History of social democracy

In the 1920s, SPD policymaker and Marxist

Originally, Hilferding's vision of a socialism replacing organized capitalism was highly Kautskyan in assuming an either/or perspective and expecting a catastrophic clash between organized capitalism versus socialism. By the 1920s, Hilferding became an adherent to promoting a gradualist evolution of capitalism into socialism. He then praised organized capitalism for being a step towards socialism, saying at the SPD congress in 1927 that organised capitalism is nothing less than "the replacement of the capitalist principle of free competition by the socialist principle of planned production". He went on to say that "the problem is posed to our generation: with the help of the state, with the help of conscious social direction, to transform the economy organized and led by capitalists into an economy directed by the democratic state".[131]

By the 1930s, social democracy became seen as overwhelmingly representing reformist socialism and supporting liberal democracy,^[7] influenced by Carlo Rosselli, an anti-fascist and social democrat in the liberal socialist tradition.^[132] Despite advocating reformism rather than revolution as means for socialism, those social democrats had supported political revolutions to establish liberal democracy such as in Russia and social democratic parties both in exile and in parliaments supported the forceful overthrow of fascist regimes such as in Germany, Italy and Spain. In the 1930s, the SPD began to transition away from revisionist Marxism towards liberal socialism. After the party was banned by the Nazis in 1933, the SPD acted in exile through Sopade.^[133] In 1934, the Sopade began to publish material that indicated that the SPD was turning towards liberal socialism. Curt Geyer, who was a prominent proponent of liberal socialism within the Sopade, declared that Sopade represented the tradition of Weimar Republic social democracy, liberal-democratic socialism and stated that the Sopade had held true to its mandate of traditional liberal principles combined with the political realism of socialism.^[134] Willy Brandt is a social democrat that has been identified as a liberal socialist.^[135]

The only social democratic governments in Europe that remained by the early 1930s were in Scandinavia.

The new SAP government of 1932 replaced the previous government's universal commitment to a balanced budget with a Keynesian-like commitment which in turn was replaced with a balanced budget within a business cycle. Whereas the 1921–1923 SAP governments had run large deficits, the new SAP government reduced Sweden's budget deficit after a strong increase in state expenditure in 1933 and the resulting economic recovery. The government had planned to eliminate Sweden's budget deficit in seven years, but it took only three years to eliminate the deficit and Sweden had a budget surplus from 1936 to 1938. However, this policy was criticized because major unemployment still remained a problem in Sweden, even when the budget deficit had been eliminated.^[137]

In the Americas, social democracy was rising as a major political force. In Mexico, several social democratic governments and presidents were elected from the 1920s to the 1930s. The most important Mexican social democratic government of this time was that led by president Lázaro Cárdenas and the Party of the Mexican Revolution, whose government initiated agrarian reform that broke up vast aristocratic estates and redistributed property to peasants.^[138] While deeply committed to social democracy, Cardenas was criticized by his left-wing opponents for being pro-capitalist due to his personal association with a wealthy family and for being corrupt due to his government's exemption from agrarian reform of the estate held by former Mexican president Álvaro Obregón. Political violence in Mexico escalated in the 1920s after the outbreak of the Cristero War in which far-right reactionary clerics staged a violent insurgency against the left-wing government that was attempting to institute secularization in Mexico.^[138]

Cardenas' government openly supported Spain's Republican government while opposing Francisco Franco's Nationalists during the Spanish Civil War and he staunchly asserted that Mexico was progressive and socialist, working with socialists of various types, including communists. Under Cárdenas, Mexico accepted refugees from Spain and communist dissident

Herbert Croly, Lester Frank Ward and John Dewey^{[nb 3]}

Canada and the United States represent an unusual case in the Western world. While having a social democratic movement, both countries were not governed by a social democratic party at the federal level.^[139] In American politics, democratic socialism became more recently a synonym for social democracy due to social democratic policies being adopted by progressive intellectuals such as Herbert Croly,^[140] John Dewey^[141] and Lester Frank Ward^[142] as well as liberal politicians such as Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman and Woodrow Wilson, causing the New Deal coalition to be the main entity spearheading left-wing reforms of capitalism, rather than by socialists like elsewhere.^[143]

Similarly, the welfare state in Canada was developed by the

Although well within the liberal and modern liberal American tradition, Franklin D. Roosevelt's more radical, extensive and populist

While criticized by many leftists and hailed by mainstream observers as having saved American capitalism from a socialist revolution,

Harry S. Truman, Roosevelt's successor after his death on 12 April 1945, called for universal health care as part of the Fair Deal, an ambitious set of proposals to continue and expand the New Deal, but strong and determined conservative opposition from both parties in Congress blocked such policy from being enacted.^[158] The details of the plan became the Wagner-Murray-Dingell Bill, but they were never rolled out because the bill never even received a vote in Congress^{[nb 4]} and Truman later described it as the greatest disappointment of his presidency.^[159] The British Labour Party released an "exultant statement" upon Truman's upset victory.^[155] It stated that "[w]e are not suggesting that Mr. Truman is a Socialist. It is precisely because he is not that his adumbration of these policies is significant. They show that the failure of capitalism to serve the common man ... is not, after all, something we invented ... to exasperate Mr. Churchill".^[160] Truman argued that socialism is a "scare word" used by Republicans and "the patented trademark of the special interest lobbies" to refer to "almost anything that helps all the people".^[161]

Savage died in 1940 and was replaced by Peter Fraser, who became Labour's longest-serving prime minister. Fraser is best known as New Zealand's leader for most of World War II. In the post-war period, ongoing shortages and industrial problems cost Labour considerable popularity and the National Party under Sidney Holland gained ground, although Labour was able to win the 1943 and 1946 general elections. Eventually, Labour was defeated in the 1949 general election.^[168] Fraser died shortly afterwards and was replaced by Walter Nash, the long-serving minister of finance.^[169]

Mid-to-late 20th century and early 21st century

Cold War era and post-war consensus (1945–1973)

After World War II, a new international organization called the Socialist International was formed in 1951 to represent social democracy and a democratic socialism in opposition to Soviet-style socialism. In the founding Frankfurt Declaration on 3 July, its Aims and Tasks of Democratic Socialism: Declaration of the Socialist International denounced both capitalism and Bolshevism, better known as Marxism–Leninism and referred to as Communism—criticizing the latter in articles 7, 8, 9 and 10.^[170]

The rise of Keynesianism in the Western world during the Cold War influenced the development of social democracy.^[171] The attitude of social democrats towards capitalism changed as a result of the rise of Keynesianism.^[14] Capitalism was acceptable to social democrats only if capitalism's typical crises could be prevented and if mass unemployment could be averted, therefore Keynesianism was believed to be able to provide this.^[14] Social democrats came to accept the market for reasons of efficiency and endorsed Keynesianism as that was expected to reconcile democracy and capitalism.^[14] According to Michael Harrington, this represented a compromise between capitalism and socialism. While the post-war period of social democracy saw several social democratic parties renouncing orthodox Marxism, they did not lose their revisionist Marxist character, nor did they stop looking at Marx for inspiration such as in the form of Marxist humanism.^[172] However, Marxism was associated with the Marxism–Leninism as practiced in the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc which social democracy rejected and regarded as "falsely claim[ing] a share in the Socialist tradition. In fact it has distorted that tradition beyond recognition". Rather than a close or dogmatic Marxism, social democracy favours an open and "critical spirit of Marxism".^[173]

For Harrington, social democracy believes that capitalism be reformed from within and that gradually a socialist economy will be created. The "social democratic compromise" involving Keynesianism led to a capitalism under socialist governments that would generate such growth that the surplus would make possible "an endless improvement of the quality of social life". According to Harrington, the socialists had become the "normal party of government" in Europe while their "conservative opponents were forced to accept measures they had once denounced on principle". Although this socialist pragmatism led in theory and practice to utopias hostile to one another, they all shared basic assumptions. This "social democratic compromise" goes back to the 1930s, when there was "a ferment in the movement, a break with the old either/or Kautskyan tradition, a new willingness to develop socialist programs that could work with and modify capitalism, but that fell far short of a "revolutionary" transformation".^[174]

After the

In 1959, the SPD instituted a major policy review with the Godesberg Program.^[184] The Godesberg Program eliminated the party's remaining orthodox Marxist policies and the SPD redefined its ideology as freiheitlicher Sozialismus (liberal socialism).^[184] With the adoption of the Godesberg Program, the SPD renounced orthodox Marxist determinism and classism. The SPD replaced it with an ethical socialism based on humanism and emphasized that the party was democratic, pragmatic and reformist.^[185] The most controversial decision of the Godesberg Program was its declaration stating that private ownership of the means of production "can claim protection by society as long as it does not hinder the establishment of social justice".^[186]

By accepting free-market principles, the SPD argued that a truly free market would in fact have to be a regulated market to not to degenerate into oligarchy. This policy also meant the endorsement of Keynesian economic management, social welfare and a degree of economic planning. Some argue that this was an abandonment of the classical conception of socialism as involving the replacement of the capitalist economic system.^[186] It declared that the SPD "no longer considered nationalization the major principle of a socialist economy but only one of several (and then only the last) means of controlling economic concentration of power of key industries" while also committing the SPD to an economic stance which promotes "as much competition as possible, as much planning as necessary".^[187] The decision to abandon the traditional anti-capitalist policy angered many in the SPD who had supported it.^[185]

After these changes, the SPD enacted the two major pillars of what would become the modern social democratic program, namely making the party a people's party rather than a party solely representing the working class and abandoning remaining Marxist policies aimed at destroying capitalism and replacing them with policies aimed at reforming capitalism.^[187] The Godesberg Program divorced its conception of socialism from Marxism, declaring that democratic socialism in Europe was "rooted in Christian ethics, humanism, and classical philosophy".^[187] The Godesberg Program has been seen as involving the final victory of the reformist agenda of Eduard Bernstein over the orthodox Marxist agenda of Karl Kautsky.^[187] The Godesberg Program was a major revision of the SPD's policies and gained attention from beyond Germany.^[185] At the time of its adoption, the stance on the Godesberg Program in neighbouring France was not uniform. While the French Section of the Workers' International was divided on the Godesberg Program, the Unified Socialist Party denounced the Godesberg Program as a renunciation of socialism and an opportunistic reaction to the SPD's electoral defeats.^[185]

The social democracy practiced by the Singaporean

During the 1970s, the Swedish Rehn–Meidner model allowed capitalists who were owning highly productive and efficient firms to retain excess profits at the expense of the firms' workers, exacerbating income inequality and causing workers in these firms to agitate for a share of the profits in the 1970s. At the same time, women working in the public sector also began to assert pressure for better wages.^[202] Under the leadership of "revolutionary reformist"^[203] and self-described democratic socialist^[204] prime minister Olof Palme, economist Rudolf Meidner established in 1976 a study committee that came up with a proposal, called the Meidner Plan. It entailed the transferring of the excess profits into investment funds controlled by the workers in the efficient firms, with the intention that the firms would create further employment and pay more workers higher wages rather than unduly increasing the wealth of company owners and managers.^[205] Earlier in the 1960s, Einar Gerhardsen established a planning agency and tried to establish a planned economy.^[206]

In 1982, Sweden's Social Democratic government adopted the Meidner Plan of Meidner to pursue a gradualist socialist agenda to first pursue the enhancement of political democracy and citizenship; second, to pursue entrenching social rights; and third, to then be able to implement

Other social democratic parties and movements in this period included Barbados' Barbados Labour Party, established in 1938 and the ruling party for many of the years after independence in 1951, under the leadership of Grantley Herbert Adams; South Korea's Hyukshinkye (anti-communist left) movement and Progressive Party (1956); Japan's Democratic Socialist Party (1960); and Pakistan's Pakistan People's Party (1967), which led civil opposition to the country's military rulers and was in power during most of Pakistan's democratic periods.

Response to neoliberalism and Third Way (1973–2007)

The economic crisis in the Western world in the aftermath of the 1973 oil crisis during the mid- to late 1970s resulted in the rise of neoliberalism and several politicians were elected on neoliberal platforms such as British prime minister Margaret Thatcher and United States president Ronald Reagan.^[209] The rise in support for neoliberalism raised questions over the political viability of social democracy, with sociologist Ralf Dahrendorf predicting the "end of the social democratic century".^[210] In 1985, an agreement was made between several social democratic parties in the Western Bloc countries of Belgium, Denmark and the Netherlands and with the communist parties of the Eastern Bloc countries of Bulgaria, East Germany and Hungary to have multilateral discussions on trade, nuclear disarmament and other issues.^[211]

In 1989, the Socialist International adopted its present Declaration of Principles which addressed issues concerning the internationalization of the economy and defined its interpretation of the nature of socialism. The Declaration of Principles stated that socialist values and vision include "a peaceful and democratic world society combining freedom, justice and solidarity" while arguing that [n]either private nor State ownership by themselves guarantee either economic efficiency or social justice".^[212] The Socialist International defined the rights and freedoms it supported as follows: "Socialists protect the inalienable right to life and to physical safety, to freedom of belief and free expression of opinion, to freedom of association and to protection from torture and degradation. Socialists are committed to achieve freedom from hunger and want, genuine social security, and the right to work". It also clarified that it did not promote any fixed and permanent definition for socialism, arguing: "Socialists do not claim to possess the blueprint for some final and fixed society which cannot be changed, reformed or further developed. In a movement committed to democratic self-determination there will always be room for creativity since each people and every generation must set its own goals".^[213]

By the 1980s, with the rise of conservative neoliberal politicians such as Ronald Reagan in the United States, Margaret Thatcher in Britain,

In the 1990s, the ideology of the

When he was a British Labour Party MP, Third Way supporter and former British prime minister Tony Blair wrote in a Fabian pamphlet in 1994 about the existence of two prominent variants of socialism, with one based on a Marxist–Leninist economic determinist and collectivist tradition that he rejected and the other being an ethical socialism that he supported which was based on values of "social justice, the equal worth of each citizen, equality of opportunity, community".^[220] New Labour under Blair sought to distance Labour from the conventional definition of socialism^[221] and create a new one representing a modern form of liberal-democratic socialism.^[222] However, New Labour sought to avoid regular public use of the word socialism even in this new definition, out of concerns that it would remind the British electorate of the strongly left-wing political strategy of the Labour Party in the early 1980s. Later, One Nation Labour^[223] was born as a critique of New Labour.^[224] It challenged some of the Third Way policy developments created by New Labour while accepting and modifying others.^[224] Like New Labour, One Nation Labour advocated a non-conventional definition of socialism, with Miliband endorsing a form of "capitalism that works for the people" for the time being while declaring support for a "form of socialism, which is a fairer, more just, more equal society".^[224] Unlike New Labour, One Nation Labour used the term socialism more publicly.^[224]

Prominent Third Way proponent

Giddens contends that Third Way is connected to the legacy of reformist revisionist socialism, writing: "Third way politics stands in the traditions of social democratic revisionism that stretch back to Eduard Bernstein and Karl Kautsky".[228] Giddens commends Crosland's A Future of Socialism for recognizing that socialism cannot be defined merely in terms of a rejection of capitalism because if capitalism did end and was replaced with socialism, then socialism would have no purpose with the absence of capitalism.^[229] From Crosland's analysis, Giddens argues that the common characteristic of socialist doctrines is their ethical content, based on the critique of individualism. Giddens defines socialism as "the pursuit of ideas of social cooperation, universal welfare, and equality—ideas brought together by a condemnation of the evils and injustices of capitalism". For Giddens, socialism depends on a belief in "group action and participation" as well as "collective responsibility for social welfare".^[229]

British political theorist Robert Corfe, a social democratic proponent of a new socialism free of class-based prejudices, criticized both Marxist classists and Third Way proponents within the Labour Party.[231] Corfe has denounced the Third Way as developed by Giddens for "intellectual emptiness and ideological poverty".^[232] Corfe has despondently noted and agreed with former long-term British Labour Party MP Alice Mahon's statement in which she said that "Labour is the party of bankers, not workers. The party has lost its soul, and what has replaced it is harsh, American style politics". Corfe claims that the failure to develop a new socialism has resulted in what he considers the "death of socialism" that left social capitalism as only feasible alternative.^[233] Some critics and analysts alike have characterized the Third Way as an effectively neoliberal movement.^[234]

Former SPD chairman Oskar Lafontaine condemned then-SPD leader and German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder for his Third Way policies, saying that the SPD under Schröder had adopted a "radical change of direction towards a policy of neoliberalism".^[235] After resigning from the SPD, Lafontaine co-founded The Left in 2007.^[236] The Left was founded out of a merger of the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) and the Labour and Social Justice – The Electoral Alternative (WASG), a breakaway faction from the SPD. The Left has been controversial because as a direct successor to the PDS it is also a direct successor of former East Germany's ruling Marxist–Leninist Socialist Unity Party (SED) that transformed into the PDS after the end of the Cold War. However, the PDS did not continue the SED's policies as the PDS adopted policies to appeal to democratic socialists, feminists, greens and pacifists.^[237]

Lafontaine said in an interview that he supports the type of social democracy pursued by Willy Brandt, but he claims that the creation of The Left was necessary because "formerly socialist and social democratic parties" had effectively accepted neoliberalism.^[236] The Left grew in strength and in the 2009 federal election gained 11 percent of the vote while the SPD gained 23 percent of the vote.^[237] Lafontaine has noted that the founding of The Left in Germany has resulted in emulation in other countries, with several Left parties being founded in Greece, Portugal, Netherlands and Syria.^[238] Lafontaine claims that a de facto British left movement exists, identifying the Green Party of England and Wales MEP Caroline Lucas as holding similar values.^[239]

Others have claimed that social democracy needs to move past the Third Way, including Olaf Cramme and Patrick Diamond in their book After the Third Way: The Future of Social Democracy in Europe (2012).

Other significant social democratic movements and parties in this period include Turkey's oldest political party, the centre-left secular Republican People's Party (CHP), which was one of the main forces of opposition to military dictatorship and emerged as a major party when democracy was restored in the late 1980s and became the main opposition party after 2002; the Norwegian } and the New Zealand Labour Party, which have both been in power for a large part of years since 1972, moving from a democratic socialist to pragmatic social democratic ideology; Bangladesh's secular Awami League, one of the country's two main parties after its return to democracy in 1991; and Lebanon's Progressive Socialist Party, which had played a major role in the movement for Arab socialism in the post-war years but became a Third Way party in Lebanon's return to constitutional rule in 1990; Nepali Congress, a democratic socialist party that turned to social democratic/Third Way politics in 1991, when it was re-elected to government;Angola's ruling MPLA, which became a Third Way party from 1992; the Dutch Labour Party, which was in power 1994–2002; Morocco's Socialist Union of Popular Forces, formed in 1975 and leading a centre-left government from 1997 to 2002.

Decline and rejection of the Third Way (2007–present)

In the 2000s, the

In 2017, support for social democratic parties in other countries such as Denmark and Portugal was relatively strong in polls. Moreover, the decline of the social democratic parties in some countries was accompanied by a surge in the support for other centre-left or left-wing parties such as Syriza in Greece, the Left-Green Movement in Iceland and Podemos in Spain. Several explanations for the European decline have been proposed. Some commentators highlight that the social democratic support of national fragmentation and labour market deregulation had become less popular among potential voters. Others such as the French political scientist Pierre Manent emphasize the need for social democrats to rehabilitate and reinvigorate the idea of nationhood.^[255]

In a 2017 article in

After the

mass immigration among potential voters.^[258] Hanne Skartveit of Verdens Gang claimed that social democrats have been struggling because the sustainability of the welfare state is challenged by mass immigration. Skarstein emphasize the contrast between social democrats' strong commitment for helping people on the international scene on one side and their strong commitment in favour of welfare policies for the nation's own population on the other.^[259]

Spain is one of the countries in which the

Pedro Sánchez leading the party. Some authors consider his government the last hope for Europe to retain its social democratic heritage^[260] and believe they would act as an example to like-minded politicians in other countries.^[261] By 2019 and 2020, Denmark, Finland and Italy saw a return of their main social democratic party back in power while Portugal, Spain and Sweden confirmed their social democratic governments.^[262] In the case of Italy and Spain, the centre-left parties allied with anti-establishment, populist and other left-leaning parties in coalition governments.^[263]

Blairite

policies within the Labour Party itself

Several social democratic parties such as the British

post-capitalist society, putting an end to neoliberal capitalism.^[265][266] A key personal idea posed in Sánchez's 2019 Manual de Resistencia book is the indissoluble link between social democracy and Europe.^[267]

Other parties such as the Danish

11 September attacks that has intensified during the 2015 European migrant crisis. The perception of the party being neoliberal and soft on immigration during the era of neoliberal globalization contributed to its poor electoral performance in the early 21st century.^[268] In a recent biography, the Danish Social Democrats party leader and prime minister Mette Frederiksen argued: "For me, it is becoming increasingly clear that the price of unregulated globalisation, mass immigration and the free movement of labour is paid for by the lower classes".^[269] Frederiksen later shifted her stance on immigration by allowing more foreign labour and reversing plans to hold foreign criminals offshore after winning government.^[270] A 2020 study disputed the notion that anti-immigration positions would help social democratic parties. The study found that "more authoritarian/nationalist and more anti-EU positions are if anything associated with lower rather than greater electoral support for social democratic parties".^[271]

In 2016, Senator from Vermont Bernie Sanders, who describes himself as a "democratic socialist" rather than a social democrat,^[272] made a bid for the Democratic Party presidential candidate, gaining considerable popular support, particularly among the younger generation, working-class Americans, and rural voters,^[273] but ultimately the presidential nomination was won by a centrist candidate Hillary Clinton.^{[citation needed]} Sanders ran again in the 2020 Democratic Party presidential primaries,^[274] briefly becoming the front-runner.^[275]

Since his praise of the

corporations^[284] and a package to encourage employee-owned companies.^[285] While seen as part of the liberal New Deal^[286] or social democratic tradition,^[287] Sanders associates the New Deal as part of the socialist tradition^[288] and claimed the New Deal's legacy to "take up the unfinished business of the New Deal and carry it to completion".^[289]

The

socialist and labour movement."^{[290][non-primary source needed}

]

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134. ^ Edinger 1956, pp. 219–220.
135. ^ Bronner 1999, p. 104.
136. ^ Macfarlane 1996, pp. 44–45.
137. ^ Notermans 2000, p. 121.
138. ^ ^{a b c d e} Hart 1986, p. 13.
139. ^ Zimmerman 2010; Kautsky 2018.
140. ^ Levy 1985; O'Leary 1994; Croly 2014.
141. ^ Ryan 1995, p. 32; Senese, Tozer & Violas 2004, p. 121.
142. ^ Piott 2006.
143. ^ Schlesinger 1962.
144. ^ Johnson 2006, pp. 99–103.
145. ^ New Democratic Party of Canada 2013; New Democratic Party of Canada 2018.
146. ^ Lovick 2013.
147. ^ McSheffrey 2015.
148. ^ Fried 2001, pp. 120–123.
149. ^ Goldfield 1989, pp. 1257–1282.
150. ^ Burns 1956.
151. ^ Best 1991, p. 61.
152. ^ Grafton 1999, p. 57.
153. ^ Roosevelt 1936.
154. ^ Roosevelt 1941.
155. ^ ^{a b c d} Ackerman 2019.
156. ^ Lipset & Marks 2001.
157. ^ Hobsbawm 2007, p. 388.
158. ^ Poen 1996, pp. 161–168; Geselbracht 1999.
159. ^ Eldred 2019.
160. ^ Woloch 2019.
161. ^ Truman 1952.
162. ^ Aimer 2012, p. 2.
163. ^ Epstein 2001.
164. ^ McLean 2017.
165. ^ New Zealand History 2017.
166. ^ Franks & McAloon 2016, p. 100.
167. ^ Atkinson 2015.
168. ^ Franks & McAloon 2016, p. 133.
169. ^ Franks & McAloon 2016, p. 136.
170. ^ Socialist International 1951; Docherty & Lamb 2006, pp. 125–126; Docherty & Lamb 2006, pp. 169–170.
171. ^ Adams 1993, p. 108.
172. ^ Harrington 2011, p. 162.
173. ^ Socialist International 1951.
174. ^ Harrington 2011, p. 103.
175. ^ ^{a b c d e f g h} Matthijs 2011, pp. 65–67.
176. ^ Eatwell & Wright 1999, p. 93.
177. ^ Docherty & Lamb 2006, p. 14.
178. ^ ^{a b c d e} Ellis 2004, p. 76.
179. ^ Notermans 2000, p. 155.
180. ^ Aggarwal & Agrawal 1989, p. 85.
181. ^ Berger 2004, p. 73.
182. ^ Janowsky 1959, p. 94.
183. ^ Busky 2000, p. 11.
184. ^ ^{a b} Orlow 2000, p. 108.
185. ^ ^{a b c d} Orlow 2000, p. 190.
186. ^ ^{a b} Adams 2001, p. 108.
187. ^ ^{a b c d} Berman 2006, p. 190.
188. ^ Chua 1995.
189. ^ Morley 1993.
190. ^ Quee 2001; Chew 2015.
191. ^ Chew 2015, p. 80; Leong 2016.
192. ^ Azhar & Chalmers 2015.
193. ^ Eatwell & Wright 1999, p. 94.
194. ^ Schlesinger 2011.
195. ^ Isserman 2009.
196. ^ Anderson 1986.
197. ^ Anderson 1997; D'Emilio 2003; D'Emilio 2004.
198. ^ Hendricks 2014; Goodrich 2018; Terry 2019.
199. ^ Branch 1989; Saxon 1992; Horowitz 2007.
200. ^ Social Democrats USA; Hacker 2010.
201. ^ The New York Times, 27 December 1972, p. 25; Johnston 1972, p. 15; The New York Times, 31 December 1972, p. 36; The New York Times, 1 January 1973, p. 11.
202. ^ O'Hara 1999; Östberg 2019.
203. ^ Linderborg 2006.
204. ^ Palme 1982.
205. ^ Newman 2005.
206. ^ Brandal, Bratberg & Thorsen 2013.
207. ^ Ritzer 2005, p. 479.
208. ^ ^{a b} Pierson 1995, p. 204.
209. ^ Birch, MacLeavy & Springer 2016, pp. 1–3.
210. ^ Diamond 2012, p. 4.
211. ^ ^{a b} Oudenaren 1991, p. 144.
212. ^ Bose 2005, p. 395.
213. ^ Socialist International 1989.
214. ^ Teeple 2000, p. 47.
215. ^ Lamb 2015, p. 415.
216. ^ Docherty & Lamb 2006, p. 82.
217. ^ ^{a b} Arora 2010, pp. 9, 22.
218. ^ ^{a b c} Cammack 2004, p. 155.
219. ^ Romano 2006, p. 5.
220. ^ ^{a b} Jackson & Tansey 2008, p. 97.
221. ^ Giddens 1994, pp. 71–72; Hastings, Mason & Pyper 2000, p. 677; Freeden 2004, p. 198.
222. ^ Adams 1999, p. 127.
223. ^ Miliband 2013; Hattersley & Hickson 2013, pp. 4, 213.
224. ^ ^{a b c d} Duncan 2012.
225. ^ ^{a b} Giddens 1994, p. 67.
226. ^ Giddens 1994, p. 73.
227. ^ Cammack 2004, p. 152.
228. ^ Giddens 2003, p. 2.
229. ^ ^{a b} Giddens 1994, p. 71.
230. ^ Giddens 1998, pp. 148–149; Giddens 2000, p. 32; Grice 2002.
231. ^ Corfe 2010, p. 178.
232. ^ Corfe 2010, p. 33.
233. ^ Corfe 2010, pp. 33, 178.
234. ^ Barrientos & Powell 2004, p. 18; Romano 2006, p. 11; Hinnfors 2006, pp. 117, 137–139.
235. ^ Barrientos & Powell 2004, p. 18.
236. ^ ^{a b} Lafontaine 2009, p. 7.
237. ^ ^{a b} Hudson 2012, pp. 1–2.
238. ^ Lafontaine 2009, p. 3.
239. ^ Lafontaine 2009, p. 4.
240. ^ Gamble 2012, p. 47.
241. ^ ^{a b} Gamble 2012, p. 50.
242. ^ Gamble 2012, p. 54.
243. ^ Gamble 2012, p. 55.
244. ^ Gregory & Stuart 2003, p. 152.
245. ^ Esping-Andersen 1985; Hicks 1988; Moschonas 2002; Rosser & Rosser 2003; Ferragina & Seeleib-Kaiser 2011; Brandal, Bratberg & Thorsen 2013.
246. ^ Gregoire 2013; Conley 2019.
247. ^ Abramowitz 2018; Aghekyan et al. 2018; Abramowitz 2019; Repucci 2020.
248. ^ The Economist 2020.
249. ^ Reporters Without Borders 2019 (table); Reporters Without Borders 2019 (analysis).
250. ^ Miller & Kim 2016; The Heritage Foundation 2017.
251. ^ Vision of Humanity 2019.
252. ^ Transparency International 2020 (table); Transparency International 2020 (analysis).
253. ^ Brown 2009; Pani & Panic 2011, pp. 109–141; Radcliff 2013; Brown 2014; Eskow 2014.
254. ^ Lowen 2013; Ludwigshafen, Piraeus & Valletta 2016; Younge 2017; Eaton 2018; The Economist 2018.
255. ^ Angier 2017.
256. ^ Dostal 2016, pp. 230–240.
257. ^ Manow & Schwander 2016, pp. 117–134.
258. ^ Goffeng 2017; Arnste 2017; Hoel 2017.
259. ^ Aune & Myklebust 2018.
260. ^ Riccio 2018.
261. ^ Hutton 2018; Reuters 2018.
262. ^ Stone 2019; Reuters 2019; Johnson, September 2019; Ames & Oliveira 2019.
263. ^ Barigazzi 2019; Castro & Riveiro 2019; Aduriz & Castro 2020.
264. ^ Brandal & Bratberg 2021, pp. 245–270.
265. ^ Dudda 2016; Carreño & Castro 2017; De Las Heras 2017.
266. ^ Dudda 2019.
267. ^ Estefanía 2019.
268. ^ Orange 2018; O'Leary 2018.
269. ^ Copenhagen 2019.
270. ^ Borshoff 2019; Stone 2019; Reuters 2019.
271. ^ Abou-Chadi & Wagner 2020, pp. 246–272.
272. ^ Powell 2006; Lerer 2009.
273. ^ Cassidy 2016; Spross 2018; Zurcher 2019.
274. ^ Kinzel 2019.
275. ^ Bacon, 7 April 2020; Bacon, 8 April 2020; Silver 2020.
276. ^ Issenberg 2010; Sanders 2013; M. 2016.
277. ^ Qiu 2015; Barro 2015; Tupy 2016; Worstall 2016; Cooper 2018; Rodriguez 2018; Levitz, April 2019.
278. ^ Kaczynski & McDermott 2019.
279. ^ Elk 2018; Day 2018; Goodner 2019.
280. ^ Cohen 2018; Stein 2019; Johnson, May 2019; Matthews 2019; Levitz, May 2019; Gruenberg 2019; Lawrence 2019; Meyer 2019.
281. ^ Sanders 2014; Sanders 2016, pp. 11–13, 18–22, 260–261; Bruenig 2019; McCarthy 2019; Savage 2019.
282. ^ Sanders 2014.
283. ^ Sanders, May 2018.
284. ^ Sanders, June 2018.
285. ^ Sanders 2019.
286. ^ Lozada 2016; Levitz, April 2019.
287. ^ Barro 2015; Matthews 2015; Cooper 2018; McArdle 2019.
288. ^ Sanders 2015; Foran 2019; Sanders 2019 (Speech).
289. ^ Marcetic 2019.
290. ^ Social Democratic Party of Germany 2012; Progressive Alliance 2013.

Notes

1. ^ Quand même literally means "come what may", but it is better translated as "at all costs".
2. ISBN 9780739109519
   .
3. socialist methods to achieve liberal
   goals.
4. ^ On 24 April 1949, the American Medical Association denounced this health program. On 25 April 1949, the Murray-Dingell omnibus health legislation (S.1679 and H.R. 4312) was introduced into the Senate and the House, but the Congress adjourned in October 1949 without acting on this bill.

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• Pani, Mica; Panic, M. (2011). "Neoliberalism versus Social Democracy: Empirical Evidence". Globalization: A Threat to International Cooperation and Peace?. Springer. pp. 109–141.
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• Pierson, Christopher (1995). Socialism after Communism: The New Market Socialism. Pennsylvania State Press.
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• Piott, Steven L. (2006). "Lester Frank Ward and Reform Darwinism". American Reformers, 1870–1920: Progressives in Word and Deed. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 13–24.
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• Sejersted, Francis (2011). Adams, Madeleine B. (ed.). The Age of Social Democracy: Norway and Sweden in the Twentieth Century. Translated by Daly, Richard. Princeton University Press.
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• Steenson, Gary P. (1981). Not One Man Not One Penny. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: University of Pittsburgh Press.
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• Steger, Manfred B. (1999). "Friedrich Engels and the Origins of German Revisionism: Another Look". In Carver, Terrell; Steger, Manfred B. (eds.). Engels After Marx. University Park, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University. pp. 181–196.
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• Berman, Sheri (2008). Understanding Social Democracy (PDF). What's Left of the Left: Liberalism and Social Democracy in a Globalized World. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 29 January 2016.

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• Aimer, Peter (20 June 2012). "Labour Party". Te Ara: The Encyclopedia of New Zealand. Retrieved 1 March 2020.
• Columbia Encyclopedia (May 2001). "Progressivism". Columbia Encyclopedia (6th ed.). Archived from the original on 29 June 2008. Retrieved 18 November 2006.
• Docherty, James C.; Lamb, Peter, eds. (2006). "Social democracy". Historical Dictionary of Socialism. Historical Dictionaries of Religions, Philosophies, and Movements. Vol. 73 (2nd ed.). Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press.
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• Jackson, Ben (2008). "Social Democracy". In
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• Lamb, Peter (2015). "Social democracy". Historical Dictionary of Socialism. Historical Dictionaries of Religions, Philosophies, and Movements (3rd ed.). Rowman & Littlefield.
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• Lovick, L. D. (30 September 2013). "Tommy Douglas". The Canadian Encyclopedia. Retrieved 13 February 2020.
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• O'Hara, Phillip (1999). "L–Z". Encyclopedia of Political Economy. Routledge.
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• Ritzer, George (2005). "Marxism". Encyclopedia of Social Theory. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications.
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• Safra, Jacob E. (1998). "Social democracy". The New Encyclopaedia Britannica. Vol. 10 (15th ed.). Encyclopaedia Britannica.
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Journals

• Abou-Chadi, Tarik; Wagner, Markus (1 February 2020). "Electoral fortunes of social democratic parties: do second dimension positions matter?" (PDF). Journal of European Public Policy. 27 (2): 246–272.
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• Allen, Christopher S. (1 September 2009). "'Empty Nets': Social Democracy and the 'Catch-All Party Thesis' in Germany and Sweden". Party Politics. 15 (5): 635–653.
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• Benedetto, Giacomo; Hix, Simon; Mastrorocco, Nicola (1 July 2019). "The Rise and Fall of Social Democracy, 1918–2017" (PDF). Trinity Economics Papers. 114 (3): 928–939.
  S2CID 159433167. Archived from the original
  (PDF) on 15 February 2020. Retrieved 29 November 2019.
• Berman, Sheri; Snegovaya, Maria (10 July 2019). "Populism and the Decline of Social Democracy". Journal of Democracy. 30 (3): 5–19.
  S2CID 199293070
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• Bernstein, Eduard (April 1897). "Karl Marx and Social Reform". Progressive Review (7).
• Blombäck, Sofie; Demker, Marie; Hagevi, Magnus; Hinnfors, Jonas; Loxbo, Karl (9 July 2019). "The decline of Western European social democracy: Exploring the transformed link between welfare state generosity and the electoral strength of social democratic parties, 1975–2014". Party Politics. 27 (3): 430–441.
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• Bremer, Björn; McDaniel, Sean (April 2020). "The ideational foundations of social democratic austerity in the context of the great recession". Socio-Economic Review. 18 (2). Oxford Academic Journals: 439–463.
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• Dostal, Jörg Michael (19 December 2016). "The Crisis of German Social Democracy Revisited". The Political Quarterly. 88 (2): 230–240.
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• Epstein, Richard A. (2001). "Employment and Labor Law Reform in New Zealand Lecture". Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law. 33.
• Ferragina, Emanuele; Seeleib-Kaiser, Martin (2011). "Welfare regime debate: past, present, futures". Policy & Politics. 39 (4): 583–611.
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• Foner, Eric (Spring 1984). "Why is there no socialism in the United States" (PDF). History Workshop Journal. 17 (1): 57–80.
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• Goldfield, Michael (December 1989). "Worker Insurgency, Radical Organization, and New Deal Labor Legislation". The American Political Science Review. 83 (4): 1257–1282.
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• Guinan, Joe (2013). "Returns to Capital". The Good Society. 22 (1): 44–60.
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• Hacker, David (2010). "Heritage". Social Democrats USA. Retrieved 10 February 2020. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
• Heilbroner, Robert L. (Winter 1991). "From Sweden to Socialism: A Small Symposium on Big Questions". Dissident. Barkan, Joanne; Brand, Horst; Cohen, Mitchell; Coser, Lewis; Denitch, Bogdan; Fehèr, Ferenc; Heller, Agnès; Horvat, Branko; Tyler, Gus: 96–110. Retrieved 14 April 2020.
• Hicks, Alexander (1988). "Social Democratic Corporatism and Economic Growth". The Journal of Politics. 50 (3).
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• Horowitz, Rachelle (2007). "Tom Kahn and the fight for democracy: A political portrait and personal recollection" (PDF). Democratiya. 11 (Winter): 204–251. Archived from the original (PDF) on 12 October 2009. Retrieved 7 March 2020.
• Johnson, Roger T. (1 December 1964). "Robert M. La Follette, Jr. and the Decline of the Progressive Party in Wisconsin". Journal of American History. 51 (3). Madison, Wisconsin: State Historical Society of Wisconsin for the Department of History, University of Wisconsin: 524–525.
  JSTOR 1894927
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• Kraig, Robert Alexander (2000). "The 1912 Election and the Rhetorical Foundations of the Liberal State". Rhetoric and Public Affairs. 3 (3): 363–395.
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• Lavelle, Ashley (1 December 2005). "Social Democrats and Neo-Liberalism: A Case Study of the Australian Labor Party". Political Studies. 53 (4): 753–771.
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• Manow, Philip; Schwander, Hanna (10 September 2016). "'Modernize and Die'? German social democracy and the electoral consequences of the Agenda 2010". Socio-Economic Review. 15 (1): 117–134.
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• Milkis, Sidney M.; Tichenor, Daniel J. (1994). "'Direct Democracy' and Social Justice: The Progressive Party Campaign of 1912". Studies in American Political Development. 8 (2): 282–340.
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• O'Leary, Kevin C. (1994). "Herbert Croly and Progressive Democracy". Polity. 26 (4): 533–552.
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• Weisskopf, Thomas E. (1992). "Toward the Socialism of the Future, in the Wake of the Demise of the Socialism of the Past" (PDF). Review of Radical Political Economics. 24 (3–4): 1–28.
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News

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• "Democratic socialism hits the heartland: Ocasio-Cortez, Sanders to campaign in deep-red Kansas". NBC News. Associated Press. 20 July 2018. Retrieved 14 May 2019.
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• Azhar, Saeed; Chalmers, John (6 September 2015). "Singapore's rulers hope a nudge to the left will keep voters loyal". Reuters. Retrieved 29 April 2020.
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• Levitz, Eric (29 May 2019). "In Appeal to Moderates, Sanders Calls for Worker-Ownership of Means of Production". New York. Retrieved 20 July 2019.
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• Ludwigshafen; Piraeus; Valletta (2 April 2016). "Rose thou art sick". The Economist. Retrieved 23 February 2020.
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Speeches

• Miliband, Ed (12 January 2013). One Nation Speech (Speech). Fabian Society New Year Conference 2013. London: Fabian Society. Retrieved 30 April 2020.
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• Roosevelt, Franklin D. (31 October 1936). Address at Madison Square Garden, New York City (Speech). New York. Retrieved 15 November 2019.
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• Sanders, Bernie (19 November 2015). Democratic Socialism in the United States (Speech). Georgetown University, Washington, D.C. Retrieved 1 March 2020.
• Sanders, Bernie (12 June 2019). My Vision for Democratic Socialism in America (Speech). George Washington University, Washington D.C. Retrieved 1 March 2020.

Websites

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Commentary and opinion

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