 108
- ^ Zelizer, p. 115
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 115–116
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 235–237
- ^ Patterson, pp. 130–134
- ^ Patterson, pp. 135–141, 150
- ^ Patterson, p. 131
- ^ Patterson, pp. 145–146
- ^ Patterson, p. 147
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 122–124
- ^ Zelizer, pp. 124–125
- ^ a b Patterson, pp. 149–151
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 245–246
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, p. 235
- ^ Rottinghaus, Brandon; Vaughn, Justin S. (February 19, 2018). "How Does Trump Stack Up Against the Best — and Worst — Presidents?". New York Times. Retrieved May 14, 2018.
- ^ "Presidential Historians Survey 2017". C-SPAN. Retrieved May 14, 2018.
- ^ Patterson, p. 111
- ^ Strong, Robert A. (October 4, 2016). "JIMMY CARTER: IMPACT AND LEGACY". Miller Center. University of Virginia. Retrieved May 16, 2018.
- ^ Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 249–250
Works cited
- Alter, Jonathan. His Very Best: Jimmy Carter, a Life (2020). excerpt
- Bickerton, Ian J.; Carla L. Klausner (2007). A history of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Pearson Prentice Hall. ISBN 9780132223355.
- Herring, George C. (2008). From Colony to Superpower; U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1776. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-507822-0.
- Kaufman, Burton I.; Kaufman, Scott (2006). The Presidency of James Earl Carter (2nd ed.). University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0700614714.
- Patterson, James (2005). Restless Giant: The United States from Watergate to Bush v. Gore. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195122169.
- Weiner, Tim (2008). Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA. Anchor Books. ISBN 9780307389008.
- Zelizer, Julian (2010). Jimmy Carter. Times Books. ISBN 978-0-8050-8957-8.
Further reading
- Abramson, Paul R., John H. Aldrich, and David W. Rohde. Change and Continuity in the 1980 Elections (1983).
- Anderson, Patrick. Electing Jimmy Carter: The Campaign of 1976 (1994)
- Berggren, D. Jason, and Nicol C. Rae. "Jimmy Carter and George W. Bush: Faith, foreign policy, and an evangelical presidential style." Presidential Studies Quarterly 36.4 (2006): 606–632 online.
- Bird, Kai. The Outlier (2021), in-depth popular study online review
- Biven, W. Carl. Jimmy Carter's Economy: Policy in an Age of Limits (U of North Carolina Press. 2002) online
- ISBN 0-684-19543-7.
- Busch, Andrew E. (2005). Reagan's Victory: The Presidential Election of 1980 and the Rise of the Right. University Press of Kansas.
- Campagna, Anthony S. Economic Policy in the Carter Administration (Greenwood Press, 1995) online
- Carleton, David, and Michael Stohl. "The foreign policy of human rights: Rhetoric and reality from Jimmy Carter to Ronald Reagan." Human Rights Quarterly 7 (1985): 205–229 online.
- Congressional Quarterly. Congress and the Nation V: 1977–1980 (1981) in-depth nonpartisan detail on all major issues; 1240pp; contents
- Dumbrell, John (1995). The Carter Presidency: A Re-evaluation (2nd ed.). Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press. ISBN 0-7190-4693-9.
- Fink, Gary M.; Graham, Hugh Davis, eds. (1998). The Carter Presidency: Policy Choices in the Post-New Deal Era. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. ISBN 0-7006-0895-8.
- Garrison, Jean A. Games Advisors Play: Foreign Policy in the Nixon and Carter Administrations (1999) online
- Glad, Betty. An outsider in the White House: Jimmy Carter, his advisors, and the making of American foreign policy (Cornell University Press, 2009).
- Graff, Henry F., ed. The Presidents: A Reference History (3rd ed. 2002)
- Hargrove, Erwin C. Jimmy Carter as president: Leadership and the politics of the public good (LSU Press, 1999).
- Holzer, Harold. The Presidents Vs. the Press: The Endless Battle Between the White House and the Media—from the Founding Fathers to Fake News (Dutton, 2020) pp. 293–304.. online
- Jensehaugen, Jørgen. 2018 Arab-Israeli Diplomacy under Carter: The US, Israel and the Palestinians (I. B. Tauris, 2018) online analysis by scholars on H-diplo
- Kaufman, Victor S. "The Bureau of Human Rights during the Carter Administration." The Historian 61.1 (1998): 51–66.
- Kaufman, Burton I. ed. A Companion to Gerald R. Ford and Jimmy Carter (2015) 30 scholarly essays by experts; excerpts
- Kaufman, Burton I. The Carter Years (2006) 648pp; long scholarly biographies of all the major players.
- Kaufman, Diane, and Scott Kaufman. (2013) Historical Dictionary of the Carter Era (Scarecrow, 2013) 301 pp.
- Krukones, Michael G. "The campaign promises of Jimmy Carter: Accomplishments and failures." Presidential Studies Quarterly (1985): 136–144. online
- Mattson, Kevin. 'What the Heck Are You Up To, Mr. President?': Jimmy Carter, America's 'Malaise,' and the Speech That Should Have Changed the Country (Bloomsbury, 2010).
- Mitchell, Nancy. Jimmy Carter in Africa: Race and the cold war (Stanford UP, 2018).
- Morris, Kenneth Earl, ed. Jimmy Carter, American Moralist (University of Georgia Press, 1996).
- Reichard, Gary W. "Early Returns: Assessing Jimmy Carter" Presidential Studies Quarterly 20#3 (Summer 1990) 603–620. online
- Poe, Steven C. "Human rights and economic aid allocation under Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter." American Journal of Political Science (1992): 147–167 online.
- Quandt, William B. Camp David: peacemaking and politics (Brookings Institution Press, 2015).
- Roessner, Amber (2020). Jimmy Carter and the Birth of the Marathon Media Campaign. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 978-0807170793.
- Rosenbaum, Herbert D. and Alexej Ugrinsky, eds. Jimmy Carter: Foreign Policy and Post-Presidential Years (1994) 532pp; essays by experts
- Rosenbaum, Herbert D. and Alexej Ugrinsky, eds. The Presidency and Domestic Policies of Jimmy Carter (1994) 876pp; essays by experts online
- Sarantakes, Nicholas Evan. Dropping the torch: Jimmy Carter, the Olympic boycott, and the Cold War (Cambridge University Press, 2010).
- Schmitz, David F., and Vanessa Walker. "Jimmy Carter and the Foreign Policy of Human Rights: The Development of a Post‐Cold War Foreign Policy." Diplomatic History 28.1 (2004): 113–143.
- Smith, Gaddis. Morality, Reason, and Power: American diplomacy in the Carter years (New York: Hill and Wang, 1986).
- Strong, Robert A. (2000). Working in the World: Jimmy Carter and the Making of American Foreign Policy. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 0-8071-2445-1.
- Thornton, Richard C. The Carter Years: Toward a New Global Order (1991 ) 596pp; comprehensive coverage of foreign policy online
- Zelizer, Julian E. Jimmy Carter: The American Presidents Series: The 39th President, 1977–1981 (Macmillan, 2010).
Primary sources and memoirs
- Kantowicz, Edward R. "Reminiscences of a Fated Presidency: Themes from the Carter Memoirs." Presidential Studies Quarterly 15#4 1986, pp. 651–665. online
- Lafeber, Walter. "From confusion to Cold War: The memoirs of the Carter administration." Diplomatic History 8.1 (1984): 1–12 online
- Thomas, Norman C. "The Carter Administration Memoirs: A Review Essay." Western Political Quarterly 39.2 (1986): 348–360. online
- Brzeziński, Zbigniew. Power and Principle. Memoirs of the National Security Adviser, 1977–1981 (1983)
- Califano, Jr., Joseph A. Governing America (1981) online
- Carter, Jimmy. Keeping faith: Memoirs of a president (U of Arkansas Press, 1995). online
- Carter, Jimmy. A Government as Good as its People (U of Arkansas Press, 1996).
- Carter, Jimmy. White House diary (2011) online
- Carter, Jimmy. Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Jimmy Carter, 1977 (1978); annual online
- Eizenstat, Stuart E. President Carter: The White House Years (2018).
- Jordan, Hamilton. Crisis. The Last Year of the Carter Presidency (1982) online.
- Lance, Bert. The Truth of the Matter: My Life in and out of Politics (1991). online
- Mondale, Walter. The good fight: a life in liberal politics (2010) online
- O'Neill Jr, Tip, and William Novak. Man of the House: The life and political memoirs of Speaker Tip O'Neill (1987) online.
- Powell, Jody. The Other Side of the Story (1984). online
- Thompson, Kenneth W., ed. The Carter presidency: fourteen intimate perspectives of Jimmy Carter (1990).
- Vance, Cyrus. Hard Choices: Four Critical Years in Managing America's Foreign Policy (1983) online.
External links
- Carter Library
- Miller Center on the Presidency at U of Virginia, brief articles on Carter and his presidency