Jacques Pierre Brissot

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Jacques Pierre Brissot de Warville
Portrait by François Bonneville, c. 1790
Member of the National Convention
for Eure-et-Loir
In office
20 September 1792 – 30 October 1793
Preceded byÉtienne Claye
Succeeded byClaude Julien Maras
ConstituencyChartres
Member of the Legislative Assembly
for Seine
In office
1 October 1791 – 19 September 1792
Succeeded byAntoine Sergent-Marceau
ConstituencyParis
Personal details
Born
Jacques Pierre Brissot

(1754-01-15)15 January 1754
Girondin
Spouse
Félicité Dupont
​
(m. 1782)​
Children
  • Pierre Augustin Félix
  • Edme Augustin Sylvain
  • Jacques Jérôme Anacharsis
Alma materUniversity of Orléans
ProfessionJournalist, publisher
Signature
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Jacques Pierre Brissot (French pronunciation: [ʒak pjɛʁ bʁiso], 15 January 1754 – 31 October 1793), also known as Brissot de Warville was a French journalist, abolitionist, and revolutionary leading the faction of Girondins (initially called Brissotins) at the National Convention in Paris. The Girondins favored exporting the revolution and opposed a concentration of power in Paris. He collaborated on the Mercure de France and the Courier de l'Europe, which sympathized with the insurgents in the American colonies.

In February 1788, Brissot founded of the anti-slavery Society of the Friends of the Blacks. With the outbreak of the revolution in July 1789, he became one of its most vocal supporters. As a member of the Legislative Assembly, Brissot advocated for war against Austria and other European powers in order to secure France's revolutionary gains, which led to the War of the First Coalition in 1792. He voted against the immediate execution of Louis XVI which made him unpopular by the Montagnards. He was friendly with Jean-Paul Marat, but in 1793 they were the greatest enemies.

On 3 April 1793,

First French Republic.[1] Conflicts with Robespierre, who accused him of royalism eventually brought about his downfall.[2] On 8 October, the Convention decided to arrest Brissot. Like Madame Roland and Pétion, Brissot was accused of organising (or taking part in) conspicuous dinners.[3] At the end of October 1793, he was guillotined along with 28 other Girondins by Charles-Henri Sanson.[4]

Early life and family

Brissot was born in

livres when his father died.[9]
In 1780 he moved to Reims to complete his studies.

His initial literary endeavors, including Théorie des lois criminelles (1781) and Bibliothèque philosophique du législateur (1782), delved into the

Duke of Chartres. Brissot visited London where he got engaged in establishing an Academy of Arts and Sciences; he lived at Newman Street with his wife and younger brother.[12][6] Meanwhile, she translated English works, including those by Oliver Goldsmith and Robert Dodsley
.

Writer on social causes

In the preface of Théorie des lois criminelles, a plea for penal reform, Brissot explains that he submitted an outline of the book to Voltaire and quotes his answer from 13 April 1778. Brissot had a falling out with Catholicism, and wrote about his disagreements with the church's hierarchical system.[13] Brissot became known as a writer and journalist who was engaged on the

Jean de Crèvecoeur
.

After gaining release, Brissot returned to

pamphleteering, most notably his 1785 open letter to emperor Joseph II of Austria, Seconde lettre d'un défenseur du peuple a l'Empereur Joseph II, sur son règlement concernant, et principalement sur la révolte des Valaques, which supported the right of subjects to revolt against the misrule of a monarch (in Bulgaria). Because of the controversy, this generated, he went to London for a time.[19] He was influenced by the dissenters Richard Price and Joseph Priestley.[20]

In 1785, the

Société des amis des Noirs. Banat assumes Saint-Georges met with them again,[21] but Adam Hochschild in Bury the Chains
did not find any trace of this.

In collaboration with Clavière, Brissot published De la France et des Etats-Unis ou de l'importance de la révolution de l'Amérique pour le bonheur de la France, an important advocacy of possible economic benefits to France stemming from the

Abbé Sièyes, and then to Amsterdam where they met with a Dutch banker Pieter Stadnitski.[23][24][25] By the end of September they were back in Paris.[26] At some time Stadnitsky decided sent Brissot as an undercover asset scout to Philadelphia.[27][28][29]

Abolitionists

Clavière and Brissot lived at 10 rue d'Amboise in 1789.[30]

On a second visit to London, accompanied by

Choderlos de Laclos
, who replaced Brissot as Philippe's chief of staff, intensified Brissot's campaign to promote Philippe as an alternative to the monarchy.

As an agent of the newly formed society, Brissot travelled to the United States from June 1788 to January 1789 to visit abolitionists there. The country had gained independence several years before but was still a slave state. He also met with members of the constitutional convention in Philadelphia to find out what he could about the domestic debt of the United States and researching investment opportunities in Scioto Company. Brissot launched a plan to promote emigration to the United States. At one point, he was interested in emigrating to America with his family. Thomas Jefferson, the American ambassador in Paris when he returned, was familiar enough with him to note, "Warville is returned charmed with our country. He is going to carry his wife and children to settle there."[31] However, such an emigration never happened. In 1789 he published a pamphlet arguing that French deputies owed any black Frenchman and any enslaved people in the French colonies their "sacred rights" as much as any white man.[32] In 1789 he was elected a Foreign Honorary Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.[33] Brissot was elected to the American Philosophical Society in 1789.[34]

He was president of the Society of the Friends of the Blacks during 1790 and 1791. The rising ferment of revolution engaged Brissot in schemes for progress through political journalism that would make him a household name.[31] In 1791 he published his Nouveau Voyage dans les États-Unis de l'Amérique septentrionale (3 vol.). Brissot believed that American ideals could help improve the French government. In 1791, Brissot along with Marquis de Condorcet, Thomas Paine, and Étienne Dumont created a newspaper promoting republicanism titled Le Républicain.[35]

The French Revolution

Portrait de Brissot

From the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789, Brissot became one of its most vocal supporters. He edited the Patriote français from 1789 to 1793 and took a prominent part in politics.

Pétion de Villeneuve and Robespierre.[37][38][31]

Champ de Mars Massacre involvement

Leading up to this event, France was in political turmoil following the attempted escape of King Louis XVI and his family. The escape attempt heightened tensions and divisions within French society, particularly among the

Third Estate. Brissot, a leading republican in the Girondin faction and a leading voice of the republican movement, was involved in drafting a petition demanding the removal of King Louis XVI. He along with other members managed to get approximately 6,000 signatures for the petition they circulated on 17 July 1791, during the gathering at the Champ de Mars. This petition, backed by the Cordeliers Club and other parties, argued that the king, by attempting to flee, had effectively abdicated his throne. The petition called for a national referendum on the future of the monarchy and was essentially a republican manifesto.[39] In 1791 Robespierre persuaded the Jacobin clubs not to support the petition by Danton and Brissot.[40]

Foreign policy

News of the Declaration of Pillnitz (27 August 1791) reached France shortly before the convening of the new Legislative Assembly, which Brissot rapidly came to dominate. The declaration was from Austria and Prussia, warning the people of France not to harm Louis XVI or these nations would "militarily intervene" in the politics of France. Threatened by the declaration, Brissot rallied the support of the Assembly, which subsequently declared war on Austria on 20 April 1792. They wanted to fortify and secure the revolution.[41] This decision was initially disastrous as the French armies were crushed during the first engagements, leading to a major increase in political tensions within the country.

During the Legislative Assembly, Brissot's knowledge of foreign affairs enabled him as a member of the diplomatic committee to control much of France's foreign policy during this time. Brissot was a key figure in the declaration of war against Leopold II, the Habsburg monarchy, the Dutch Republic, and the Kingdom of Great Britain on 1 February 1793. It was also Brissot who characterized these wars as part of revolutionary propaganda.[42][10]

On 26 March 1792, Guadet accused Robespierre of superstition, relying on divine providence.[43] Shortly after Robespierre was accused by Brissot and Guadet of trying to become the idol of the people.[44] Being against the war Robespierre was also accused of acting as a secret agent for the "Austrian Committee".[45] The Girondins planned strategies to out-maneuver Robespierre's influence among the Jacobins.[46] On 27 April, as part of his speech responding to the accusations by Brissot and Guadet against him, he threatened to leave the Jacobins, claiming he preferred to continue his mission as an ordinary citizen.[47]

On 17 May, Robespierre released the first issue of his weekly periodical Le Défenseur de la Constitution (The Defender of the Constitution). In this publication, he criticized Brissot and expressed his skepticism over the war movement.[48][49]

Election

Jacques Pierre Brissot de Warville

In August 1792 Brissot urged the preservation of the constitution, advocating against both the dethronement of the king and the election of a new assembly.

Duke of Brunswick, and Roland. On Sunday morning 2 September the members of the Commune, gathering in the town hall to proceed the election of deputies to the National Convention, decided to maintain their seats and have Rolland and Brissot arrested.[51][52]

In Paris suspected Girondin and Feuillant candidates were boycotted; Robespierre made sure Brissot (and his fellow

Pétion de Villeneuve, ("Roi Pétion") finally rallied to Brissot.[54] Brissot refrained from further visits to the Jacobin club. Madame Roland wrote to a friend: "We are under the knife of Robespierre and Marat, those who would agitate the people."[55]

In September 1792 he was eleced deputy in the

Vergniaud, Guadet and Gensonné as infidel deputies.[60]

Arrest and execution

On 6 April 1793 the

Vergniaud, Guadet and Gensonné.[60]

The end of Brissot appeared in sight when, on 26 May 1793, Brissot authored "To His Constituents", in which he demanded the guillotining of "the anarchists", and tried to rouse the middle classes to resist the decentralized departments, which had not taken the lead from Robespierre but rather from The Mountain and largely local organizers and agitators.[62] Brissot was condemned and then escaped from Paris, going to Normandy and Brittany, where he and other Girondists, such as Pétion, Gaudet, Barbaroux, Louvet, Buzot, and Lanjuinais, had planned to organize Counter-Revolutionary Vendée Uprising.[63] Here Brissot had seized the delegates of the convention, having them arrested, but the uprising was short-lived, as the masses marched through the streets and overthrew Brissot and his clique.

The Last Meal of the Girondins (François Flameng, c. 1850) — the body of Charles Éléonor Dufriche-Valazé, who stabbed himself in the courtroom, is in the foreground.
Execution of Brissot, 31 October 1793 = 10 Brumaire, l'an II

On 28 May a weak Robespierre excused himself twice for his physical condition but attacked in particular Brissot of

royalism. He referred to 25 July 1792 where their points of view split.[64][65] In late May 1793, the Montagnards in the convention, meeting in the Salle du Manège, called for the removal of the Commission of Twelve. The convention was further radicalized by the call for the removal and arrest of Brissot and the entire Girondin faction made by the sans-culottes in the Parisian National Guard, which had armed with cannons and surrounded the convention.[66] When the refusal of the convention to make such a hasty decision was delivered to the National Guard, François Hanriot, its leader, replied: "Tell your stupid president that he and his Assembly are doomed and that if within one hour he doesn't deliver to me the twenty-two, I'm going to blast it!"[67] Under this threat of violence, the Convention capitulated and on 2 June 1793, Brissot and the other Girondins were arrested.[68]

Brissot was one of the first Girondins to escape but was also one of the first captured. Passing through his hometown Chartres on his way to the city of Caen, the centre of anti-revolutionary forces in Normandy, he was caught travelling with false papers on 10 June and taken back to Paris.[69] On 3 October, the trial of Brissot and the Girondins began. They were charged with being "agents of the counter-revolution and the foreign powers, especially Britain."[70] Brissot, who conducted his own defence, attacked point by point the absurdities of the charges against him and his fellow Girondins.

On 8 October the Convention decided to arrest Brissot and the Girondins. Robespierre called for the dissolution of the Convention; he believed they would be admired by posterity. Pierre-Joseph Cambon replied that was not his intention; applause followed and the session was closed.[71]

He was unsuccessful, and on 30 October the death sentence was delivered to Brissot and the 21 other Girondins.[72][73] The next day, the convicted men were taken by tumbrel to the guillotine, singing La Marseillaise as they travelled, and embracing the role of martyred patriots.[74] Brissot was executed on 31 October 1793 at age 39. His corpse was buried in the Madeleine cemetery or the Chapelle expiatoire alongside his guillotined associates.[75]

The

Philippe Égalité, executed in the following weeks.[76] In early December, 73 Girondins were allowed to take their seats back in the Convention.[77]

Spying allegations

Robespierre and Marat were among those who accused Brissot of various kinds of counterrevolutionary activity, such as, Orléanism, "federalism", being in the pay of Great Britain, having failed to vote for the immediate death of the former king, and having been a collaborator with General Dumouriez, widely considered a traitor following his April 5 defection to the Austrians.[78]

Brissot's activities after the siege of the Bastille have been closely studied. While enthusiasts and apologists consider Brissot to be an idealist and unblemished, philosophe revolutionary, his detractors have challenged his credibility and moral character. They have repeated contemporary allegations that during the mid-1780s, he defrauded his business partner, was involved in the production and dissemination of libelles – pornographic and otherwise – and spied for the police.[79] The accusations were led by Jean-Paul Marat, Camille Desmoulins, Maximilien Robespierre, and above all the notorious scandal-monger, extortioner, and perjurer Charles Théveneau de Morande, whose hatred, Brissot asserted, 'was the torment of my life'. Brissot was accused of organizing (or taking part in) conspicuous dinners.[80]

In 1968 historian Robert Darnton affirmed some of these accounts,[81] and reaffirmed them in the 1980s, holding Brissot up as a case-study in the understanding of the difficult circumstances many philosophes encountered attempting to support themselves by their writing.[82] Brissot's life and thinking are so well documented, from his early age through to his execution, many historians have examined him as a representative figure displaying the Enlightenment attitudes that drove many of the leading French revolutionaries. Thus, he undoubtedly exemplified the beliefs of many supporters of the Revolution. Darnton sees him in this way, but also argued that he was intimately tangled in the business of "Grub Street", the scrappy world of publishing for profit in the eighteenth century, which was essential to the spread of Enlightenment ideas. Thus, Darnton explores his relationship to his business partners, to the libellistes who wrote scandalous accusations against the crown and other leading figures, and to the police, arguing that based on suggestive evidence it is probable that when Brissot fell on hard financial times in the mid-1780s he agreed to operate as a police spy. Historian Frederick Luna has argued that the letters and memoirs from which Darnton drew his information were written fifteen years after his supposed employment and that the timeline does not work out because Brissot was documented as having left Paris as soon as he was released from the Bastille (where he was held on suspicion of writing libelles) and therefore could not have talked with the police as alleged.[83] More convincing still is the work of historian Simon Burrows who, drawing on the Brissot papers (deposited in the Archives Nationales in 1982), comprehensively engages each of Darnton's speculations demonstrating that Brissot's financial problems were not evidence of fraud, that while – like many others – he traded in books and may have transported libelles, there is no evidence that he wrote them, and that while like many others he collected and collated general information on contemporary opinion in France for royal officials, there is no evidence that he operated as a paid police spy. As Burrows further notes, Darnton has progressively retreated from his earlier speculations, and he argues Brissot's behaviour in the 1780s and after, while it demonstrates his willingness to compromise with authority to advance his career, also demonstrates him to be "a committed philosophe and reformer, keen to avoid unnecessary entanglements in illegal activities, who despite his political radicalism, aspired to advise the regime and serve like-minded patrons."[79]

Legacy

Through his writings, Brissot made important contributions to "pre-revolutionary and revolutionary ideology in France".[84] His early works on legislation, his many pamphlets, speeches in the Legislative Assembly and the convention, demonstrated dedication to the principles of the French Revolution. Brissot's idea of a fair, democratic society, with universal suffrage, living in moral as well as political freedom, foreshadowed many modern liberationist ideologies.[85]

Brissot was also very interested in science. He was a strong disciple of Sextus Empiricus and applied those theories to modern science at the time in order to make knowledge well known about the enlightenment of Ethos.[86]

The varying actions of Brissot in the 1780s also helped create a key understanding of how the Enlightenment Republic of letters was transformed into a revolutionary Republic of Letters.[87]

The Encyclopædia Britannica 11th edition, remarked: "Brissot was quick, eager, impetuous, and a man of wide knowledge. However, he was indecisive, and not qualified to struggle against the fierce energies roused by the events of the Revolution."[6] Brissot's stance on the King's execution and the war with Austria, and his moderate views on the Revolution intensified the friction between the Girondins and Montagnards, who allied themselves with disaffected sans-culottes. Brissot ultimately attempted to rein in the violence and excesses of the Revolution by calling for the reinstatement of the constitutional monarchy that had been established by the French Constitution of 1791, a ploy that landed on deaf ears.

Works

Bibliothèque philosophique du Législateur, du Politique, du Jurisconsulte, 1782

His Mémoires and his Testament politique (4 vol.) were published in 1829–1832 by his sons with François Mongin de Montrol:

See also

On 30 November 1789, Brissot suggested a scheme of municipal constitution for Paris, working in collaboration with the

Paris commune, but this plan had to be abandoned when it was refused by the local, decentralized districts of Paris, who had always been more revolutionary than their leaders.[88] Historian and political theorist Peter Kropotkin suggested that Brissot represented the "defenders of property" and the "states-men", which would become the Girondins, also known as the "War Party."[89] They were known for this name because they clamoured for a war that would ultimately force the king to step down (as opposed to a popular revolution); Brissot is quoted as saying, "We want some great treachery."[90] His opinion, recorded in his pamphlet "A sel commettants" ("To Salt Principals"), was that the masses had no "managing capacity" and that he feared a society ruled by "the great unwashed."[91]
Writing on 23 May 1793, Brissot had commented...

"I have declared, since the beginning of the Convention that there was in France a party of dis-organizers, which was tending towards the dissolution of the Republic, even while it was in its cradle.... I can prove to-day: first, that this party of anarchists has dominated and still dominates nearly all the deliberations of the Convention and the workings of the Executive Council; secondly, that this party has been and still is the sole cause of all the evils, internal as well as the external, which afflict France; and thirdly, that the Republic can only be saved by taking rigorous measures to wrest the representatives of the nation from the despotism of this faction... Laws that are not carried into effect, authorities without force and despised, crime unpunished, property attacked, the safety of the individual violated, the morality of the people corrupted, no constitution, no government, no justice, these are the features of anarchy!"[92]

The Girondins, or Brissotins as they were initially called, were a group of loosely affiliated individuals, many of whom came from Gironde, rather than an organized party, but the main ideological emphasis was on preventing revolution and protecting private property. This group was first led by Brissot.[93] Robespierre, representing the party of the extreme left, loathed the Girondins.[94]

Notes

  1. ^ "Munsey's People Search: Page 1". Archived from the original on 28 January 2023. Retrieved 18 June 2023.
  2. ^ Wikisource: Œuvres complètes de Maximilien Robespierre. Speech Robespierre against Brissot and the girondins Delivered to the Convention on 10 April 1793 Discours contre Brissot & les girondins
  3. S2CID 143310428
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  4. ^ Sanson Memoirs Vol II p.70
  5. ^ Robert C. Darnton, "The Grub Street Style of Revolution: J.-P. Brissot, Police Spy", p. 301 in The Journal of Modern History vol. 40, no. 3 (Sept. 1968)
  6. ^ a b c d e "Jacques-Pierre Brissot | French revolutionary leader". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 3 April 2017.
  7. ^ a b New Travels in the United States of America, p. V
  8. ^ Frederick A. de Luna, " The Dean Street Style of Revolution: J.-P. Brissot, Jeune Philosophe ", pp. 162 in: French Historical Studies, Volume 17, No. 1 (Spring 2001)
  9. S2CID 145695341
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  10. ^ a b c d  One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Brissot, Jacques Pierre". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 4 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 575.
  11. ^ J.P. Brissot Mémoires (1754-1793), p. XXII
  12. ^ New Travels in the United States of America, p. VI, VII
  13. ISBN 9781405184649
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  14. ^ The innocence of Jacques-Pierre Brissot, p. 850
  15. ^ New Travels in the United States of America, p. VII
  16. ^ The innocence of Jacques-Pierre Brissot, p. 853
  17. ^ William Bridgewater; Elizabeth J. Sherwood; Evelyn Bartshi Boyce; et al., eds. (1950) [1935]. "Brissot de Warville, Jacques Pierre". The Columbia Encyclopedia (2nd ed.). Columbia University Press. p. 254 – via Internet Archive.
  18. ^ Brissot de Warville (1781). Théorie des lois criminelles (in French). Vol. 1.
  19. ^ Léonore Loft, "The Transylvanian Peasant Uprising of 1784, Brissot and the Right to Revolt: A Research Note", pp. 209–218 in: French Historical Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Spring, 1991)
  20. ^ "A. Jourdan (2007) The "Alien Origins" of the French Revolution: American, Scottish, Genevan, and Dutch influences. Proceedings of the Western Society for French History".
  21. ^ Banat 2006, p. 281.
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  25. ^ Rosendaal, J.G.M.M. (2005) De Nederlandse Revolutie. Vrijheid, volk en vaderland 1783–1799, p. 242, 245.
  26. ^ Perroud, C. (1912) Correspondance et papiers de Brissot, p. XLIV, 161.
  27. ^ Mémoires de Brissot / avec introduction, notices et notes par M. de Lescure, p. 407
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  30. ^ Roster of Membership in the Society of Friends of Blacks, 1789," LIBERTY, EQUALITY, FRATERNITY: EXPLORING THE FRENCH REVOUTION, accessed June 13, 2023, https://revolution.chnm.org/d/339
  31. ^ a b c David Andress, 1789: The Threshold of the Modern Age, 87.
  32. JSTOR 1906352
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  36. ^ Christopher Hibbert, The Days of the French Revolution, p. 137.
  37. ^ Jean-Joseph Gaume (1856) La Révolution, recherches historiques, Quatrième partie, Paris, Gaume frères, pp. 136–37
  38. ^ "Maximilien Robespierre's False Friends by Peter McPhee" (PDF).
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  46. ^ Linton 2013, p. 108.
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  67. ^ David Andress, The Terror, p. 176.
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  74. ^ David Andress, The Terror, p. 230.
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  76. ^ Benjamin Warlop (2022) Le Chevalier de Saint-George
  77. ^ The Jacobin Clubs in the French Revolution, 1793-1795 by Michael L. Kennedy, p. 270
  78. ^ Frederick A. de Luna, "The Dean Street Style of Revolution: J.-P. Brissot, Jeune Philosophe", p. 178 in: French Historical Studies, Volume 17, No. 1 (Spring 2001)
  79. ^ a b Simon Burrows, "The Innocence of Jacques-Pierre Brissot," The Historical Journal vol. 46 (2003), pp. 843–871.
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  81. ^ Robert C. Darnton, "The Grub Street Style of Revolution: J.-P. Brissot, Police Spy", The Journal of Modern History vol. 40, no. 3 (Sept. 1968), p. 301.
  82. ^ Robert Darnton, The Literary Underground of the Old Regime, Harvard University Press, 1982, pp. 49–68.
  83. ^ Frederick A. Luna, "Interpreting Brissot", The Dean Street Style of Revolution, pp. 159–190.
  84. ^ Loft, p. 209.
  85. ^ Leonore Loft, Passion, Politics, and Philosophie : Rediscovering J.-P. Brissot, (2001)
  86. ISBN 9789400748095
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  87. ^ Denna Goodman, "Conclusion", pp. 73 in: The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French enlightenment, (1994)
  88. ^ Peter Kropotkin (1909). "Chapter 24: The "Districts" and the "Sections" of Paris". The Great French Revolution.[permanent dead link]
  89. ^ Peter Kropotkin (1909). "Chapter 26: Delays in the Abolition of the Feudal Rights". The Great French Revolution.[permanent dead link]
  90. ^ Peter Kropotkin (1909). "Chapter 30: The Legislative Assembly—Reaction in 1791–1792". The Great French Revolution.[permanent dead link]
  91. ^ Peter Kropotkin (1909). "Chapter 32 : The Twentieth of June 1792". The Great French Revolution.[permanent dead link]
  92. ^ Peter Kropotkin (1909). "Chapter 40 : Attempts of the Girondins to Stop the Revolution". The Great French Revolution.
  93. ^ "Girondists | The Columbia Encyclopedia – Credo Reference". search.credoreference.com. Archived from the original on 15 December 2018.
  94. ^ "Brissot, Jacques Pierre | The Hutchinson Unabridged Encyclopedia with Atlas and Weather Guide – Credo Reference". search.credoreference.com. Archived from the original on 15 December 2018.

Sources

Further reading

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