History of liberalism

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William Henry of Orange in the Glorious Revolution, Thomas Jefferson in the American Revolution and Lafayette in the French Revolution used liberal philosophy to justify the armed overthrow of what they saw as tyrannical rule. The 19th century saw liberal governments established in nations across Europe, South America and North America.^[2] In this period, the dominant ideological opponent of classical liberalism was conservatism, but liberalism later survived major ideological challenges from new opponents, such as fascism and communism. Liberal government often adopted the economic beliefs espoused by Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill and others, which broadly emphasized the importance of free markets and laissez-faire governance, with a minimum of interference in trade.

During 19th and early 20th century in the Ottoman Empire and Middle East, liberalism influenced periods of reform such as the

Isolated strands of liberal thought that had existed in

The development of liberalism continued throughout the 18th century with the burgeoning

A prominent example of a monarch who took the Enlightenment project seriously was

In the 1760s, the "Middlesex radicals", led by the politician John Wilkes who was expelled from the House of Commons for seditious libel, founded the Society for the Defence of the Bill of Rights and developed the belief that every man had the right to vote and "natural reason" enabled him to properly judge political issues. Liberty consisted in frequent elections. This was to begin a long tradition of British radicalism.

French Enlightenment

In contrast to England, the French experience in the 18th century was characterized by the perpetuation of

Political tension between England and its American colonies grew after 1765 and the Seven Years' War over the issue of taxation without representation, culminating in the 1776 Declaration of Independence of a new republic, and the successful American Revolutionary War to defend the United States.

The intellectual underpinnings for independence were provided by the pamphleteer

The American theorists and politicians strongly believe in the sovereignty of the people rather than in the sovereignty of the King. As one historian writes: "The American adoption of a democratic theory that all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, as it had been put as early as the Declaration of Independence, was epoch-marking".^[35][37]

The American Revolution had its impact on the French Revolution and later movements in Europe.^[38] Leopold von Ranke, a leading German historian, in 1848 argued that American republicanism played a crucial role in the development of European liberalism:

By abandoning English constitutionalism and creating a new republic based on the rights of the individual, the North Americans introduced a new force in the world. Ideas spread most rapidly when they have found adequate concrete expression. Thus republicanism entered our Romanic/Germanic world.... Up to this point, the conviction had prevailed in Europe that monarchy best served the interests of the nation. Now the idea spread that the nation should govern itself. But only after a state had actually been formed on the basis of the theory of representation did the full significance of this idea become clear. All later revolutionary movements have this same goal.... This was the complete reversal of a principle. Until then, a king who ruled by the grace of God had been the center around which everything turned. Now the idea emerged that power should come from below.... These two principles are like two opposite poles, and it is the conflict between them that determines the course of the modern world. In Europe the conflict between them had not yet taken on concrete form; with the French Revolution it did.^[39]

French Revolution

Historians widely regard the French Revolution as one of the most important events in history.^[40] The Revolution is often seen as marking the "dawn of the modern era",^[41] and its convulsions are widely associated with "the triumph of liberalism".^[42]

Four years into the French Revolution, German writer Johann von Goethe reportedly told the defeated Prussian soldiers after the Battle of Valmy that "from this place and from this time forth commences a new era in world history, and you can all say that you were present at its birth".^[43] Describing the participatory politics of the French Revolution, one historian commented that "thousands of men and even many women gained firsthand experience in the political arena: they talked, read, and listened in new ways; they voted; they joined new organizations; and they marched for their political goals. Revolution became a tradition, and republicanism an enduring option".^[44] For liberals, the Revolution was their defining moment, and later liberals approved of the French Revolution almost entirely—"not only its results but the act itself," as two historians noted.^[45]

The French Revolution began in 1789 with the convocation of the

During the Napoleonic Wars, the French brought to Western Europe the liquidation of the feudal system, the liberalization of property laws, the end of seigneurial dues, the abolition of guilds, the legalization of divorce, the disintegration of Jewish ghettos, the collapse of the Inquisition, the final end of the Holy Roman Empire, the elimination of church courts and religious authority, the establishment of the metric system, and equality under the law for all men.^[48] Napoleon wrote that "the peoples of Germany, as of France, Italy and Spain, want equality and liberal ideas,"^[49] with some historians suggesting that he may have been the first person ever to use the word "liberal" in a political sense.^[49] He also governed through a method that one historian described as "civilian dictatorship", which "drew its legitimacy from direct consultation with the people, in the form of a plebiscite".^[50] Napoleon, however, did not always live up to the liberal ideals he espoused.

Outside France the Revolution had a major impact and its ideas became widespread. Furthermore, the French armies in the 1790s and 1800s directly overthrew feudal remains in much of western Europe. They liberalised property laws, ended seigneurial dues, abolished the guild of merchants and craftsmen to facilitate entrepreneurship, legalised divorce, and closed the Jewish ghettos. The Inquisition ended as did the Holy Roman Empire. The power of church courts and religious authority was sharply reduced, and equality under the law was proclaimed for all men.^[51]

Artz emphasises the benefits the Italians gained from the French Revolution:

For nearly two decades the Italians had the excellent codes of law, a fair system of taxation, a better economic situation, and more religious and intellectual toleration than they had known for centuries ... Everywhere old physical, economic, and intellectual barriers had been thrown down and the Italians had begun to be aware of a common nationality.^[52]

Likewise in Switzerland the long-term impact of the French Revolution has been assessed by Martin:

It proclaimed the equality of citizens before the law, equality of languages, freedom of thought and faith; it created a Swiss citizenship, basis of our modern nationality, and the separation of powers, of which the old regime had no conception; it suppressed internal tariffs and other economic restraints; it unified weights and measures, reformed civil and penal law, authorised mixed marriages (between Catholics and Protestants), suppressed torture and improved justice; it developed education and public works.^[53]

His most lasting achievement, the

The development into maturity of

Around 1800, classical liberals supported "the doctrines of the free market and reducing the role of the state in the economic sphere."^[57]

Radicalism

The

Commitment to

in 1843. The Economist criticised Ricardo for his lack of support for free trade and expressed hostility to welfare, believing that the lower orders were responsible for their economic circumstances. The Economist took the position that regulation of factory hours was harmful to workers and also strongly opposed state support for education, health, the provision of water and granting of patents and copyrights.

Liberal economic theory

Main article: Economic liberalism

The primary intellectual influences on 19th century liberal trends were those of Adam Smith and the classical economists as well as Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill. Smith's The Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, was to provide most of the ideas of economics, at least until the publication of Mill's Principles in 1848.^{[61]: 63, 68} Smith addressed the motivation for economic activity, the causes of prices and the distribution of wealth as well as the policies the state should follow in order to maximise wealth.^[61]: 64 Smith's economics was carried into practice in the 19th century with the lowering of tariffs in the 1820s, the repeal of the Poor Relief Act that had restricted the mobility of labour in 1834 and the end of the rule of the East India Company over India in 1858.^[61]: 69

In addition to Adam Smith's legacy,

Thomas Malthus wrote An Essay on the Principle of Population in 1798,^{[61]: 71–72} becoming a major influence on classical liberalism.^[61]

^: 72

asylums

for the mentally ill.

By the end of the 19th century, the principles of classical liberalism were being increasingly challenged by downturns in economic growth, a growing perception of the evils of poverty, unemployment and relative deprivation present within modern industrial cities and the agitation of

Green's definition of liberty, influenced by Joseph Priestley and Josiah Warren, was that the individual ought to be free to do as he wishes unless he harms others.^[67] Mill was also an early proponent of feminism. In his article "The Subjection of Women" (1861, published 1869), Mill attempted to prove that the legal subjugation of women is wrong and that it should give way to perfect equality.^[68][69]

Although Mill's initial

The German savant Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835) made a major contribution to the development of liberalism by envisioning education as a means of realizing individual possibility rather than a way of drilling traditional ideas into youth to suit them for an already established occupation or social role. Benjamin Constant (1767-1830), in Switzerland, refined the concept of liberty, defining it as a condition of existence that allowed the individual to turn away interference from the state or society.^[75]

Abolitionist anti-slavery and suffrage movements spread, along with representative and democratic ideals. France established an enduring republic in the 1870s. Meanwhile, nationalism also spread rapidly after 1815. A mixture of liberal and nationalist sentiment in Italy and Germany brought about the unification of the two countries in the late 19th century. A liberal regime came to power in Italy, and ended the secular power of the popes. The Vatican, however, launched a counter crusade against liberalism. Pope Pius IX issued the Syllabus of Errors in 1864, condemning liberalism in all its forms. In many countries, liberal forces responded by expelling the Jesuit order.

Liberalism gained momentum in the beginning of the 20th century. The bastion of autocracy, the Russian Tsar, was overthrown in the first phase of the Russian Revolution in 1917, but liberalism lasted only a matter of months before Bolshevism triumphed. The Allied victory in World War I and the collapse of four empires seemed to mark the triumph of liberalism across the European continent, including Germany and the newly created states of Eastern Europe. Militarism, as typified by Germany, was defeated and discredited. As Martin Blinkhorn argues, the liberal themes were ascendant in terms of "cultural pluralism, religious and ethnic toleration, national self-determination, free-market economics, representative and responsible government, free trade, unionism, and the peaceful settlement of international disputes through a new body, the League of Nations".^[77]

The worldwide Great Depression, starting in 1929, hastened the discrediting of liberal economics and strengthened calls for state control over economic affairs. Economic woes prompted widespread unrest in the European political world, leading to the strengthening of fascism and communism. Their rise in 1939 culminated in World War II. The Allies, which included most of the important liberal nations as well as communist Russia, won World War II, defeating Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and militarist Japan. After the war, there was a falling out between Russia and the West, and the Cold War opened in 1947 between the Communist Eastern Bloc and the liberal Western Alliance.

Meanwhile, the definitive liberal response to the Great Depression was given by the British economist John Maynard Keynes, who had begun a theoretical work examining the relationship between unemployment, money and prices back in the 1920s.^[79] Keynes was deeply critical of the British government's austerity measures during the Great Depression. He believed that budget deficits were a good thing, a product of recessions. He wrote, "For Government borrowing of one kind or another is nature's remedy, so to speak, for preventing business losses from being, in so severe a slump as to present one, so great as to bring production altogether to a standstill."^[80]

At the height of the

The Cold War featured extensive ideological competition and several proxy wars, but the widely feared Third World War between the Soviet Union and the United States never occurred. While communist states and liberal democracies competed against one another, an economic crisis in the 1970s inspired a move away from Keynesian economics, especially under Margaret Thatcher in the UK and Ronald Reagan in the US. This classical liberal renewal, dubbed "neoliberalism" by its supporters and detractors, lasted through the 1980s and the 1990s. Meanwhile, nearing the end of the 20th century, communist states in Eastern Europe collapsed precipitously, leaving liberal democracies as the only major forms of government in the West.

At the beginning of World War II, the number of democracies around the world was about the same as it had been forty years before.^[83] After 1945, liberal democracies spread very quickly, but then retreated. In The Spirit of Democracy, Larry Diamond argues that by 1974, "dictatorship, not democracy, was the way of the world", and that "Barely a quarter of independent states chose their governments through competitive, free, and fair elections." Diamond goes on to say that democracy bounced back and by 1995 the world was "predominantly democratic".^[84][85]

The gains of liberalism have been significant. In 1975, roughly 40 countries around the world were characterised as liberal democracies, but that number had increased to more than 80 as of 2008.^[86] Most of the world's richest and most powerful nations are liberal democracies with extensive social welfare programmes.^[87] However, liberalism still faces challenges, especially with the phenomenal growth of China as a model combination of authoritarian government and economic liberalism.^[88] The Great Recession, which began around 2007, prompted a resurgence in Keynesian economic thought.

A major liberal accomplishment includes the rise of liberal internationalism, which has been credited with the establishment of global organisations such as the League of Nations and, after World War II, the United Nations.^[89] The idea of exporting liberalism worldwide and constructing a harmonious and liberal internationalist order has dominated the thinking of liberals since the 18th century.^[90] "Wherever liberalism has flourished domestically, it has been accompanied by visions of liberal internationalism," one historian wrote.^[90] But resistance to liberal internationalism was deep and bitter, with critics arguing that growing global interdependency would result in the loss of national sovereignty and that democracies represented a corrupt order incapable of either domestic or global governance.^[91]

Liberalism is frequently cited as the dominant

They can further be divided based on their adherence to

In long-term historical perspective, Norman Davies has argued that Freemasonry was a powerful force on behalf of Liberalism in Europe and its colonies, from about 1700 to the twentieth century. It expanded rapidly during the Age of Enlightenment, reaching practically every country in Europe, as well as the British and Spanish overseas colonies. It was especially attractive to royalty, powerful aristocrats and politicians as well as intellectuals, artists and political activists. Its great enemy was the Roman Catholic Church, so that in countries with a large Catholic element, such as France, Italy, Austria, Portugal, Spain, and Mexico, much of the ferocity of the political battles involve the confrontation between the conservatives centered around the Church and liberals who were often Freemasons.^[95][96]

By the 1820s, every regiment of the British Army had at least one Masonic chapter, and they set about to form chapters among civilians everywhere they were stationed in the British Empire.^[97] In the French, Spanish, and Portuguese empires, Army chapters were also active in spreading Freemasonry.^[98] In 19th and early 20th century Mexico, practically all the important leaders of liberalism were active Freemasons; they used their lodges as devices for political organization.^[99][100] Twentieth century totalitarian movements, especially the Fascists and Communists when they came to power, set out to systematically crush the Freemason organizations in their countries.^[101]

Africa and Asia

In the Middle East and the Ottoman Empire the effect of liberalism was significant. During the 19th century, Arab, Ottoman, and Persian intellectuals visited Europe to study and learn about Western literature, science and liberal ideas. This led them to ask themselves about their countries' underdevelopment and concluded that they needed to promote constitutionalism, development, and liberal values to modernize their societies.

In the Ottoman Empire, to secure its territorial integrity against internal nationalist movements and external aggressive powers, the Empire launched a series of reforms. This period is called Tanzimat (reorganization). Although liberal ministers and intellectuals tried to influence the reforms, the motives for the implementation of Tanzimât were bureaucratic.^[102][108] These changes were made to improve civil liberties. However, the reformist ideas and trends of the Nahda and Tanzimat didn't reach the common population successfully, as the books, periodicals, and newspapers were accessible primarily to intellectuals and segments of an emerging middle class, while many Muslims saw them as foreign influences on the world of Islam. That perception complicated reformist efforts made by Middle Eastern states.^[105][109] A policy called Ottomanism was meant to unite all the different peoples living in Ottoman territories, "Muslim and non-Muslim, Turkish and Greek, Armenian and Jewish, Kurd and Arab". The policy officially began with the Edict of Gülhane of 1839, declaring equality before the law for both Muslim and non-Muslim Ottomans.^[110]

Namık Kemal (1840–1888) on the left and İbrahim Şinasi (1826–1871) on the right are two of the most prominent members of the Young Ottomans, both of whom published and printed reformist newspapers and other works in support of constitutionality and democracy in the Ottoman Empire

In 1865, a group of Ottoman Turkish intellectuals, who were dissatisfied with the Tanzimat reforms in the Ottoman Empire, established a secret society called the Young Ottomans. They believed the reforms did not go far enough and wanted to end the autocracy in the empire.^[111][112] They sought to transform Ottoman society by preserving the empire and modernizing it along European lines, adopting a constitutional government.^[113] Though the Young Ottomans were frequently in disagreement ideologically, they all agreed that the new constitutional government should continue to be somewhat rooted in Islam to emphasize "the continuing and essential validity of Islam as the basis of Ottoman political culture."^[114] However, they syncretize Islamic idealism with modern liberalism and parliamentary democracy; to them the European parliamentary liberalism was a model to follow, in accordance with the tenets of Islam. They "attempted to reconcile Islamic concepts of government with the ideas of Montesquieu, Danton, Rousseau, and contemporary European Scholars and statesmen."^{[115][116][117]}

Namık Kemal, who was influential in the formation of the Young Ottomans, admired the constitution of the French Third Republic; he summed up the Young Ottomans' political ideals as "the sovereignty of the nation, the separation of powers, the responsibility of officials, personal freedom, equality, freedom of thought, freedom of press, freedom of association, enjoyment of property, sanctity of the home".^{[115][116][117]} The Young Ottomans believed that one of the principal reasons for the decline of the empire was abandoning Islamic principles in favor of imitating European modernity with unadvised compromises to both, and they sought to unite the two in a way that they believed would best serve the interests of the state and its people.^[118] They sought to revitalize the empire by incorporating certain Europeans models of government, while still retaining the Islamic foundations the empire was founded on.^[119] Among the prominent members of this society were writers and publicists such as İbrahim Şinasi, Namık Kemal, Ali Suavi, Ziya Pasha, and Agah Efendi.

Ottoman constitution of 1876

The emerging internal financial and diplomatic crises of 1875–1876 allowed the Young Ottomans their defining moment, when Sultan

Second Constitutional Era

.

The Nahda period sought to modernize Islam and society. Thinkers and religious reformers rejected traditional views and encourage modernization through the abandonment of

Islamic revivalism.^[130][132]

In 1909, in

middle-class intellectuals and stood for a representative political system and the separation of church and state, to limit the authority of the monarchy and the clergy.^[134][135] It influenced the Constitution of 1906 which created the Majlis (parliament) and the senate. However, due internal and external factors, the party couldn't grow significantly and was suppressed and when the Pahlavi Dynasty was established in 1925, fragmenting itself into different smaller associations.^[135]

In Japan, which was generally liberal in the 1920s, saw liberalism wither away in the 1930s under pressure from the military.

Taha Hussein (1889–1973) on the left and Ahmed Lutfi el-Sayed (1872–1963) on the right

In Egypt, the Wafd Party ("Delegation Party") was a nationalist liberal political party in Egypt. It was said to be Egypt's most popular and influential political party for a period in the 1920s and 30s. Although the efforts of liberal nationalists culminated in the formation of a constitutional monarchy with the Egyptian Constitution of 1923,^[136] liberal nationalism declined in the late 1930s due to the growth and opposition of two movements, the Muslim Brotherhood and Pan-Arab nationalism.^[136] However, there were various examples of intellectuals who advocated liberal values and ideas. Prominent liberals during the period were Taha Hussein, Ahmed Lutfi el-Sayed, Tawfiq al-Hakim, Abd El-Razzak El-Sanhuri, Abd El-Razzak El-Sanhuri and Muhammad Mandur.^[137]

Taha Hussein and Ahmed Lutfi el-Sayed were among the most influential 20th-century Egyptian intellectuals.^[138][139] Hussein was opposed to Islamism and one of his major contributions to the liberal movement was an examination of how Egyptian liberalism and Islam could be reconciled. He believed in freedom and equality and that Egypt should be developed as a modern, enlightened society in line with the ideas of the French Revolution and the Industrial Age.^[140]

El-Sayed was one of the architects of modern Egyptian nationalism, secularism, and liberalism. Fondly known as the "Professor of the Generation", he was an influential person in the Egyptian nationalist movement and an anti-colonial activist.^[141] el-Sayed believed in equality and rights for all people. He was the first director of Cairo University, in which he served from 1925 to 1941.^[142] He was considered one of the first Egyptian officials to introduce Mill's works to the general Arab public, so they could educate themselves on concepts of liberalism. He believed that people should have a say in what goes on in their government and country, and that all people had certain civil rights that could not be taken away.^[143]

In 1949, the

National Front of Iran was founded by Mohammad Mosaddegh, Hossein Fatemi, Ahmad Zirakzadeh, Ali Shayegan and Karim Sanjabi among others.^[144] It is the oldest pro-democracy group operating inside Iran.^[145] The front was conceived to be a broad alliance of like-minded associations, included various, nationalist, liberal, and social democratic parties, with the aim of strengthening democracy, press freedom, and constitutional government.^[146][147] The most important groups in the Front were the Iran Party, the Toilers Party, the National Party, and the Tehran Association of Bazaar Trade and Craft Guilds.^[148][149] The Iran Party, which was founded in 1946 as a platform for Iranian liberals, included figures such as Karim Sanjâbi, Gholam Hossein Sadighi, Ahmad Zirakzadeh and Allah-Yar Saleh.^[150]

In April 1951, The National Front became the governing coalition when democratically elected Mohammad Mosaddegh took office as the Prime Minister of Iran. Mosaddegh was liberal nationalist and prominent parliamentarian who advocated for the rule of law and freedom of foreign intervention,^[151][152] his administration introduced a range of progressive social and political reforms such as social security and land reforms, including taxation of the rent on land. His government's most notable policy, however, was the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry, which had been under British control since 1913 through the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (APOC/AIOC) (later British Petroleum and BP), becoming the first country in the Middle East in nationalize its oil industry.^[153]

Mossadegh's liberal and independent way of governing gained him the popular support but also alienated various groups. It entered in direct conflict with the Western interests in the region, challenged the shah's authority and Mossadegh's tolerance with lefties groups offended the traditionalist and the

Truman administration had opposed a coup.^[155] Mosaddegh was removed from power in a coup on 19 August 1953, organised and carried out by the CIA at the request of MI6, which chose Iranian General Fazlollah Zahedi to succeed Mosaddegh.^{[156][157][158][159][160]}

The 1953 coup ended the dominance of liberalism in the country's government. Before 1953 and throughout the 1960s, the National Front was torn by strife between secular and religious elements and over the time has splintered into various squabbling factions,[161]^[145][162] gradually emerging as the leading organization of secular liberals with nationalist members adhering to liberal democracy and social democracy.^[163][161]

In the middle of the 20th century, the

multiracial party that originally drew considerable support from urban Blacks and college-educated Whites.^[164] It also gained supporters from the "westernised sectors of the peasantry", and its public meetings were heavily attended by Blacks.^[165] The party had 7,000 members at its height, although its appeal to the White population as a whole was too small to make any meaningful political changes.^[164]

The Liberals were disbanded in 1968 after the government passed a law that prohibited parties from having multiracial membership.

In India, the INC was founded in the late 19th century by

liberal nationalists demanding the creation of a more liberal and autonomous India.^[166] Liberalism continued to be the main ideological current of the group through the early years of the 20th century, but socialism

gradually overshadowed the thinking of the party in the next few decades.

A famous struggle led by the INC eventually earned India's independence from Britain. In recent times, the party has adopted more of a liberal streak, championing open markets while simultaneously seeking social justice. In its 2009 Manifesto, the INC praised a "secular and liberal" Indian nationalism against the nativist, communal, and conservative ideological tendencies it claims are espoused by the right.^[167] In general, the major theme of Asian liberalism in the past few decades has been the rise of democratization as a method facilitate the rapid economic modernization of the continent.^[168] In nations such as Myanmar, however, liberal democracy has been replaced by military dictatorship.^[169]

Among African nations, South Africa stands out for having a notable liberal tradition that other countries on the continent lack. Today, liberalism in South Africa is represented by the Democratic Alliance, the official opposition party to the ruling African National Congress. The Democratic Alliance is the second largest party in the National Assembly and currently leads the provincial government of Western Cape.

Recently, liberal parties and institutions have made a major push for political power. On a continental level, liberals are organised in the Africa Liberal Network, which contains influential parties such as the Popular Movement in Morocco, the Democratic Party in Senegal, and the Rally of the Republicans in Côte d'Ivoire. In Asia, several Asian nations have explicitly rejected important liberal principles. Continentally, liberals are organized through the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats, which includes powerful parties such the Liberal Party in the Philippines, the Democratic Progressive Party in Taiwan, and the Democrat Party in Thailand. A notable example of liberal influence can be found in India. In India, the most populous democracy in the world, the Indian National Congress has long dominated political affairs.

Americas

See also: Liberalism in the United States, Liberalism in Canada, Liberalism in Mexico, and Liberalism and conservatism in Latin America

In

independence from the imperial power of Spain and Portugal. The new regimes were generally liberal in their political outlook, and employed the philosophy of positivism, which emphasized the truth of modern science, to buttress their positions.^[170]

The liberal and conservative struggles in Spain also replicated themselves in Latin America. Like its former master, the region was a hotbed of wars, conflicts, and revolutionary activity throughout the 19th century. In Mexico, the liberales instituted the program of La Reforma in the 1850s, reducing the power of the military and the Catholic Church.^[171] The conservadores were outraged at these steps and launched a revolt, which sparked a deadly conflict. From 1857 to 1861, Mexico was gripped in the bloody War of Reform, a massive internal and ideological confrontation between the liberals and the conservatives.^[171] The liberals eventually triumphed and Benito Juárez, a dedicated liberal and now a Mexican national hero, became the president of the republic. After Juárez, Mexico suffered from prolonged periods of dictatorial repression, which lasted until the Mexican Revolution in the early 20th century.

Another regional example of liberal influence can be found in Ecuador. As with other nations throughout the region at the time, Ecuador was steeped in conflict and uncertainty after gaining independence from Spain. By the middle of the 19th century, the country had descended into chaos and madness, with the people divided between rival liberal and conservative camps. From these conflicts, García Moreno established a conservative government that ruled the country for several years. The liberals, however, were incensed at the conservative regime and overthrew it completely in the Liberal Revolution of 1895. The Radical Liberals who toppled the conservatives were led by Eloy Alfaro, a firebrand who implemented a variety of sociopolitical reforms, including the separation of church and state, the legalization of divorce, and the establishment of public schools.^[172]

Liberal revolutions in countries such as Mexico and Ecuador ushered in the modern world for much of Latin America. Latin American liberals generally emphasised free trade, private property, and anti-clericalism.^[173]

In the United States, a

south. Historian Don Doyle has argued that the Union victory in the American Civil War (1861–65) gave a major boost to the course of liberalism.^[174]

The Union victory energized popular democratic forces. A Confederate victory, on the other hand, would have meant a new birth of slavery, not freedom. Historian Fergus Bordewich, following Doyle, argues that:

The North's victory decisively proved the durability of democratic government. Confederate independence, on the other hand, would have established An American model for reactionary politics and race-based repression that would likely have cast an international shadow into the twentieth century and perhaps beyond."[175]

In Canada, the long-dominant Liberal Party, founded in 1867 and occasionally known as the Grits, ruled the country for nearly 70 years during the 20th century. The party produced some of the most influential prime ministers in Canadian history, including Pierre Trudeau, Lester B. Pearson and Jean Chrétien, and has been primarily responsible for the development of the Canadian welfare state. The enormous success of the Liberals—virtually unmatched in any other liberal democracy—has prompted many political commentators over time to identify them as the nation's natural governing party.^[176]

In the United States,

unprecedented four elections. The New Deal coalition established by Franklin Roosevelt left a decisive legacy and influenced many future American presidents, including John F. Kennedy, a self-described liberal who defined a liberal as "someone who looks ahead and not behind, someone who welcomes new ideas without rigid reactions ... someone who cares about the welfare of the people".^[177] The social liberal program launched by President Roosevelt in the United States, the New Deal, proved very popular with the American public. In 1933, when FDR came into office, the unemployment rate stood at roughly 25 percent.^[178] The size of the economy, measured by the gross national product, had fallen to half the value it had in early 1929.^[179] The electoral victories of FDR and the Democrats precipitated a deluge of deficit spending and public works programs. In 1940, the level of unemployment had fallen by 10 points to around 15 percent.^[180] Additional state spending and the gigantic public works program sparked by the Second World War eventually pulled the United States out of the Great Depression. The social liberal programme reduced the unemployment rate from roughly 25 percent to about 15 percent by 1940.^[178] Additional state spending and the very large public works programme sparked by the Second World War eventually pulled the United States out of the Great Depression. From 1940 to 1941, government spending increased by 59 percent, the gross domestic product increased 17 percent, and unemployment fell below 10 percent for the first time since 1929.^[181]

Among the various regional and national movements, the

War on Poverty, and the passage of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964—an altogether rapid series of events that some historians have dubbed the Liberal Hour.^[183]

In the 1960s and 1970s, the cause of Second Wave feminism in the United States was advanced in large part by liberal feminist organisations such as the National Organization for Women.^[4]

In the late 20th century, a

Economic woes in the early 21st century led to a resurgence of social liberalism with the election of Barack Obama in the 2008 presidential election,^[186] along with countervailing and partly reactive conservative populism and nativism embodied in the Tea Party movement and the election of Donald Trump

.

Today, market liberals in Latin America are organised in the Red Liberal de América Latina (RELIAL), a centre-right network that brings together dozens of liberal parties and organisations. RELIAL features parties as geographically diverse as the Mexican Nueva Alianza and the Cuban Liberal Union, which aims to secure power in Cuba. Some major liberal parties in the region continue, however, to align themselves with social liberal ideas and policies—a notable case being the Colombian Liberal Party, which is a member of the Socialist International. Another famous example is the Paraguayan Authentic Radical Liberal Party, one of the most powerful parties in the country, which has also been classified as centre-left.^[187]

Europe

See also: Liberalism in Europe

In Spain, the

Carlists

in the 1830s.

In France, the fall of Napoleon in 1814–15 brought back

Italian states. Governments fell rapidly. Liberal nationalists demanded written constitutions, representative assemblies, greater suffrage rights, and freedom of the press.^[191] A second republic was proclaimed in France. Serfdom was abolished in Prussia, Galicia, Bohemia, and Hungary. The indomitable Metternich, the Austrian builder of the reigning conservative order, shocked Europe when he resigned and fled to Britain in panic and disguise.^[192]

Eventually, however, the success of the revolutionaries petered out. Without French help, the Italians were

Napoleon III agreed to Cavour's request for assistance and France defeated Austria in the Franco-Austrian War of 1859, setting the stage for Italian independence. German unification transpired under the leadership of Otto von Bismarck, who decimated the enemies of Prussia in war after war, finally triumphing against France in 1871 and proclaiming the German Empire in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, ending another saga in the drive for nationalisation. The French proclaimed a third republic

after their loss in the war.

In Germany, unification brought to power the leading conservative of the nineteenth century, Otto von Bismarck, a member of the landholding Junker aristocracy.^[194] In order to secure the loyalty of the working classes to the ruling aristocracy, Bismarck introduced both universal male suffrage and the first welfare state.^[195] Bismarck first formed a coalition with the liberals, with a focus on ending trade restrictions and reducing the power of the Catholic Church. By the late 1870s he then reversed positions, and began collaborating with Catholics. He's best known for a foreign-policy that balanced multiple competing interests to produce a peaceful era.

Anti-Corn Law League in Exeter Hall

in 1846

In the United Kingdom, the repeal of the

Manchester School and writers in The Economist were confident that their early victories would lead to a period of expanding economic and personal liberty and world peace but would face reversals as government intervention and activity continued to expand from the 1850s. Jeremy Bentham and James Mill, although advocates of laissez-faire, non-intervention in foreign affairs, and individual liberty, believed that social institutions could be rationally redesigned through the principles of Utilitarianism. By the 1870s, Herbert Spencer and other classical liberals concluded that historical development was turning against them.^[197] By the First World War, the Liberal Party had largely abandoned classical liberal principles.^[198]

The Liberals, under

unemployment insurance, and pensions for elderly workers, thereby laying the groundwork for the future British welfare state.^[199]

redistribution of wealth

The

National Insurance Act, making provision for sickness and invalidism, and this was followed by his Unemployment Insurance Act.^[201][202]

Historian Peter Weiler argues the following:

Although still partially informed by older Liberal concerns for character, self-reliance, and the capitalist market, this legislation nevertheless, marked a significant shift in Liberal approaches to the state and social reform, approaches that later governments would slowly expand and that would grow into the welfare state after the Second World War. What was new in these reforms was the underlying assumption that the state could be a positive force, that the measure of individual freedom [...] was not how much the state left people alone, but whether he gave them the capacity to fill themselves as individuals.[203]^[204]

At the turn of the 20th century, the incompetence of the ruling class in Russia discredited the monarchy and aristocracy. Russia was already reeling from

Czar Nicholas II abdicated in March, bringing to an end three centuries of Romanov rule and paving the way for liberals to declare a republic. Russia's liberals, repeatedly used the slogans, symbols and ideas of the French Revolution—plastering liberté, égalité, fraternité over major public spaces—to establish an emotional attachment to the past, an attachment that liberals hoped would galvanize the public to fight for modern values.^[205]

But democracy was no simple task, and the

Bolsheviks, a communist group led by Vladimir Lenin, seized the political opportunity from this confusion and launched a second revolution in Russia during the same year. The communists violently overthrew the fragile liberal-socialist order in October, after which Russia witnessed several years of civil war

between communists and conservatives wishing to restore the monarchy.

The worldwide

Second World War, the deadliest conflict in human history. The Allies prevailed in the war by 1945, and their victory set the stage for the Cold War between the communist Eastern Bloc and the liberal Western Alliance

.

In the United Kingdom, the Liberal Party lost its influence in the early 20th century due to the growth of the

centre-right.^[210]

In the United Kingdom, the comprehensive

Second World War. Although it was largely accomplished by the Labour Party, it was also significantly designed by intellectuals from the Liberal Party, especially John Maynard Keynes, who laid the economic foundations, and by William Beveridge, who designed the welfare system.^[211]

In 1988, the British Liberal Party joined with the Labour splinter Social Democratic Party to form the Liberal Democrats. Following the general election of 2010, the Liberal Democrats formed a coalition government with the Conservatives, giving them ministers. However, the Liberal Democrats lost 49 of their 56 seats in the 2015 general election, with their review of the result concluding that a number of policy reversals were responsible for their poor electoral performance.^[212]

In Western Europe, liberal parties have often cooperated with socialist and social democratic parties, as evidenced by the

Labour Party—an unusual combination that ultimately legalised same-sex marriage, euthanasia, and prostitution while also instituting a non-enforcement policy on marijuana

.

Oceania

International Democrat Union.^{[215][216][217][218][219]}

Historiography

Michel Foucault

French intellectual Michel Foucault locates the emergence of liberalism, both as a political philosophy and a mode of governance, in the sixteenth century.^[220] He especially focuses on Adam Smith, David Hume and Adam Ferguson. According to Foucault, it was through a double movement, of state centralisation on the one hand and of dispersion and religious dissidence on the other, that this problem of government presented itself clearly for the first time.^[221]

The central question, or problem of government, in relation to the birth of liberalism, was how to apply the form of governance of the family, the ‘economy’, to the state as a whole. How to introduce the meticulous attention of the father within the family home and the family unit, to the management of the state?

incomplete short citation

]

Liberalism, as a ‘rationality’ of governing was, in Foucault's mind, unique from other previous technologies of governing, as it had as its foundation the assumption that human behaviour should be governed, in the pursuit of fostering the idea that society be understood as a realm separate from the state, not just something that was drawn off of and violated in order to strengthen the state.^[224] In a Foucauldian sense, liberalism did not emerge as a doctrine of how to simply govern people, but rather as a technology of governing that arose from the timeless critique of excessive government—"a search for a technology of government that could address the recurrent complaint that authorities were governing too much".^[225]

Notes and references

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Sources and further reading

• Alnes, Jan Harald, and Manuel Toscano. Varieties of Liberalism: Contemporary Challenges (2014).
• ISBN 0-670-01860-0
  .
• Ameringer, Charles. Political parties of the Americas, 1980s to 1990s. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1992.
  ISBN 0-313-27418-5
  .
• Auerbach, Alan and Kotlikoff, Laurence. Macroeconomics Cambridge: MIT Press, 1998.
  ISBN 0-262-01170-0
  .
• Bernstein, Richard. Thomas Jefferson: The Revolution of Ideas. New York: Oxford University Press US, 2004.
  ISBN 0-19-514368-X
  .
• Chabal, Emile. "The Agonies of Liberalism." Contemporary European History 26.1 (2017): 161–173. online Archived 2020-08-01 at the Wayback Machine
• Coker, Christopher. Twilight of the West. Boulder: Westview Press, 1998.
  ISBN 0-8133-3368-7
  .
• ISBN 0-415-43775-X
  .
• Colton, Joel and
  ISBN 0-07-040826-2
  .
• Copleston, Frederick. A History of Philosophy: Volume V. New York: Doubleday, 1959.
  ISBN 0-385-47042-8
  .
• Delaney, Tim. The march of unreason: science, democracy, and the new fundamentalism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005.
  ISBN 0-19-280485-5
  .
• Diamond, Larry. The Spirit of Democracy. New York: Macmillan, 2008.
  ISBN 0-8050-7869-X
  .
• Dobson, John. Bulls, Bears, Boom, and Bust. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2006.
  ISBN 1-85109-553-5
  .
• Radicals for Capitalism: A Freewheeling History of the Modern American Libertarian Movement.^{[full citation needed}
  ]
• Dorrien, Gary. The making of American liberal theology. Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2001.
  ISBN 0-664-22354-0
  .
• Fawcett, Edmund. Liberalism: The Life of an Idea (2014).
• Flamm, Michael and Steigerwald, David. Debating the 1960s: liberal, conservative, and radical perspectives. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008.
  ISBN 0-7425-2212-1
  .
• Gallagher, Michael et al. Representative government in modern Europe. New York: McGraw Hill, 2001.
  ISBN 0-07-232267-5
  .
• Godwin, Kenneth et al. School choice tradeoffs: liberty, equity, and diversity. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002.
  ISBN 0-292-72842-5
  .
• Gould, Andrew. Origins of liberal dominance. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999.
  ISBN 0-472-11015-2
  .
• Gray, John. Liberalism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995.
  ISBN 0-8166-2801-7
  .
• Grigsby, Ellen. Analyzing Politics: An Introduction to Political Science. Florence: Cengage Learning, 2008.
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  .
• ISBN 0-15-651269-6. online
• Hafner, Danica and Ramet, Sabrina. Democratic transition in Slovenia: value transformation, education, and media. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2006.
  ISBN 1-58544-525-8
  .
• Handelsman, Michael. Culture and Customs of Ecuador. Westport: Greenwood Press, 2000.
  ISBN 0-313-30244-8
  .
• Heywood, Andrew. Political Ideologies: An Introduction. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.
  ISBN 0-333-96177-3
  .
• Hodge, Carl. Encyclopedia of the Age of Imperialism, 1800–1944. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2008.
  ISBN 0-313-33406-4
  .
• Jensen, Pamela Grande. Finding a new feminism: rethinking the woman question for liberal democracy. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 1996.
  ISBN 0-8476-8189-0
  .
• Karatnycky, Adrian et al. Nations in transit, 2001. Piscataway: Transaction Publishers, 2001.
  ISBN 0-7658-0897-8
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• Karatnycky, Adrian. Freedom in the World. Piscataway: Transaction Publishers, 2000.
  ISBN 0-7658-0760-2
  .
• Kerber, Linda. The Republican Mother. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976.
• Kirchner, Emil. Liberal parties in Western Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988.
  ISBN 0-521-32394-0
  .
• Knoop, Todd. Recessions and Depressions Westport: Greenwood Press, 2004.
  ISBN 0-313-38163-1
  .
• Lightfoot, Simon. Europeanizing social democracy?: the rise of the Party of European Socialists. New York: Routledge, 2005.
  ISBN 0-415-34803-X
  .
• Mackenzie, G. Calvin and Weisbrot, Robert. The liberal hour: Washington and the politics of change in the 1960s. New York: Penguin Group, 2008.
  ISBN 1-59420-170-6
  .
• Manent, Pierre and Seigel, Jerrold. An Intellectual History of Liberalism. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996.
  ISBN 0-691-02911-3
  .
• Mazower, Mark. Dark Continent. New York: Vintage Books, 1998.
  ISBN 0-679-75704-X
  .
• Monsma, Stephen and Soper, J. Christopher. The Challenge of Pluralism: Church and State in Five Democracies. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008.
  ISBN 0-7425-5417-1
  .
• Peerenboom, Randall. China modernizes. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
  ISBN 0-19-920834-4
  .
• Perry, Marvin et al. Western Civilization: Ideas, Politics, and Society. Florence, KY: Cengage Learning, 2008.
  ISBN 0-547-14742-2
  .
• Pierson, Paul. The New Politics of the Welfare State. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.
  ISBN 0-19-829756-4
  .
• Riff, Michael. Dictionary of modern political ideologies. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990.
  ISBN 0-7190-3289-X
  .
• ISBN 0-19-521043-3
  .
• Ros, Agustin. Profits for all?: the cost and benefits of employee ownership. New York: Nova Publishers, 2001.
  ISBN 1-59033-061-7
  .
• Ryan, Alan. The Making of Modern Liberalism (Princeton UP, 2012).
• Scott, Jonathan (January 2008) [2004]. "Sidney [Sydney], Algernon (1623–1683)".
  doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/25519. (Subscription or UK public library membership
  required.)
• Shaw, G. K. Keynesian Economics: The Permanent Revolution. Aldershot, England: Edward Elgar Publishing Company, 1988.
  ISBN 1-85278-099-1
  .
• Sinclair, Timothy. Global governance: critical concepts in political science. Oxford: Taylor & Francis, 2004.
  ISBN 0-415-27662-4
  .
• Song, Robert. Christianity and Liberal Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.
  ISBN 0-19-826933-1
  .
• Stacy, Lee. Mexico and the United States. New York: Marshall Cavendish Corporation, 2002.
  ISBN 0-7614-7402-1
  .
• Steindl, Frank. Understanding Economic Recovery in the 1930s. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004.
  ISBN 0-472-11348-8
  .
• Susser, Bernard. Political ideology in the modern world. Upper Saddle River: Allyn and Bacon, 1995.
  ISBN 0-02-418442-X
  .
• Van Schie, P. G. C. and Voermann, Gerrit. The dividing line between success and failure: a comparison of Liberalism in the Netherlands and Germany in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Berlin: LIT Verlag Berlin-Hamburg-Münster, 2006.
  ISBN 3-8258-7668-3
  .
• Various authors. Countries of the World & Their Leaders Yearbook 08, Volume 2. Detroit: Thomson Gale, 2007.
  ISBN 0-7876-8108-3
  .
• West, Thomas G. (1996). "Foreword". Discourses Concerning Government. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund.
  ISBN 0865971412
  .
• ISBN 0-307-38625-2
  .
• Worell, Judith. Encyclopedia of women and gender, Volume I. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 2001.
  ISBN 0-12-227246-3
  .
• Young, Shaun. Beyond Rawls: an analysis of the concept of political liberalism. Lanham: University Press of America, 2002.
  ISBN 0-7618-2240-2
  .
• Zvesper, John. Nature and liberty. New York: Routledge, 1993.
  ISBN 0-415-08923-9
  .

Britain

• Adams, Ian. Ideology and politics in Britain today. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998.
  ISBN 0-7190-5056-1
  .
• Cook, Richard. The Grand Old Man. Whitefish: Kessinger Publishing, 2004.
  ISBN 1-4191-6449-X
  on Gladstone.
• Falco, Maria. Feminist interpretations of Mary Wollstonecraft. State College: Penn State Press, 1996.
  ISBN 0-271-01493-8
  .
• Forster, Greg. John Locke's politics of moral consensus. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005.
  ISBN 0-521-84218-2
  .
• Gross, Jonathan. Byron: the erotic liberal. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2001.
  ISBN 0-7425-1162-6
  .
• Locke, John. A Letter Concerning Toleration: Humbly Submitted. CreateSpace, 2009.
  ISBN 978-1-4495-2376-3
  .
• ISBN 0-02-848500-9
  .
• Roach, John. "Liberalism and the Victorian Intelligentsia." Cambridge Historical Journal 13#1 (1957): 58–81. online Archived 2020-09-02 at the Wayback Machine.
• Wempe, Ben. T. H. Green's theory of positive freedom: from metaphysics to political theory. Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004.
  ISBN 0-907845-58-4
  .

France

• Frey, Linda and Frey, Marsha. The French Revolution. Westport: Greenwood Press, 2004.
  ISBN 0-313-32193-0
  .
• Hanson, Paul. Contesting the French Revolution. Hoboken: Blackwell Publishing, 2009.
  ISBN 1-4051-6083-7
  .
• Leroux, Robert, Political Economy and Liberalism in France: The Contributions of Frédéric Bastiat, London and New York, Routledge, 2011.
• Leroux, Robert, and David Hart (eds), French Liberalism in the 19th century. An Anthology, London and New York, Routledge, 2012.
• Lyons, Martyn. Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution. New York: St. Martin's Press, Inc., 1994.
  ISBN 0-312-12123-7
  .
• Shlapentokh, Dmitry. The French Revolution and the Russian Anti-Democratic Tradition. Edison, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997.
  ISBN 1-56000-244-1
  .