Robert Byrd
Robert Byrd | |
---|---|
Senate Majority Whip | |
In office January 3, 1971 – January 3, 1977 | |
Leader | Mike Mansfield |
Preceded by | Ted Kennedy |
Succeeded by | Alan Cranston |
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from West Virginia's 6th district | |
In office January 3, 1953 – January 3, 1959 | |
Preceded by | Erland Hedrick |
Succeeded by | John Slack |
Member of the West Virginia Senate from the 9th district | |
In office December 1, 1950 – December 23, 1952 | |
Preceded by | Eugene Scott |
Succeeded by | Jack Nuckols |
Member of the West Virginia House of Delegates from Raleigh County | |
In office January 1947 – December 1950 | |
Preceded by | Multi-member district |
Succeeded by | Multi-member district |
Personal details | |
Born | Cornelius Calvin Sale Jr. November 20, 1917 North Wilkesboro, North Carolina, U.S. |
Died | June 28, 2010 Falls Church, Virginia, U.S. | (aged 92)
Resting place | Columbia Gardens Cemetery Arlington County, Virginia, U.S. |
Political party | Democratic |
Spouse |
Erma James
(m. 1936; died 2006) |
Children | 2 |
Education | Marshall University (BA) American University (JD) |
Signature | |
Robert Carlyle Byrd (born Cornelius Calvin Sale Jr.; November 20, 1917 – June 28, 2010) was an American politician and musician who served as a
Byrd's political career spanned more than sixty years. He first entered the political arena by organizing and leading a local chapter of the
Serving three different tenures as chairman of the
Background
Robert Byrd was born on November 20, 1917, as Cornelius Calvin Sale Jr.[12] in North Wilkesboro, North Carolina, to Cornelius Calvin Sale and his wife Ada Mae (Kirby).[13] When he was ten months old, his mother died on Armistice Day[14] during the 1918 flu pandemic. Byrd was the youngest of four[14] and in accordance with his mother's wishes, his father[12] dispersed the children among relatives. Calvin Jr. was adopted by his biological father's sister and her husband,[14] Vlurma and Titus Byrd, who changed his name to Robert Carlyle Byrd and raised him in the coal mining region of southern West Virginia, primarily in the coal town of Stotesbury, West Virginia.[3][15][16][17] Robert Byrd's biological father Calvin Sale went on to have four more children with his second wife, Ola (Pruitt) Sale.[18][19]
Byrd was educated in the public schools of Stotesbury.[20][21] Byrd played the violin at the Mark Twain School orchestra and the bass drum in the Mark Twain High School marching band.[22] He was the valedictorian of his 1934 graduating class at Stotesbury's Mark Twain High School.[23]
Marriage and children
On May 29, 1937, Byrd married Erma Ora James (June 12, 1917 – March 25, 2006)[24] who was born to a coal mining family in Floyd County, Virginia.[25] Her family moved to Raleigh County, West Virginia, where she met Byrd when they attended the same high school.[26]
Robert Byrd had two daughters (Mona Byrd Fatemi and Marjorie Byrd Moore), six grandchildren, and seven great-grandchildren.[13]
Ku Klux Klan
In the early 1940s, Byrd recruited 150 of his friends and associates to create a new chapter of the Ku Klux Klan in Sophia, West Virginia.[12][16]
As a young boy, Byrd had witnessed his adoptive father walk in a Klan parade in Matoaka, West Virginia.[27] While growing up, Byrd had heard that "the Klan defended the American way of life against racemixers and communists".[28] He then wrote to Joel L. Baskin, Grand Dragon of the Realm of Virginia, West Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware, who responded that he would come and organize a chapter when Byrd had recruited 150 people.[27]
It was Baskin who told Byrd, "You have a talent for leadership, Bob ... The country needs young men like you in the leadership of the nation." Byrd later recalled, "Suddenly lights flashed in my mind! Someone important had recognized my abilities! I was only 23 or 24 years old, and the thought of a political career had never really hit me. But strike me that night, it did."
In December 1944, Byrd wrote to segregationist Mississippi Senator Theodore G. Bilbo:
I shall never fight in the armed forces with a negro by my side ... Rather I should die a thousand times, and see Old Glory trampled in the dirt never to rise again than to see this beloved land of ours become degraded by race mongrels, a throwback to the blackest specimen from the wilds.
In 1946, Byrd wrote a letter to
Byrd later called joining the KKK "the greatest mistake I ever made."[7] In 1997, he told an interviewer he would encourage young people to become involved in politics but also warned, "Be sure you avoid the Ku Klux Klan. Don't get that albatross around your neck. Once you've made that mistake, you inhibit your operations in the political arena."[36] In his last autobiography, Byrd explained that he was a KKK member because he "was sorely afflicted with tunnel vision— a jejune and immature outlook—seeing only what I wanted to see because I thought the Klan could provide an outlet for my talents and ambitions."[37] Byrd also said in 2005, "I know now I was wrong. Intolerance had no place in America. I apologized a thousand times ... and I don't mind apologizing over and over again. I can't erase what happened."[16]
Early career
Byrd worked as a gas station attendant, a grocery store clerk, a shipyard welder during World War II, and a butcher before he won a seat in the West Virginia House of Delegates in 1946, representing Raleigh County from 1947 to 1950.[13] Byrd became a local celebrity after a radio station in Beckley began broadcasting his "fiery fundamentalist lessons."[38] In 1950, he was elected to the West Virginia Senate, where he served from December 1950 to December 1952.[13]
In 1951, Byrd was among the official witnesses of the execution of Harry Burdette and Fred Painter, which was the first use of the electric chair in West Virginia.[39] In 1965 the state abolished capital punishment, with the last execution having occurred in 1959.[40]
Continued education
Early in his career Byrd attended
Byrd began night classes at
Congressional service
In 1952, Byrd was elected to the
Despite his tremendous popularity in the state, Byrd ran unopposed only once, in 1976. On three other occasions—in 1970, 1994 and 2000—he won all 55 of West Virginia's counties. In his re-election bid in 2000, he won all but seven precincts. Congresswoman Shelley Moore Capito, the daughter of one of Byrd's longtime foes, former governor Arch Moore Jr., briefly considered a challenge to Byrd in 2006 but decided against it. Capito's district covered much of the territory Byrd had represented in the U.S. House.
In the 1960 Democratic Party presidential primaries, Byrd—a close Senate ally of Lyndon B. Johnson—endorsed and campaigned for Hubert Humphrey over front-runner John F. Kennedy in the state's crucial primary.[42] However, Kennedy won the state's primary and eventually the general election.[43]
Public service records
Upon the death of former Florida Senator George Smathers on January 20, 2007, Byrd became the last living United States senator from the 1950s.[46]
Having taken part in the admission of Alaska and Hawaii to the union, Byrd was the last surviving senator to have voted on a bill granting statehood to a U.S. territory. At the time of Byrd's death, 14 sitting or former members of the Senate had not been born when Byrd's tenure in the Senate began, as well as then-President Barack Obama.
Committee assignments
These are the committee assignments for Sen. Byrd's 9th and final term.
- Committee on Appropriations
- Subcommittee on Defense
- Subcommittee on Energy and Water Development
- Subcommittee on Homeland Security (chairman)
- Subcommittee on Interior, Environment, and Related Agencies
- Subcommittee on Military Construction and Veterans Affairs
- Subcommittee on Transportation, Housing and Urban Development, and Related Agencies
- Committee on Armed Services
- Committee on the Budget
- Committee on Rules and Administration
Filibuster of the Civil Rights Act of 1964
Byrd was a member of the wing of the Democratic Party that opposed federally-mandated
Byrd joined with
Vietnam
In February 1968, Byrd questioned Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Earle Wheeler during the latter's testimony to the Senate Armed Services Committee. During a White House meeting between President Johnson and congressional Democratic leaders on February 6, Byrd stated his concern for the ongoing Vietnam War, citing the U.S.'s lack of intelligence, preparation, underestimating of the morale and vitality of the Viet Cong, and overestimated how backed Americans would be by South Vietnam.[61]
President Johnson rejected Byrd's observations. "Anyone can kick a barn down. It takes a good carpenter to build one."[62]
1968 presidential election
During the 1968 Democratic Party presidential primaries, Byrd supported the incumbent president Johnson. Of the challenging Robert F. Kennedy, Byrd said, "Bobby-come-lately has made a mistake. I won't even listen to him. There are many who liked his brother—as Bobby will find out—but who don't like him."[63] Byrd praised Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley's police response to protest activity at that year's Democratic National Convention, stating that the violence that resulted was the fault of the protesters, while the police only tried to restore order.[64] Vice President Hubert Humphrey won the presidential nomination, and Byrd campaigned for him that fall.[65]
Leadership roles
Byrd served in the Senate Democratic leadership. He succeeded
In the 1976 Democratic Party presidential primaries, Byrd was the "favorite son" presidential candidate in West Virginia's primary. His easy victory gave him control of the delegation to the Democratic National Convention. Byrd had the inside track as Majority Whip but focused most of his time running for Majority Leader, more so than for re-election to the Senate, as he was virtually unopposed for his fourth term. By the time the vote for Majority Leader came, his lead was so secure that his lone rival, Minnesota's Hubert Humphrey, withdrew before the balloting took place. From 1977 to 1989 Byrd was the leader of the Senate Democrats, serving as Majority Leader from 1977 to 1981 and 1987 to 1989, and as Minority Leader from 1981 to 1987.[13]
Appropriations Committee
Byrd was known for steering federal dollars to West Virginia, one of the country's poorest states. He was called the "King of Pork" by Citizens Against Government Waste.[67] After becoming chair of the Appropriations Committee in 1989, Byrd set a goal securing a total of $1 billion for public works in the state. He passed that mark in 1991, and funds for highways, dams, educational institutions, and federal agency offices flowed unabated over the course of his membership. More than 30 existing or pending federal projects bear his name. He commented on his reputation for attaining funds for projects in West Virginia in August 2006, when he called himself "Big Daddy" at the dedication for the Robert C. Byrd Biotechnology Science Center.[68][69] Examples of this ability to claim funds and projects for his state include the Federal Bureau of Investigation's repository for computerized fingerprint records as well as several United States Coast Guard computing and office facilities.[70]
Parliamentary expertise
Byrd was also known for using his knowledge of
President pro tempore
As the longest-serving Democratic senator, Byrd served as President pro tempore four times when his party was in the majority:[13] from 1989 until the Republicans won control of the Senate in 1995; for 17 days in early 2001, when the Senate was evenly split between parties and outgoing Vice President Al Gore broke the tie in favor of the Democrats; when the Democrats regained the majority in June 2001 after Senator Jim Jeffords of Vermont left the Republican Party to become an independent; and again from 2007 to his death in 2010, as a result of the 2006 Senate elections. In this capacity, Byrd was third in the line of presidential succession at the time of his death, behind Vice President Joe Biden and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.
Scholarships and TAH History Grants
In 1969, Byrd launched a Scholastic Recognition Award; he also began to present a savings bond to valedictorians from
In 2002 Byrd secured unanimous approval for a major national initiative to strengthen the teaching of "traditional
Senate historian
Television cameras were first introduced to the House of Representatives on March 19, 1979, by C-SPAN. Unsatisfied that Americans only saw Congress as the House of Representatives, Byrd and others pushed to televise Senate proceedings to prevent the Senate from becoming the "invisible branch" of government, succeeding in June 1986.
External videos | |
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Booknotes interview with Byrd on The Senate: 1789–1989, June 18, 1989, C-SPAN |
To help introduce the public to the inner workings of the legislative process, Byrd launched a series of one hundred speeches based on his examination of the
In 2004, Byrd received the American Historical Association's first Theodore Roosevelt-Woodrow Wilson Award for Civil Service; in 2007, Byrd received the Friend of History Award from the Organization of American Historians. Both awards honor individuals outside the academy who have made a significant contribution to the writing and/or presentation of history. In 2014, The Byrd Center for Legislative Studies began assessing the archiving of Senator Byrd's electronic correspondence and floor speeches in order to preserve these documents and make them available to the wider community.[80]
Final-term Senate highlights
On July 19, 2007, Byrd gave a 25-minute speech in the Senate against dog fighting in response to the indictment of football player Michael Vick.[81]
For 2007, Byrd was deemed the 14th-most powerful senator, as well as the 12th-most powerful Democratic senator.[82]
On May 19, 2008, Byrd endorsed then-Senator
On January 26, 2009, Byrd was one of three Democrats to vote against the confirmation of Timothy Geithner as United States Secretary of the Treasury (along with Russ Feingold of Wisconsin and Tom Harkin of Iowa).[86]
On February 26, 2009, Byrd was one of two Democrats to vote against the
Although his health was poor, Byrd was present for every crucial vote during the December 2009 healthcare debate in the United States Senate; his vote was deemed essential so Democrats could obtain cloture to break a Republican filibuster. At the final vote on December 24, 2009, Byrd referenced recently deceased Senator Ted Kennedy, a devoted proponent, when casting his vote: "Mr. President, this is for my friend Ted Kennedy! Aye!"[88]
Political views
Race
Byrd initially compiled a mixed record on the subjects of race relations and
Of the seven U.S. senators to vote on the confirmations of both Thurgood Marshall and Clarence Thomas to the United States Supreme Court (the others being Daniel Inouye of Hawaii, Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts, Quentin Burdick of North Dakota, Mark Hatfield of Oregon, and Fritz Hollings and Strom Thurmond of South Carolina), Byrd was the only senator to vote against confirming both of the first two African-American nominees to the Court in its history.[60][94] In Marshall's case, Byrd asked FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to look into the possibility that Marshall had either connections to communists or a communist past.[95] With respect to Thomas, Byrd stated that he was offended by Thomas's use of the phrase "high-tech lynching of uppity blacks" in his defense and that he was "offended by the injection of racism" into the hearing. He called Thomas's comments a "diversionary tactic" and said, "I thought we were past that stage". Regarding Anita Hill's sexual harassment charges against Thomas, Byrd supported Hill.[96] Byrd joined 45 other Democrats in voting against confirming Thomas to the Supreme Court.[97]
On March 29, 1968, Byrd criticized a
In a March 2, 2001, interview with Tony Snow, Byrd said of race relations:
They're much, much better than they've ever been in my life-time ... I think we talk about race too much. I think those problems are largely behind us ... I just think we talk so much about it that we help to create somewhat of an illusion. I think we try to have good will. My old mom told me, 'Robert, you can't go to heaven if you hate anybody.' We practice that. There are white niggers. I've seen a lot of white niggers in my time, if you want to use that word. We just need to work together to make our country a better country, and I'd just as soon quit talking about it so much.[99][100]
Byrd's use of the term "white nigger" created immediate controversy. When asked about it, Byrd's office provided this in a written response,
I apologize for the characterization I used on this program ... The phrase dates back to my boyhood and has no place in today's society ... In my attempt to articulate strongly held feelings, I have offended people that I never intended to offend.[101][100]
For the 2003–2004 session, the
Clinton impeachment
Byrd initially said that the
LGBT rights
Byrd strongly opposed Clinton's 1993 efforts to allow homosexuals to serve in the military and supported efforts to limit gay marriage. In 1996, before the passage of the Defense of Marriage Act, he said, "The drive for same-sex marriage is, in effect, an effort to make a sneak attack on society by encoding this aberrant behavior in legal form before society itself has decided it should be legal. [...] Let us defend the oldest institution, the institution of marriage between male and female as set forth in the Holy Bible."[11]
Despite his previous position, he later stated his opposition to the Federal Marriage Amendment and argued that it was unnecessary because the states already had the power to ban gay marriages.[106] However, when the amendment came to the Senate floor, he was one of the two Democratic senators who voted in favor of cloture.[107]
Abortion
On March 11, 1982, Byrd voted against a measure sponsored by Senator Orrin Hatch that sought to reverse Roe v. Wade and allow Congress and individual states to adopt laws banning abortions. Its passing was the first time a congressional committee supported an anti-abortion amendment.[108][109]
In 1995, Byrd voted against a ban on intact dilation and extraction, a late-term abortion procedure typically referred to by its opponents as "partial-birth abortion".[110] In 2003, however, he voted for the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act, which prohibits intact dilation and extraction.[111] Byrd also voted against the 2004 Unborn Victims of Violence Act, which recognizes a "child in utero" as a legal victim if he or she is injured or killed during the commission of a crime of violence.[112]
Richard Nixon era
In April 1970, the Senate Judiciary Committee approved a plan to replace the United States Electoral College with direct elections of presidents. Byrd initially opposed direct elections on the key vote and was one of two senators to switch votes in favor of the proposal during later votes.[113]
In April 1970, as the Senate Judiciary Committee delayed a vote on Supreme Court nominee Harry Blackmun, Byrd stated that "no nomination should be voted on within 24 hours after the hearing" after the previous two Supreme Court nominees had delays and was one of the 17 committee members who went on record of assuring Blackmun's nomination would be reported favorably to the full Senate.[114]
In October 1970, Byrd sponsored an amendment protecting
In February 1971, after Fred R. Harris and Charles Mathias requested the Senate Rules Committee change the rules to permit selection of committee chairmen on a basis aside from seniority, Byrd indicated through his line of questioning that he saw considerable value in the seniority system.[116]
In April 1971, after Representative Hale Boggs stated that he had been tapped by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and called on FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to resign, Byrd opined that Boggs' imagination was involved and called on him to reveal any possible "good, substantial, bona fide evidence".[117]
In April 1971, Byrd met with President Nixon,
In April 1971, Jacob Javits, Fred R. Harris, and Charles H. Percy circulated letters to their fellow senators in an attempt to gain cosponsors for a resolution to appoint the Senate's first girl pages. Byrd maintained that the Senate was ill-equipped for girl pages and was among those that cited the long hours of work, the carrying of sometimes heavy documents and the high crime rate in the Capitol area as among the reasons against it.[119]
In September 1971, Representative Richard H. Poff was under consideration by President Nixon for a Supreme Court nomination, Byrd warning Poff that his nomination could be met with opposition by liberal senators and see a filibuster emerge. Within hours, Poff announced his declining of the nomination.[120]
In April 1972, Senate Majority Leader Mansfield announced that he had authorized Byrd to present an amendment to the Senate for a fixed deadline for total troop withdrawal that the Nixon administration would be obligated to meet and that the measure would serve as an amendment to the State Department‐United States Information Agency authorization bill.[121]
In April 1972, the Senate Judiciary Committee approved the nomination of
In a May 1972 luncheon speech, Byrd criticized American newspapers for "an increasing tendency toward shoddy technical production" and observed that there was "a greater schism between the Nixon Administration and the media, at least publicly, than at any previous time in our history."[125]
In May 1972, Byrd introduced a proposal supported by the Nixon administration that would make cutting off all funding for American hostilities in Indochina conditional upon agreement on an internationally supervised cease‐fire. Byrd and Nixon supporters argued modification would bring the amendment more in line with President Nixon's proposal to withdraw all American forces from Vietnam the previous week and it was approved in the Senate by a vote of 47 to 43.[126]
In September 1972, Edward Brooke attempted to reintroduce his war ending amendment that had been defeated earlier in the week as an addendum to a clean drinking water bill when he discovered that Byrd had arranged a unanimous consent free agreement prohibiting amendments that were not relevant to the subject. Brooke charged the Byrd agreements with impairing his senatorial prerogatives to introduce amendments.[127]
During the 1972 general election campaign, Democratic nominee George McGovern advocated for partial amnesty for draft dodges. Byrd responded to the position in a November speech the day before the election without mentioning McGovern by name in saying, "How could we keep faith with the thousands of Americans we sent to Vietnam by giving a mere tap on the wrist to those who fled to Canada and Sweden?" Byrd said the welfare proposals were part of "pernicious doctrine that the Federal Government owes a living to people who don't want to work" and chastised individuals that had personal trips to Hanoi rather than official missions as "the Ramsey Clarks in our society who attempt to deal unilaterally with the enemy."[128]
In January 1973, the Senate passed legislation containing an amendment Byrd offered requiring President Nixon to give Congress an accounting of all funds that he had impounded and appropriated by February 5. Byrd stated that President Nixon had been required to submit reports to Congress and that he had not done so since June, leaving Congress in the dark on the matter.[129]
In February 1973, the Senate approved legislation requiring confirmation of the director and deputy director of the Office of Management and Budget in the White House in what was seen as "another battleground for the dispute between Congress and the White House over cuts in social spending programs in the current Federal budget and in the Nixon Administration's spending request for the fiscal year 1974, which begins next July 1". The legislation contained an amendment sponsored by Byrd limiting the budget officials to a maximum term of four years before having another confirmation proceeding. Byrd introduced another amendment that required all Cabinet officers be required to undergo reconfirmation by the Senate in the event that they are retained from one administration to another.[130]
In March 1973, Byrd led Senate efforts to reject a proposal that would have made most critical committee meetings open to the public, arguing that tampering with "the rides of the Senate is to tamper with the Senate itself" and argued against changing "procedures which, over the long past, have contributed to stability and efficiency in the operation of the Senate." The Senate voted down the proposal 47 to 38 on March 7.[131]
On May 2, 1973, the anniversary of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover's death, Byrd called on President Nixon to appoint a permanent successor for Hoover as FBI Director.[132]
In June 1973, Byrd sponsored a bill that would impose the first Tuesday in October as the date for all
In June 1973, along with Lloyd Bentsen, Mike Mansfield, John Tower, and Jennings Randolph, Byrd was one of five senators to switch their vote on the foreign military aid authorization bill to assure its passage after previously voting against it.[134]
In October 1973, President Nixon vetoed the request of the United States Information Agency for $208 million for fiscal year 1974 on the grounds of a provision forcing the agency to provide any document or information demanded. Byrd introduced a bill identical to the one vetoed by Nixon the following month, differing in not containing the information provision as well as a ban on appropriating or spending more money than the annual budget called for, the Senate approving the legislation on November 13.[135]
In November 1973, after the Senate rejected an amendment to the National Energy Emergency Act intending to direct President Nixon to put gasoline rationing into effect on January 15, Byrd indicated the final vote not coming for multiple days.[136]
In June 1974, the Senate confirmed John C. Sawhill as Federal Energy Administrator only to rescind the confirmation hours later, the direct result of James Abourezk wanting to speak out and vote against the nomination due to the Nixon administration's refusal to roll back crude oil prices. Abourezk confirmed that he had asked Byrd for notice of when he could assume the Senate floor to deliver his remarks. Byrd was absent when present members passed the nomination as part of their efforts to clear the chamber's executive calendar and rescinded the confirmation.[137]
Nixon resignation
In May 1974, the House Judiciary Committee opened
On July 29, Byrd met with Senate Majority Leader
Gerald Ford era
On November 22, 1974, the Senate Rules Committee voted unanimously to recommend the nomination of Nelson Rockefeller as Vice President of the United States to the full Senate. Byrd admitted that he had preferred sending the nomination with no recommendation but was worried the act would apply prejudice to the nominee.[146]
In January 1975, after President Ford requested $300 million in additional military aid for
In April 1976, Byrd was one of five members of the Senate Select Committee to vote for a requirement that the proposed oversight committee would share Its jurisdiction with four committees that had authority over intelligence operations.[155] In June, after the Senate Judiciary Committee voted to send a bill breaking up 18 large oil companies into separate production, refining and refining‐marketing entities to the Senate floor, Byrd announced his opposition to divestiture and joined Republicans Hugh Scott and Charles Mathias in confirming their votes were to report the bill.[156] In September, Congress overrode President Ford's veto of a $56 billion appropriations bill for social services, Ford afterward telling Byrd and House Speaker Carl Albert that he would sign two bills supported by the Democrats.[157]
Byrd was elected majority leader on January 4, 1977.[158] On January 14, President Ford met with congressional leadership to announce his proposals for pay increases of high government officials, Byrd afterward telling reporters that the president had also stated his intent to recommend that the raises be linked to a code of conduct.[159] Days later, after the Senate established a special 15‐member committee to draw up a code of ethics for senators, Byrd told reporters that he was supportive of the measure and that it would be composed of eight Democrats and seven Republicans who would have until March 1 to issue a draft code that would then be subject to change by the full Senate.[160]
Jimmy Carter era
In January 1977, after President-elect Carter announced his nomination of
Role in changes in Senate rules
On January 18, 1977, after the Senate established a special 15‐member committee to draw up a code of ethics for senators, Byrd and Senate Minority Leader
Between January and February 1979, Byrd proposed outlawing tactics frequently used to prevent him from bringing a bill to the floor for consideration. He stated the filibuster tactics gave the Senate a bad reputation and rendered it ineffective. His proposals initially earned the opposition of Republicans and conservative Democrats until there was a compromise for the reform package to be split and have the less objectionable part come up first for consideration. The Senate passed legislation curtailing tactics that had been used in the past to continue filibusters after cloture had been invoked on February 22.[164] In March, Byrd negotiated an agreement that a proposed amendment was referred to the Judiciary Committee and would be reported by April 10. The arrangement stated that Byrd could call up the proposed amendment any time following June 1 and his action would not be subject to a filibuster while the resolution embodying the amendment will.[165]
Domestic issues
In October 1977, Byrd stated his refusal to authorize the Senate dropping consideration of the natural gas legislation under any circumstances, predicting the matter would be settled in the coming days as a result of conversations with colleagues he had the night before and a growing disillusion with filibusters in place of action on legislation. Byrd added that the deregulation bill would not become law due to it being identical to the Carter administration's proposal and President Carter's prior statement that he would veto deregulation bills.[166]
In May 1978, Byrd announced that he would not move to end a filibuster against the Carter administration's labor law revision bill until after the Memorial Day recess. The decision was seen as allowing wavering senators to not be cornered on their votes as lobbying efforts for both business and labor commenced and various opponents of the bill viewed Byrd's call as a sign of weakness toward the Carter administration. Byrd stated that his decision to wait was "to give ample time for debate on the measure" and that he was expecting the first petition to end the filibuster to come sometime following the Senate returning in June.[167]
In March 1979, after Attorney General
In August 1980, Byrd stated that Congress was unlikely to pass a tax cut before the November elections despite the Senate being in the mood for passing one.[176]
Turkey
In July 1978, Byrd introduced and endorsed a proposal by George McGovern for an amendment to repeal the 42‐month‐old embargo on American military assistance for Turkey that also linked any future aid for that country to progress on a negotiated settlement of the Cyprus problem. The Senate approved the amendment in a vote of 57 to 42 as part of a $2.9 billion international security assistance bill. Byrd stated that every government in the NATO alliance except Greece favored repeal of the embargo.[177]
In May 1979, Byrd stated that giving Turkey a grant should not be construed as retaliation against
Foreign policy
On February 2, 1978, Byrd and Minority Leader Baker invited all other senators to join them in sponsoring two amendments to the Torrijos–Carter Treaties, the two party leaders sending copies of amendments recommended by the Foreign Relations Committee the previous week.[179]
In January 1979, Byrd met with
1980 presidential election
In July 1979, Senators Henry M. Jackson and George McGovern made comments expressing doubt on President Carter being assured as the Democratic nominee in the 1980 presidential election. When asked about their comments by a reporter, Byrd referred to Jackson and McGovern as "two very strong voices and not at all to be considered men who have little background in politics" but stated it was too early to participate in "writing the political obituary of the President at this point." Byrd added that the powers of the presidency made it possible that Carter could have a comeback and cited the events in November and December as being telling of his prospects of achieving higher popularity.[187]
On May 10, 1980, Byrd called for President Carter to debate Senator Ted Kennedy, who he complimented as having done a service for the US by raising key issues in his presidential campaign.[188] On August 2, Byrd advocated for an open Democratic National Convention where the delegates were not bound to a single candidate. The endorsement was seen as a break from President Carter.[189] In September, Byrd said that Republican presidential nominee Ronald Reagan had made comments on the Iran–Iraq War that were a disservice to the United States and that he was exercising "reckless political posturing" in foreign policy.[190]
George H. W. Bush era
In early 1990, Byrd proposed an amendment granting special aid to coal miners who would lose their jobs in the event that Congress passed clean air legislation. Byrd was initially confident in the number of votes he needed to secure its passage being made available but this was prevented by a vote from Democrat Joe Biden who said the measure's passage would mean an assured veto by President Bush. Speaking to reporters after its defeat, Byrd stated his content with the results: "I made the supreme effort. I did everything I could and, therefore, I don't feel badly about it."[191][192] The Senate passed clean air legislation within weeks of the vote on Byrd's amendment with the intent of reduction in acid rain, urban smog and toxic chemicals in the air and meeting the request by President Bush for a measure that was less costly than the initial plan while still performing the same tasks of combating clean air issues. Byrd was one of eleven senators to vote against the bill and said he "cannot vote for legislation that can bring economic ruin to communities throughout the Appalachian region and the Midwest."[193]
In August 1990, after the Senate passed its first major campaign finance reform bill since the Watergate era that would prevent political action committees from federal campaigns, lend public money into congressional campaigns and bestow candidates vouchers for television advertising, Byrd stated that he believed the bill would "end the money chase."[194]
Byrd authored an amendment to the
President Bush nominated Clarence Thomas for the Supreme Court. In October 1991, Byrd stated his support in the credibility of Anita Hill: "I believe what she said. I did not see on that face the knotted brow of satanic revenge. I did not see a face that was contorted with hate. I did not hear a voice that was tremulous with passion. I saw the face of a woman, one of 13 in a family of Southern blacks who grew up on the farm and who belonged to the church." Byrd questioned how members of the Senate could be convinced that Thomas would serve as an objective judge when he could refuse to watch Hill's testimony against him.[196]
In February 1992, the Senate turned down a Republican attempt sponsored by John McCain and Dan Coats to grant President Bush line-item veto authority and thereby be authorized to kill projects that he was opposed to, Byrd delivering an address defending congressional power over spending for eight hours afterward. The speech had been written by Byrd two years prior and he had at this point steered $1.5 billion to his state.[197]
In 1992, there was an effort made to pass a constitutional amendment to ensure a balanced federal budget. Byrd called the amendment "a smokescreen that will allow lawmakers to claim action against the deficit while still postponing hard budgetary decision" and spoke to reporters on his feelings against the amendment being passed: "Once members are really informed as to the mischief this amendment could do, and the damage it could do to the country and to the Constitution. I just have faith that enough members will take a courageous stand against the amendment." The sponsor of the amendment, Paul Simon, admitted that Byrd's prediction was not off and that other senators speak "when the chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee talks".[198]
In a June 1992 debate, Byrd argued in favor of the United States withdrawing accepting immigrants that did not speak English, the comment being a response to a plan from the Bush administration that would enable former Soviet states to receive American assistance and allow immigrants from a variety of countries to receive welfare benefits. Byrd soon afterward apologized for the comment and said they were due to his frustration over the federal government's inability to afford several essential services.[199]
Bill Clinton era
In February 1994, the Senate passed a $10 billion spending bill that would mostly be allocated to Los Angeles, California earthquake victims and military operations abroad. Bob Dole, John Kerry, John McCain, and Russ Feingold partnered together to persuade the Senate in favor of cutting back the deficit expense. Byrd raised a procedural point to derail an attempt by Dole that would approve $50 billion in spending cuts over the following five years. McCain proposed killing highway demonstration projects with a $203 million price tag, leading Byrd to produce letters written by McCain that the latter had sent to the Appropriations Committee in 1991 in an attempt to gather highway grants for his home state of Arizona. Byrd said that McCain "is very considerate of the taxpayers when it comes to financing projects in other states, but he supports such projects in his own state."[200]
Along with Chuck Hagel, in July 1997 Byrd sponsored the Byrd–Hagel Resolution, which effectively prohibited the US from ratifying the Kyoto Protocol on limiting and reducing greenhouse gas emissions.
In May 2000, Byrd and John Warner sponsored a provision threatening to withdraw American troops from Kosovo, the legislation if enacted cutting off funds for troops in Kosovo after July 1, 2001, without congressional consent. The language would have also withheld 25 percent of the money for Kosovo in the bill unless the assertion that European countries were living up to their promises to provide reconstruction money for the province was certified by President Clinton by July 15. Byrd argued that lawmakers had never approved nor debate whether American troops should be stationed in Kosovo. The Senate Appropriations Committee approved the legislation in a vote of 23-to-3 that was said to reflect "widespread concern among lawmakers about an open-ended deployment of American soldiers".[201]
In November 2000, Congress passed an amendment sponsored by Byrd diverting tariff revenues from the Treasury Department and instead allocating them to the industry complaining, the amount involved ranging from between $40 million and $200 million a year. The following month, Japan and the European Union led a group of countries in filing a joint complaint with the World Trade Organization to the law.[202]
George W. Bush era
Byrd praised the
Like most Democrats, Byrd opposed Bush's tax cuts and his proposals to change the Social Security program.
Byrd opposed the 2002
On May 2, 2002, Byrd charged the White House with engaging in "sophomoric political antics", citing Homeland Security Advisor Tom Ridge's briefing of senators in another location instead of the Senate on how safe he felt the U.S. was.[205]
He also led the opposition to Bush's bid to win back the power to negotiate trade deals that Congress cannot amend, but lost overwhelmingly. In the 108th Congress, however, Byrd won his party's top seat on the new Homeland Security Appropriations Subcommittee.
In July 2004, Byrd released the
Iraq War
Byrd led a filibuster against the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002 granting President George W. Bush broad power to wage a "preemptive" war against Ba'athist Iraq, but he could not get even a majority of his own party to vote against cloture.[206]
Byrd was one of the Senate's most outspoken critics of the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
Byrd anticipated the difficulty of fighting an insurgency in Iraq, stating on March 13, 2003,
If the United States leads the charge to war in the Persian Gulf, we may get lucky and achieve a rapid victory. But then we will face a second war: a war to win the peace in Iraq. This war will last many years and will surely cost hundreds of billions of dollars. In light of this enormous task, it would be a great mistake to expect that this will be a replay of the 1991 war. The stakes are much higher in this conflict.[207]
On March 19, 2003, when Bush ordered the invasion after receiving
Today I weep for my country. I have watched the events of recent months with a heavy, heavy heart. No more is the image of America one of strong, yet benevolent peacekeeper. The image of America has changed. Around the globe, our friends mistrust us, our word is disputed, our intentions are questioned. Instead of reasoning with those with whom we disagree, we demand obedience or threaten recrimination. Instead of isolating Saddam Hussein, we seem to have succeeded in isolating ourselves.[208]
Byrd also criticized Bush for his speech declaring the "end of major combat operations" in Iraq, which Bush made on the USS Abraham Lincoln. Byrd stated on the Senate floor,
I do not begrudge his salute to America's warriors aboard the carrier Lincoln, for they have performed bravely and skillfully, as have their countrymen still in Iraq. But I do question the motives of a deskbound president who assumes the garb of a warrior for the purposes of a speech.[209]
On October 17, 2003, Byrd delivered a speech expressing his concerns about the future of the nation and his unequivocal antipathy to Bush's policies. Referencing the Hans Christian Andersen children's tale The Emperor's New Clothes, Byrd said of the president: "the emperor has no clothes." Byrd further lamented the "sheep-like" behavior of the "cowed Members of this Senate" and called on them to oppose the continuation of a "war based on falsehoods."
In April 2004, Byrd mentioned the possibility of the Bush administration violating law by its failure to inform leadership in Congress midway through 2002 about its use of emergency anti-terror dollars to begin preparations for an invasion of Iraq. Byrd stated that he had never been told of a shift in money, a charge reported in the Bob Woodward book Plan of Attack, and its validation would mean "the administration failed to abide by the law to consult with and fully inform Congress."[210]
Byrd accused the Bush administration of stifling dissent:
The right to ask questions, debate, and dissent is under attack. The drums of war are beaten ever louder in an attempt to drown out those who speak of our predicament in stark terms. Even in the Senate, our history and tradition of being the world's greatest deliberative body is being snubbed. This huge spending bill—$87 billion—has been rushed through this chamber in just one month. There were just three open hearings by the Senate Appropriations Committee on $87 billion—$87 for every minute since Jesus Christ was born—$87 billion without a single outside witness called to challenge the administration's line.
Of the more than 18,000 votes he cast as a senator, Byrd said he was proudest of his vote against the Iraq war resolution.[211] Byrd also voted to tie a timetable for troop withdrawal to war funding.
Gang of 14
On May 23, 2005, Byrd was one of 14 senators
Other votes
In 1977, Byrd was one of five Democrats to vote against the nomination of
In February 1981, as the Senate voted on giving final approval to the $50 billion increase in the debt limit, Democrats initially opposed the measure as part of an effort to elicit the highest number of Republicans in support of the measure. Byrd proceeded to give a signal for Democrats that saw caucus members switch their votes in support of the increase.[214]
President Reagan was injured during an assassination attempt in March 1981. Following the shooting, Byrd opined that the aftermath of the attempt had proven there were "holes that need to be plugged" in the constitution's handling of the presidential line of succession after a president's disability and stated his intent to introduce legislation calling for a mandatory life sentence for anyone attempting to assassinate a president, vice president, or member of Congress.[215]
In March 1981, during a Capitol Hill interview, Byrd stated that the Reagan administration was promoting an economic package with assumptions for the national economy that might take a year for the public to see its difficulties and thereby lead to a political backlash. Byrd contented that President Reagan would win approval by Congress of $35 to $40 billion of the $48 billion in proposed budget cuts while having more difficulty in passing his tax-cut package, asserting Democratic opposition and some Republicans having misgivings about the approach as the reason Congress would block the plan and furthering that he would be surprised if a one-year cut in rates lasted more than year. Byrd opined that it was time for "some tax reform" that would see loopholes closed for the rich dropped to bring in revenues and expressed belief in the likelihood of the administration dismantling existing energy programs: "Energy programs are not as catchy now as budget cuts. But if the gas lines begin to form again, or the overseas oil gets cut off, we will have lost the time, the momentum, the money. Basically, they have a wholesale dismantlement of the energy programs we spent several years creating around here."[216]
In March 1981, during a news conference, Byrd stated that the Reagan administration had not established a coherent foreign policy. He credited conflicting statements from administration officials with having contributed to confusion in Western European capitals. Byrd also said, "We've seen these statements, and backing and filling, and the secretary of state has been kept pretty busy explaining and denying assertions and pronouncements by others, which indeed indicate that the administration has not yet got its foreign policy act together."[217]
In May 1981, Byrd announced his support for the Reagan administration's proposed budget for the fiscal year 1982 during a weekly news conference, citing that the "people want the President to be given a chance with his budget." Byrd added that he did not believe a balanced budget would be achieved by 1984, calling the budget "a balanced budget on paper only, made up of juggled figures produced out of thin air", and charged the administration with making assumptions, his comments being seen as an indication that little opposition would amount from the Democrats to the Reagan budget.[218]
In November 1981, as Senate leaders rejected the request of Senator
On December 2, 1981, Byrd voted in favor
In February 1982, Byrd wrote a letter to President Reagan urging him to "withdraw the Administration's proposed fiscal 1983 budget, and resubmit a budget that provides for much lower deficits and makes use of more realistic assumptions", recalling his previous appeal to President Carter in 1980 amid the rise of soaring inflation rates and Carter afterward consulting with Democrats in Congress. Byrd stated that he was in favor of "a document we in Congress can work with, one based on realistic assumptions, one which shows a much clearer trend toward a balanced budget." Byrd had cautious praise for a proposal by Democrat Fritz Hollings called for a freeze on all benefit programs with the exception of food stamps, Medicare and Medicaid in addition to a freeze on military spending while eliminating a pay increase for federal employees.[223]
In March 1982, Byrd announced he would introduce an amendment to the War Powers Act that would bar the president from being able to send combat troops to the Salvadoran Civil War without the approval of Congress. Byrd described the proposal as only allowing the president to act with independence in the event that Americans needed to evacuate El Salvador or if the United States was attacked. "It is my view that if Americans are to be asked to shed their blood in the jungles of El Salvador, all Americans should first have an opportunity to debate and carefully evaluate that action."[224]
By March 1982, along with
In January 1983, after President Reagan said during his 1983 State of the Union Address that he hoped for the same bipartisan support that had produced the Social Security recommendations would lead Congress during the year on other issues, Byrd and House Majority Leader Jim Wright assailed the unfairness of a six-month delay in the cost-of-living increases for Social Security recipients during a period of letting the wealthy reap the benefits of the general income tax cut for a third year. Byrd stated that he did not "want a six-month delay in Social Security while leaving in place the third year of the tax cut for upper-income people" and stated that Reagan's speech had been "'rhetorically good, but substantively lacking in measures that would deal now with the crises that millions of people are experiencing."[226]
At the beginning of February 1983, House Democrats committed themselves "to an emergency economic assistance program that would create public service jobs, provide shelter and soup kitchens for the destitute and avert foreclosures of homes and farms." Concurrently, Byrd pledged to work with the House Democrats in developing legislation concerning jobs, proposing $5 to $10 billion be spent and introducing legislation intended to form a national investment corporation that would assist with underwriting faltering basic industries and starting new ones in areas of high unemployment.[227]
In March 1984, Byrd voted against a proposed constitutional amendment authorizing periods in public school for silent prayer,[228] and in favor of President Reagan's unsuccessful proposal for a constitutional amendment permitting organized school prayer in public schools.[229][230]
In June 1984, Byrd was one of five Democrats to vote against the Lawton Chiles proposal to cease MX production for a year during study in search of a smaller and single-warhead missile. The 48 to 48 tie was broken by then-Vice President George H. W. Bush.[231]
In September 1986, Byrd endorsed the death penalty for some drug pushers in anti-drug legislation that would order President Reagan to end drug trafficking within 45 days through using the military as a means of intercepting smugglers, and imposing the death penalty on those pushers who intentionally cause a death as part of their operations while providing funding for prevention, drug abuse treatment, and anti-drug laws enforcement that was estimated to cost $3 to $4 billion over three years. Byrd admitted that calling for the death penalty seemed harsh, but cautioned that children in some cases had their entire lives destroyed through using drugs and that Congress had been soft for too long without seeing a change in results.[232]
In December 1986, Byrd announced that the Senate would convene a Watergate-type select committee to investigate the
In September 1988, in response to charges by Vice President Bush's presidential campaign that Democratic nominee Michael Dukakis was weak on defense, Byrd delivered a Senate speech in which he said that the Reagan administration "is living in a glass house when it throws a stone at the Democratic Party for its so-called Disneyland defense policies" and that the U.S. land-based missiles had grown in vulnerability due to the administration being "unable to produce an acceptable solution to make our missiles survivable." Byrd furthered, "Indeed, the Fantasyland exhibits of this White House's Defense Disneyland are loaded with the rejected systems that have been developed and discarded. If anything deserves the names 'Goofy' and 'Daffy' and 'Mickey Mouse,' it is those' basing proposals."[234]
In October 1990, Byrd and
In November 1993, when the Senate voted to seek federal court enforcement of a subpoena for the diaries of Bob Packwood, Byrd stated the possibility of Americans becoming convinced that the Senate was delaying taking action to protect one of its own members. Byrd also called for Packwood to resign. "None of us is without flaws. But when those flaws damage the institution of the Senate, it is time to have the grace to go!"[236] Packwood resigned in 1995.[237]
In October 1999, Byrd was the only senator to vote present on the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. The treaty was designed to ban underground nuclear testing and was the first major international security pact to be defeated in the Senate since the Treaty of Versailles.[238][239]
Byrd opposed the
In 2009, Byrd was one of three Democrats to oppose the confirmation of Secretary of the Treasury Timothy Geithner.[240] After missing nearly two months while in hospital, Byrd returned to the Senate floor on July 21 to vote against the elimination of funding for the F-22 fighter plane.[241]
Ratings groups
Byrd received a 65% vote rating from the League of Conservation Voters for his support of environmentally friendly legislation.[242] Additionally, he received a "liberal" rating of 65.5% by the National Journal—higher than six other Democratic senators.[243]
In 2010, Byrd received a 70 percent lifetime rating from the American Civil Liberties Union for supporting rights-related legislation.[244]
Health issues and death
Byrd had an essential tremor; he eventually used a wheelchair for mobility.[245][246] His health declined through 2008, including several hospital admissions.[247][248][249][250] The New Yorker reported in 2020 that Byrd was "widely known" to be non compos mentis during the final years of his career.[251]
On January 20, 2009, Senator Ted Kennedy suffered a seizure during Barack Obama's inaugural luncheon and was taken away in an ambulance.[252] Byrd, seated at the same table, became distraught and was himself removed to his office. Byrd's office reported that he was fine.[253] On May 18, Byrd was admitted to the hospital after experiencing a fever due to a "minor infection",[254] prolonged by a staphylococcus aureus infection.[255] Byrd was released on June 30, 2009.[256]
Byrd's final hospital stay began on June 27, 2010, at
Vice President Joe Biden recalled Byrd's standing in the rain with him as Biden buried his daughter when Biden had just been elected to the Senate. He called Byrd "a tough, compassionate, and outspoken leader and dedicated above all else to making life better for the people of the Mountain State."[261] President Barack Obama said, "His profound passion for that body and its role and responsibilities was as evident behind closed doors as it was in the stemwinders he peppered with history. He held the deepest respect of members of both parties, and he was generous with his time and advice, something I appreciated greatly as a young senator."[262] Senator Jay Rockefeller, who had served with Byrd since 1985, said, "I looked up to him, I fought next to him, and I am deeply saddened that he is gone."[263] Former president Jimmy Carter noted, "He was my closest and most valuable adviser while I served as president. I respected him and attempted in every way to remain in his good graces. He was a giant among legislators, and was courageous in espousing controversial issues."[264]
On July 1, 2010, Byrd
A funeral was held on July 2, 2010, on the grounds of the State Capitol where Byrd was eulogized by President Barack Obama, Vice President Joe Biden, Governor Joe Manchin, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, Speaker of the House of Representatives Nancy Pelosi, Senator Jay Rockefeller, Representative Nick Rahall, Victoria Reggie Kennedy, and former president Bill Clinton. After the funeral services in Charleston, his body was returned to Arlington County, Virginia, for funeral services on July 6, 2010, at Memorial Baptist Church.[266] After the funeral in Arlington, Byrd was buried next to his wife Erma at Columbia Gardens Cemetery in Arlington, although family members have stated that both the senator and Mrs. Byrd will be reinterred somewhere in West Virginia once a site is determined.[266][267]
The song "Take Me Home, Country Roads" was played at the end of the funeral in a bluegrass fashion as his casket was being carried back up the stairs and into the West Virginia State Capitol Building.[268][269]
On September 30, 2010, Congress appropriated $193,400 to be paid equally among Byrd's children and grandchildren, representing the salary he would have earned in the next fiscal year, a common practice when members of Congress die in office.[270][271]
Reaction to death
Multiple political figures issued statements following Byrd's death:[272]
- Secretary of State Hillary Clinton: "It is almost impossible to imagine the United States Senate without Robert Byrd. He was not just its longest-serving member, he was its heart and soul. From my first day in the Senate, I sought out his guidance, and he was always generous with his time and his wisdom."[273]
- Vice President (and thus President of the Senate) Joe Biden: "A very close friend of mine, one of my mentors, a guy who was there when I was a 29-year-old kid being sworn into the United States Senate. Shortly thereafter, a guy who stood in the rain, in the pouring rain, freezing rain outside a church as I buried my daughter and my wife before I got sworn in ... We lost the dean of the United States Senate, but also the state of West Virginia lost its most fierce advocate and, as I said, I lost a dear friend."
- Democratic Senator Chris Dodd: "He [Robert Byrd] never stopped growing as a public official, and was a man who learned from his mistakes. He was more than a friend and colleague. He was a mentor to me and literally hundreds of legislators with whom he served over the past five decades."
- Republican Senator Lindsey Graham: "Senator Byrd was a valuable ally and worthy opponent. He will be viewed by history as one of the giants of the Senate."
- Republican Senator Orrin Hatch: "On the issues, we were frequent opponents, but he was always gracious both in victory and defeat. This is a man who earned his law degree while serving in the Senate, and who had a prodigious knowledge of ancient and modern history."
- President Barack Obama: "He [Robert Byrd] was as much a part of the Senate as the marble busts that line its chamber and its corridors. His profound passion for that body and its role and responsibilities was as evident behind closed doors as it was in the stemwinders he peppered with history. He held the deepest respect of members of both parties, and he was generous with his time and advice, something I appreciated greatly as a young senator."
- Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell: "Senator Byrd combined a devotion to the U.S. Constitution with a deep learning of history to defend the interests of his state and the traditions of the Senate. We will remember him for his fighter's spirit, his abiding faith, and for the many times he recalled the Senate to its purposes."
- House Speaker Nancy Pelosi: "Throughout his historic career in the House and Senate, he never stopped working to improve the lives of the people of West Virginia. While some simply bore witness to history, Senator Byrd shaped it and strove to build a brighter future for us all."
- Fellow Democratic senator from West Virginia Jay Rockefeller: "Senator Byrd came from humble beginnings in the southern coalfields, was raised by hard-working West Virginians, and triumphantly rose to the heights of power in America. But he never forgot where he came from nor who he represented, and he never abused that power for his own gain."
In popular culture
Byrd had a prominent role in the 2008 Warner Bros. documentary Body of War directed by Phil Donahue. The film chronicles the life of Tomas Young, paralyzed from the chest down after a sniper shot him as he was riding in a vehicle in Iraq. Several long clips of Byrd show him passionately arguing against authorizing the use of force in Iraq. Later in the movie, Byrd has a one-on-one interview with Tomas Young in Byrd's Senate office, followed by a shot of Byrd walking beside the Young as they leave the Capitol.[274]
A fictionalized version of Byrd, then the Senate Majority Leader, was a character in the Jeffrey Archer novel Shall We Tell the President?[275]
Byrd was an avid
Byrd appeared in the Civil War movie
Published writing
- 1989. The Senate, 1789–1989, Vol. 1: Addresses on the History of the United States Senate. ISBN 0-16-006391-4.
- 1991. The Senate, 1789–1989, Vol. 2: Addresses on the History of the United States Senate. ISBN 0-16-006405-8.
- 1993. The Senate, 1789–1989: Historical Statistics, 1789–1992, Vol. 4. ISBN 0-16-063256-0.
- 1995. The Senate, 1789–1989: Classic Speeches, 1830–1993, Vol. 3. ISBN 0-16-063257-9.
- 1995. Senate of the Roman Republic: Addresses on the History of Roman Constitutionalism. ISBN 0-16-058996-7.
- 2004. Losing America: Confronting a Reckless and Arrogant Presidency. ISBN 0-393-05942-1.
- 2004. We Stand Passively Mute: Senator Robert C. Byrd's Iraq Speeches. ISBN 0-9755749-0-6.
- 2005. Robert C. Byrd: Child of the Appalachian Coalfields. ISBN 1-933202-00-9.
- 2008. Letter to a New President: Commonsense Lessons for Our Next Leader. ISBN 0-312-38302-9.
Robert C. Byrd Center for Legislative Studies
In 2002, the Robert C. Byrd Center for Legislative Studies (CLS) was opened on the campus of
See also
- Byrd Rule
- Ku Klux Klan members in United States politics
- List of places named after Robert Byrd
- List of members of the United States Congress by longevity of service
- List of United States Congress members who died in office (2000–)#2010s
References
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Byrd recruited members to a local KKK chapter and was elected to the post of "exalted cyclops" according to his 2005 autobiography
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{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - ^ Byrd's family will receive remainder of his salary Archived October 4, 2010, at the Wayback Machine, Politico.com; accessed July 23, 2017.
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Larry King Live on YouTube, Time frame: 04:05, verified May 9, 2007
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{{cite news}}
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has generic name (help) - ^ "Robert C. Byrd Center for Legislative Studies". Byrd Center. Archived from the original on June 7, 2014. Retrieved June 4, 2014.
- ^ "Association of Centers for the Study of Congress". Congress Centers. Association of Centers for the Study of Congress. Archived from the original on April 2, 2015. Retrieved March 30, 2015.
Further reading
- Corbin, David A. The Last Great Senator: Robert C. Byrd's Encounters with Eleven U.S. Presidents (Dulles: Potomac, 2012) 365 pp.
- Carlson, Peter. "Robert Byrd Consorts With a KKK Grand Dragon," American History (2011) 46#3 pp 18–19.
External links
- Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
- Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
- Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
- "Robert C. Byrd Congressional Papers Collection". Archived from the original on March 13, 2015. Retrieved March 16, 2015.
- Appearances on C-SPAN
- Collected news and commentary at The New York Times
- "Profile at SourceWatch". Archived from the original on August 14, 2008. Retrieved February 15, 2007.
- FBI Records: The Vault – U.S. Senator Robert Byrd at fbi.gov
- Byrd gives a speech at Marshall University on YouTube
- Sen. Byrd Remembered for "Principle and Honor" – video by Democracy Now!
- "Senate web site". Archived from the original on August 22, 2008.
- Memorial Addresses and Other Tributes, Held in the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States Together With Memorial Services in Honor of Robert C. Byrd, Late a Senator from West Virginia, One Hundred Eleventh Congress, Second Session
- Articles
- If This Is the Senate's Soul ... Michael Grunwald, The Washington Post, June 18, 2006
- A Senator's Shame Eric Pianin, The Washington Post, June 19, 2005
- The United States Senate designates Robert Byrd as President Pro Tempore Emeritus of the United States Senate Archived November 2, 2004, at the Wayback Machine The Library of Congress THOMAS, January 15, 2003