Klemens von Metternich
Foreign Minister of the Austrian Empire | |
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In office 8 October 1809 – 13 March 1848 | |
Monarchs | |
Preceded by | Count Warthausen |
Succeeded by | Count Charles-Louis de Ficquelmont |
Personal details | |
Born | 15 May 1773 Koblenz, Electorate of Trier, Holy Roman Empire |
Died | 11 June 1859 Vienna, Austrian Empire | (aged 86)
Nationality | German Austrian |
Spouses |
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Children | See list |
Parents |
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Education | University of Strasbourg, University of Mainz |
Known for | The Congress of Vienna, minister of state, conservatism, Concert of Europe |
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Conservatism in Austria |
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Klemens Wenzel Nepomuk Lothar, Prince of Metternich-Winneburg zu Beilstein
Born into the
Under his guidance, the "Metternich system" of international congresses continued for another decade as Austria aligned itself with
A traditional conservative, Metternich was keen to maintain the balance of power, particularly by resisting Russian territorial ambitions in Central Europe and the Ottoman Empire. He disliked liberalism and strove to prevent the breakup of the Austrian Empire, for example, by crushing nationalist revolts in Austrian northern Italy. At home, he pursued a similar policy, using censorship and a wide-ranging spy network to suppress unrest.[2]
Metternich has been both praised and heavily criticized for the policies he pursued. His supporters pointed out that he presided over the "Austrian system" when international diplomacy helped prevent major wars in Europe. His qualities as a diplomat were commended, some noting that his achievements were considerable in light of the weakness of his negotiating position. Meanwhile, his detractors argued that he could have done much to secure Austria's future, and he was deemed a stumbling block to reforms in Austria. Metternich was also a supporter of the arts, taking a particular interest in music; he knew some of the most eminent composers in Europe at the time including
.Early life
Klemens Metternich was born into the old Rhenish
In the summer of 1788, Metternich began studying law at the University of Strasbourg, matriculating on 12 November. While a student he was for some time accommodated by Prince Maximilian of Zweibrücken, the future King of Bavaria.[5] At this time he was described by Simon as "happy, handsome and lovable", though contemporaries would later recount how he had been a liar and a braggart.[7] Metternich left Strasbourg in September 1790 to attend Leopold II's October coronation in Frankfurt, where he performed the largely honorific role of Ceremonial Marshal to the Catholic Bench of the College of the Counts of Westphalia. There, under the wing of his father, he met with the future Francis II.[7]
Between the end of 1790 and summer of 1792 Metternich studied law at the University of Mainz,[8] receiving a more conservative education than at Strasbourg, a city unsafe to return to due to the unfolding French Revolution, which had begun in 1789. In the summers he worked with his father, who had been appointed plenipotentiary and effective ruler of the Austrian Netherlands. In March 1792 Francis succeeded as Holy Roman Emperor and was crowned in July, affording Metternich a reprise of his earlier role of Ceremonial Marshal.
In the meantime France had declared war on Austria, beginning the War of the First Coalition (1792–7) and making Metternich's further study in Mainz impossible.[9] Now in the employment of his father,[8] he was sent on a special mission to the front. Here he led the interrogation of the French Minister of War the Marquis de Beurnonville and several accompanying National Convention commissioners. Metternich observed the siege and fall of Valenciennes, later looking back on these as substantial lessons about warfare. In early 1794 he was sent to England, ostensibly on official business helping Viscount Desandrouin, the Treasurer-General of the Austrian Netherlands, to negotiate a loan.[10]
Marriage and the Congress of Rastatt
In England, he met King
After Metternich's studies in Vienna, the Prince's death in September 1797 allowed Metternich to participate in the Congress of Rastatt.[16] Initially his father, who headed the imperial delegation, took him as a secretary while ensuring that, when proceedings officially started in December 1797, he was named the representative of the Catholic Bench of the College of the Counts of Westphalia.[13] A bored Metternich remained at Rastatt in this role until 1799 when the congress was finally wound down.[15] During this period Eleonore had chosen to live with Metternich at Rastatt: and gave birth to sons Francis (February 1798) and, shortly after the end of the Congress, Klemens (June 1799). Much to Metternich's anguish, Klemens died after only a few days, and Francis soon contracted a lung infection from which he would never recover.[16]
Ambassador
Dresden and Berlin
The Holy Roman Empire's defeat in the
Count Metternich is young but by no means maladroit. We shall see how he shapes up in Berlin.
—Colloredo to Thugut (Palmer 1972, p. 39)
To compensate for the loss of the Metternich's ancestral estates in the
He arrived in Prussia at a critical juncture in European diplomacy,
Paris
In the ensuing reshuffle in Vienna
After the
In a memorable event, Metternich argued with Napoleon at Napoleon's 39th birthday celebrations in August 1808 over the increasingly obvious preparations for war on both sides.[23] Soon after, Napoleon refused Metternich's attendance at the Congress of Erfurt. Metternich was later glad to hear from Talleyrand that Napoleon's attempts at the Congress to get Russia to invade Austria had proved unsuccessful.[24]
In a report to Stadion, Metternich the ambassador concluded that the House of Hohenzollern had been relegated and that Austria's situation had worsened. The Confederation of the Rhine was hostile to Austria and a military conflict with France would have to be fought on two fronts between the Weichsel river and the Inn river. Metternich continued to oppose a war with France and pointed out that the government in Vienna only needed to wait, as Napoleon had no plans for his own succession.[25]
Foreign minister
Détente with France
Now back in Austria, Metternich witnessed first hand the Austrian army's defeat at the Battle of Wagram in 1809. Stadion tendered his resignation as Foreign Minister in the aftermath, and the emperor immediately offered the post to Metternich. Metternich, worried that Napoleon would seize on this to demand harsher peace terms, instead agreed to become a minister of state (which he did on 8 July) and to lead negotiations with the French on the understanding that he would replace Stadion as Foreign Minister at a later date.[26] During peace talks at Altenburg, Metternich put forward pro-French proposals to save the Austrian monarchy. Napoleon, however, disliked his position on the future of Poland, and Metternich was gradually displaced from the proceedings by Prince Liechtenstein. He soon regained influence, however, on 8 October, as Foreign Minister (and additionally that of Minister of the Imperial Household).[26] In early 1810 Metternich's earlier affair with Junot became public but, because of Eleonore's understanding, the scandal was minimal.[27]
One of Metternich's first tasks was to push for the marriage of Napoleon to Archduchess Marie Louise rather than to the Tsar's youngest sister Anna Pavlovna. Metternich would later seek to distance himself from the marriage by claiming it was Napoleon's own idea, but this is improbable; in any case, he was happy to claim responsibility at the time.[27] By 7 February Napoleon had agreed and the pair were married by proxy on 11 March. Marie Louise left for France soon after and Metternich followed by a different route and unofficially. The trip was designed, Metternich explained, to transport his family (stranded in France by the outbreak of war) home and to report to the Austrian Emperor about Marie Louise's activities.[27]
Instead, Metternich stayed six months, entrusting his office in Vienna to his father. He set about using the marriage, and flattery, to renegotiate the terms set out in the Treaty of Schönbrunn. The concessions he won were trivial, however: a few trading rights, delay in the payment of the war indemnity, restitution of some estates belonging to Germans in the Austrian service, including the Metternich family's, and the lifting of a 150,000-man limit on the Austrian army. The last was particularly welcomed as a sign of increased Austrian independence, although Austria could no longer afford an army greater than the limit prescribed.[28]
As France's ally
When Metternich returned to Vienna in October 1810, he was no longer as popular. His influence was limited to foreign affairs, and his attempts to get a full
The Dresden meeting revealed that Austria's influence in Europe had reached its lowest point, and Metternich was now bent on re-establishing that influence by using what he considered strong ties with all sides in the war, proposing general peace talks headed by Austria. Over the next three months, he would slowly distance Austria from the French cause, while avoiding alliance with either Prussia or Russia,[31] and remaining open to any proposal that would secure a place for the combined Bonaparte-Habsburg dynasty.[31] This was driven by concern that if Napoleon were defeated, Russia and Prussia would stand to gain too much.[32] Napoleon was intransigent, however, and the fighting (now officially the War of the Sixth Coalition) continued. Austria's alliance with France ended in February 1813, and Austria then moved to a position of armed neutrality.[31]
As a neutral
Metternich was much less keen on turning against France than many of his contemporaries (though not the Emperor), and he favoured his own plans for a general settlement. In November 1813 he offered Napoleon the Frankfurt proposals, which would allow Napoleon to remain Emperor but would reduce France to its "natural frontiers" and undo its control of most of Italy, Germany, and the Netherlands. Napoleon, victorious at the Battles of Lutzen and Bautzen, delayed too long and lost this opportunity; by December he had been defeated at the Battle of Leipzig and the Allies had withdrawn the offer. By early 1814, as they were closing in on Paris, Napoleon agreed to the Frankfurt proposals, too late, and he rejected the new, harsher terms then proposed.[33][34]
Nevertheless, the Allies were not faring well, and although a statement of general war aims that included many nods to Austria was secured from Russia, Britain remained distrustful and generally unwilling to give up the military initiative she had fought 20 years to establish. Despite this, Francis created the Austrian Foreign Minister
In June, Metternich left Vienna to personally handle negotiations at
As a coalition partner
Austria's allies saw the declaration as an admission that Austria's diplomatic ambitions had failed, but Metternich viewed it as one move in a much longer campaign.
Before talks could begin, Coalition armies crossed the Rhine on 22 December. Metternich retired from Frankfurt to Breisgau to celebrate Christmas with his wife's family before travelling to the new Coalition headquarters at Basel in January 1814. Quarrels with Tsar Alexander, particularly over the fate of France[nb 4] This rivalry intensified in January, prompting Alexander to storm out. He therefore missed the arrival of Castlereagh in mid-January.[39] Metternich and Castlereagh formed a good working relationship and then met with Alexander at Langres. The Tsar remained unaccommodating however, demanding a push into the centre of France; but he was too preoccupied to object to Metternich's other ideas, like a final peace conference in Vienna. Metternich did not attend talks with the French at Châtillon, as he wanted to stay with Alexander. The talks stalled, and, after a brief advance, Coalition forces had to retreat after the Battle of Montmirail and Battle of Montereau. This relieved Metternich's fears that an overconfident Alexander might act unilaterally.[39]
You have no idea what sufferings the people at headquarters impose upon us! I cannot stand it much longer and the Emperor Francis is already ill. [The other leaders] are all mad and belong in the lunatic asylum.
— Metternich to Stadion (Palmer 1972, p. 116)
Metternich continued negotiations with the French envoy Caulaincourt through early to mid March 1814, when victory at the
On the division of formerly French-occupied Poland and Germany, Metternich was more confined by the interests of the Allies. After two failed proposals, advanced by the Prussians, the issue was postponed until after a peace treaty had been signed.[42] Elsewhere, Metternich, like many of his counterparts, was anxious to provide the renewed French monarchy with the resources to maintain control. The generous Treaty of Paris was signed on 30 May.[40] Now free, Metternich accompanied Tsar Alexander to England; Wilhelmine, who had followed Metternich to Paris, also made the crossing.[42] A triumphant Metternich filled his four weeks with revelry, re-establishing his reputation and that of Austria; he was also awarded an honorary law degree from the University of Oxford. By contrast and to Metternich's pleasure, Alexander was ill-mannered and often insulting. Despite the opportunities, little diplomacy took place; instead, all that was firmly agreed was that proper discussions would take place at Vienna, with a date tentatively set for 15 August. When the Tsar tried to postpone it to October Metternich agreed but effected conditions that prevented Alexander from exercising any advantage due to his de facto control of Poland. Metternich was eventually reunited with his family in Austria in the middle of July 1814, having stopped for a week in France to soothe fears surrounding Napoleon's wife Marie Louise, now the Duchess of Parma. His return to Vienna was celebrated by an occasional cantata that included the line "History holds thee up to posterity as a model among great men".[42]
Congress of Vienna
In the autumn of 1814, the heads of the five reigning dynasties and representatives from 216 noble families began gathering in Vienna. Before ministers from the "Big Four" (the Coalition allies of Britain, Austria, Prussia and Russia) arrived, Metternich stayed quietly in
Leaving
With the new consensus, the major issues concerning Poland and Germany were settled in the second week of February 1815.
The ministers and representatives of the German princes sent to the congress continue to sing the praises of Prince Metternich.... They admire the tact and circumspection with which he has handled the German committee.
— From the report of an agent of the Austrian intelligence service (Palmer 1972, pp. 147–148).
The latter soon began to come to a head. Austria had solidified its control over Lombardy-Venetia and extended its protection to provinces nominally under the control of Francis' daughter Marie Louise. On 18 April Metternich announced that Austria was formally at war with Murat's Naples. Austria won the Battle of Tolentino on 3 May and captured Naples less than three weeks later. Metternich then was able to delay a decision on the future of the country until after Vienna. Discussions about Germany would drag on until early June when a joint Austrian-Prussian proposition was ratified. It left most constitutional issues to the new diet; its president would be Emperor Francis himself.[49] Despite criticism from within Austria, Metternich was pleased with the outcome and the degree of control it granted Habsburgs, and, through them, himself.[49] Certainly, Metternich was able to use the diet to his own ends on numerous occasions.[50] The arrangement was similarly popular with most German representatives. A summation treaty was signed on 19 June (the Russians signed a week later),[48] bringing the Vienna Congress officially to an end. Metternich himself had left on 13 June for the front line, prepared for a lengthy war against Napoleon. Napoleon, however, was defeated decisively at the Battle of Waterloo on 18 June.[49]
Paris and Italy
From 1815 onward, statesmen in Europe focused on averting the threat of social revolution because
Metternich was back with coalition allies in Paris, once more discussing peace terms. After 133 days of negotiations, longer than the Hundred Days turmoil itself, the second Treaty of Paris was concluded on 20 November. Metternich was of the opinion, that France should not be dismembered. He was therefore happy with the result.[53] France lost only a little land along its eastern borders, seven hundred million French francs, and the artworks it had plundered. It also accepted an army of occupation, numbering 150,000.[48] In the meantime a separate treaty, proposed by Alexander and redrafted by Metternich, had been signed on 26 September. This created a new Holy Alliance centered on Russia, Prussia and Austria; it was a document Metternich neither pushed for nor wanted, given its vaguely liberal sentiments[54]
Representatives from most of the European states eventually signed, with the exception of the
Metternich now returned to the question of Italy, making his first visit to the country in early December 1815. After visiting Venice, his family joined him in Milan on 18 December. For once it was Metternich playing the liberal, vainly urging Francis to give the region some autonomy. Metternich spent four months in Italy, endlessly busy and suffering chronic inflammation of the eyelids. He tried to control Austrian foreign policy from Milan and when there was a serious disagreement between the Empire and the Kingdom of Bavaria, was heavily criticised for his absence. His enemies could not capitalise on this, however. Stadion was occupied by his work as finance minister and the Empress Maria Ludovika of Austria-Este, a fierce critic of Metternich's policies, died in April.[55]
The uncharacteristic gap between the views of Metternich and his emperor was eased only by the active compromise of proposals. Metternich returned to Vienna on 28 May 1816 after almost a year's absence. Professionally, the rest of 1816 passed quietly for the tired Minister, who was concerned with fiscal policy and monitoring the spread of liberalism in Germany and nationalism in Italy. Personally, he was shaken in November by the death of Julie Zichy-Festetics. Two years later he wrote that his "life ended there," and his old frivolity took some time to return. The only consolation was July's news that Metternich was to receive new estates along the Rhine at Johannisberg, only 25 miles (40 km) from his birthplace at Koblenz.[55]
In June 1817 Metternich was required to escort the emperor's newlywed daughter
Aachen, Teplice, Karlsbad, Troppau, and Laibach
Metternich's primary focus remained on preserving unity among the Great Powers of Europe and hence his own power as mediator. He was also concerned by liberal-minded
He visited the family estate at Königswart and then Frankfurt in late August to encourage the member states of the German Confederation to agree on procedural issues. Metternich could also now visit Koblenz for the first time in 25 years and his new estate at Johannisberg. Travelling with Emperor Francis, he was warmly greeted by the Catholic towns along the Rhine as he progressed towards Aachen.[57] He had arranged in advance for newspapers to cover the first peacetime congress of its kind. As discussions began, Metternich pushed for the withdrawal of allied troops from France and means for preserving the unity of the European powers. The former was agreed almost immediately, but the latter agreement extended only to maintaining the Quadruple Alliance. Metternich rejected the Tsar's idealistic plans for (among other things) a single European army. His own recommendations to the Prussians for greater controls on freedom of speech was equally hard for other powers such as Britain to support openly.[57]
Today the greatest evil- and therefore the most immediate -is the press.
— Metternich to Gentz, June 1819 (Palmer 1972, p. 182)
Metternich travelled with
At the conference in Vienna later in the year, Metternich found himself constrained by the Kings of Württemberg and Bavaria to abandon his plans to reform the German Confederation.[61] He now regretted having so quickly forced through its original constitution five years before. Nevertheless, he held ground on other issues and the Conference's Final Act was highly reactionary, much as Metternich had envisaged it. He remained in Vienna until the close in May 1820, finding the whole affair a bore. On 6 May he heard of the death of his daughter Princess Klementine von Metternich from tuberculosis. Journeying on to Prague, he heard that his eldest daughter Maria had also contracted the disease. He was at her bedside in Baden bei Wien when she died on 20 July.[62] This prompted Eleonore and the remaining children to leave for the cleaner air of France.[63]
The rest of 1820 was filled with liberal revolts to which Metternich was expected to respond. Ultimately, the Austrian Foreign Minister was torn between following through on his conservative pledge (a policy favoured by the Russians) and keeping out of a country in which Austria had no interest (favoured by the British). He chose "sympathetic inactivity" on Spain[nb 6] but, much to his dismay and surprise, Guglielmo Pepe led a revolt in Naples in early July and forced King Ferdinand I to accept a new constitution.[62] Metternich reluctantly agreed to attend the Russian-initiated Congress of Troppau in October to discuss these events. He need not have worried: the Tsar gave way and accepted a compromise proposal of moderate interventionism laid down in the Troppau Protocol.[62] Still worried by Kapodistrias' influence over the Tsar, he laid down his conservative principles in a long memorandum, including an attack on the free press and the initiative of the middle classes.[62]
The Congress disbanded in the third week of December, and the next step would be a congress at Laibach to discuss intervention with Ferdinand.[63] Metternich found himself able to dominate Laibach more than any other congress, overseeing Ferdinand's rejection of the liberal constitution he had agreed to only months before. Austrian armies left for Naples in February and entered the city in March. The Congress was adjourned but, forewarned or by luck, Metternich kept representatives of the powers close at hand until the revolt was put down.[64] As a result, when similar revolts broke out in Piedmont in the middle of March, Metternich had the Tsar at hand, who agreed to send 90,000 men to the frontier in a show of solidarity. Concerns grew in Vienna that Metternich's policy was too expensive. He responded that Naples and Piedmont would pay for stability; nonetheless, he, too, was clearly worried for the future of Italy. He was relieved when able to create a Court Chancellor and Chancellor of State on 25 May, a post left vacant since the death of Kaunitz in 1794. He was also pleased at the renewed (if fragile) closeness between Austria, Prussia and Russia;[64] however, it had come at the expense of the Anglo-Austrian entente.[65]
Chancellor
Hanover, Verona, and Czernowitz
In 1821, while Metternich was still at Laibach with Tsar Alexander, the revolt of Prince Alexander Ypsilantis threatened to bring the Ottoman Empire to the brink of collapse. Wanting a strong Ottoman Empire to counterbalance Russia,[66] Metternich opposed all forms of Greek nationalism.[67] Before Alexander returned to Russia, Metternich secured his agreement not to act unilaterally and would write to the Tsar, again and again, asking him not to intervene.[66] For extra support he met with Viscount Castlereagh (now also Marquess of Londonderry) and King George IV of the United Kingdom in Hanover in October. The warmness of Metternich's welcome was sweetened by his promise to settle in part Austria's financial debts to Britain.[66] The earlier Anglo-Austrian entente was thus restored,[65] and the pair agreed that they would support the Austrian position concerning the Balkans. Metternich went away happy, not least because he had met Dorothea Lieven once more.[66]
Over Christmas, the Tsar wavered more than Metternich had expected and sent Dmitry Tatishchev to Vienna in February 1822 for talks with Metternich. Metternich soon convinced the "conceited and ambitious" Russian to let him dictate events.[66] In return Austria promised to support Russia in enforcing its treaties with the Ottomans if the other alliance members would do likewise; Metternich was aware this was politically impossible for the British. Metternich's adversary at the Russian court, Kapodistrias, retired from service there; however, by the end of April there was a new threat: Russia now determined to intervene in Spain, action Metternich described as "utter nonsense".[66] He played for time, convincing his ally Castlereagh to come to Vienna for talks before a scheduled congress in Verona, although Castlereagh died by suicide on 12 August.[68] With Castlereagh dead and relations with the British weakening, Metternich had lost a useful ally.[69] The Congress of Verona was a fine social event but diplomatically less successful. Supposedly concerned with Italy, the Congress had to focus on Spain instead.[68] Austria urged non-intervention, but it was the French that carried the day with their proposal for a joint invasion force.[70] Prussia committed men,[70] and the Tsar pledged 150,000.[68] Metternich worried about the difficulties of transporting such numbers to Spain and about French ambitions, but still pledged (if only moral) support for the joint force.[68]
He lingered in Verona until 18 December, then spending some days in Venice with the Tsar and then by himself in
The Tsar's dual proposal for the St Petersburg meetings, a settlement of the Eastern Question favourable to Russia and limited autonomy for three Greek principalities, was a pairing unpalatable to the other European powers, and potential attendees like British Foreign Secretary
Hungarian Diets, Alexander I's death, and problems in Italy
In the early 1820s, Metternich had advised Francis that convening the
On 5 November 1827 Baroness Antoinette von Leykam, daughter of diplomat Christoph Ambros Freiherr von Leykam (1777–1830) and his wife, Donna Lucia Antonia Caputo dei Marchesi della Petrella (b.1783), became Metternich's second wife. She was only twenty, and their marriage, a small affair at Hetzendorf (a village just outside Vienna), drew considerable criticism considering their difference in status. She belonged to the lower nobility, but Antoinette's grace and charm soon won over Viennese society.[74] The same day British, Russian and French forces destroyed the Ottoman fleet at the Battle of Navarino. Metternich worried that further intervention would topple the Ottoman Empire, upsetting the balance so carefully created in 1815. To his relief, the new British Prime Minister Wellington and his cabinet were equally fearful of giving Russia the upper hand in the Balkans.[75] After another round of his proposals for congresses was rejected, Metternich stood back from the Eastern Question, watching as the Treaty of Adrianople was signed in September 1829. Though he publicly criticised it for being too harsh on Turkey, privately he was satisfied with its leniency and promise of Greek autonomy, making it a buffer against Russian expansion rather than a Russian satellite state. Metternich's private life was filled with grief. In November 1828 his mother died, and in January 1829 Antoinette died, five days after giving birth to their son, Richard von Metternich. After fighting tuberculosis for many months, Metternich's son Viktor, then a junior diplomat, died on 30 November 1829. Consequently, he spent Christmas alone and depressed, worried by the draconian methods of some of his fellow conservatives and by the renewed march of liberalism.[76]
My whole life's work is destroyed.
— Metternich on hearing of France's July Revolution (Palmer 1972, p. 246).
In May Metternich took a much-needed holiday on his estate at Johannisberg. He returned to Vienna a month later, still worried by the "chaos in London and Paris" and his declining ability to prevent it.[76] Hearing Nesselrode was due to take the waters at Karlsbad, he met him there in late July. He berated the quiet Nesselrode, but no offence was taken. The two arranged a second meeting in August. In the interim Metternich heard of France's July Revolution, which deeply shocked him and theoretically posed the need for a congress of the Quadruple Alliance.[77] Instead, Metternich met with Nesselrode as planned and, while the Russian rejected his plan to restore the old Alliance, the pair agreed on the Chiffon de Karlsbad: that panic was needless unless the new government showed territorial ambitions in Europe.[78] Although pleased by this, Metternich's mood was soured by news of unrest in Brussels (then part of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands), the resignation of Wellington in London, and calls for constitutionality in Germany. He wrote with sombre and "almost morbid relish" that it was the "beginning of the end" of Old Europe. Nonetheless, he was heartened by the fact that the July Revolution had made a Franco-Russian alliance impossible and that the Netherlands had called an old-style congress of the sort he enjoyed so much. The 1830 convocation of the Hungarian Diet was also more successful than past ones, crowning Archduke Ferdinand as King of Hungary with little dissent. Moreover, by November his betrothal to 25-year-old Countess Melanie Zichy-Ferraris, who came from a Magyar family the Metternichs had long known, was agreed upon. The announcement caused far less consternation in Vienna than Metternich's previous bride, and they were married on 30 January 1831.[77]
In February 1831 rebels took the cities of Parma, Modena and Bologna and appealed to France for help. Their former rulers appealed for help from Austria, but Metternich was anxious not to march Austrian troops into the Papal States without authorisation from the new Pope Gregory XVI. He occupied Parma and Modena, however (both ruled by Habsburgs), and eventually did cross into Papal territory. As a result, Italy was pacified by the end of March. He authorised troop withdrawal from the Papal States in July, but by January 1832 they were back to put down a second rebellion.[77] By now Metternich was ageing noticeably: his hair was grey and his face drawn and sunken, although his wife still enjoyed his company. In February 1832 a daughter, also Melanie, was born; in 1833 a son, Klemens, though he died aged two months; in October 1834 a second son, Paul; and in 1837 his third with Melanie, Lothar. Politically, Metternich had a new adversary, Lord Palmerston, who had taken over at the British Foreign Office in 1830. By the end of 1832, they had clashed on virtually every issue. "In short," Metternich wrote, "Palmerston is wrong about everything".[79] Mostly, Metternich was annoyed by his insistence that under the 1815 agreements Britain had the right to oppose Austria's tightening of university controls in Germany, as Metternich had done again in 1832. Metternich also worried that if future congresses were held in Britain, as Palmerston wanted, his own influence would be significantly reduced.[79]
Eastern Question revisited and peace in Europe
In 1831 Egypt
On 2 March 1835, Emperor Francis died, succeeded by his epileptic son Ferdinand I. Despite the widespread opinion that Ferdinand was a "ghost of a monarch", Metternich valued legitimacy highly and worked to keep the government running. He soon accompanied Ferdinand on his first meeting with Tsar Nicholas and the King of Prussia, again at Teplitz. Ferdinand was overwhelmed, especially as the delegations paraded into Prague. Overall, however, it was an untroubled meeting.[81] The next few years passed relatively peacefully for Metternich: diplomatic incident was limited to the occasional angry exchange with Palmerston and Metternich's failure to be a mediator between the British and Russians over their Black Sea dispute. He also put effort into bringing new technology like the railways into Austria. The most pressing issue was Hungary, where Metternich remained reluctant to support the centrist (but still nationalist) Széchenyi. His hesitancy is "a sad commentary on his declining powers of political presence".[82] At court Metternich increasingly lost power to the rising star Franz Anton von Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky, particularly in his proposals to increase military budgets. After his failed attempt in 1836 to force constitutional reform (which would have afforded him greater influence)—largely thwarted by the more liberally minded Archduke John—Metternich was forced to share more power with Kolowrat and Archduke Ludwig as part of Austria's Secret State Conference. Decision making ground to a halt.[82][83] Entertaining and maintaining his estates at Johannisberg, Königswart and Plasy (together with Mariánská Týnice) were consuming much of his resources at a time when he had four young children to support, causing him more stress.[82]
Metternich had long predicted a new crisis in the East, and when the Egyptian-Ottoman War broke out in 1839 he was anxious to re-establish Austria's diplomatic credentials. He quickly gathered representatives in Vienna, whence on 27 July they issued a communiqué to Istanbul pledging support. However, Tsar Nicholas sent Metternich a message from St Petersburg challenging Vienna's claim to diplomatic centrality. Metternich worked so furiously that he fell ill, spending the next five weeks resting at Johannisberg.[84] The Austrians lost the initiative, and Metternich had to accept that London would be the new centre of negotiations over the Eastern Question. Just three weeks after its creation, Metternich's European League of Great Powers (his diplomatic response to aggressive moves by French Prime Minister Adolphe Thiers) had become a mere curiosity. Little, too, was heard of his proposals to hold a congress in Germany. A separate attempt to strengthen the influence of ambassadors stationed in Vienna was also rejected. This set the tone for the rest of Metternich's chancellorship.[84] His illness had, it seemed to others, broken his love of being in office. Over the next decade, his wife prepared quietly for his retirement or death in office. Metternich's work during the early 1840s was dominated again by Hungary and, more generally, questions of national identity within the diverse Austrian Empire. Here, Metternich "showed [moments of] acute perception". His Hungarian proposals came far too late, however, as Lajos Kossuth had already led the rise of strong Hungarian nationalism. Metternich's support for other nationalities was patchy since he only opposed those that threatened the unity of the Empire.[85]
At the Conference of State Metternich lost his principal ally
Revolution
Though Metternich was tiring, memoranda kept pouring forth from his chancellery. Despite this, he did not foresee the building crisis. The new Pope Pius IX was gaining a reputation as a liberal nationalist, counterbalancing Metternich and Austria; at the same time, the Empire experienced unemployment and rising prices as a result of poor harvests. Metternich was bemused at the outcry from Italians, the Pope, and Palmerston when he ordered the occupation of Papal-controlled Ferrara in the summer of 1847. Despite securing French agreement for the first time in years from François Guizot over the Swiss Civil War, France and Austria were forced into backing breakaway cantons.[86] The pair proposed a conference, but the government crushed the revolt. It was a major blow to Metternich's prestige, and his opponents in Vienna called it evidence of his incompetence. In January 1848 Metternich predicted trouble in Italy during the year ahead.[nb 8] He acted on this by dispatching an envoy, Karl Ludwig von Ficquelmont to Italy; by resurrecting his 1817 plans for an Italian chancellery; and by arranging various contingency plans with the French. In late February Austrian field marshal Joseph Radetsky placed Austrian Italy (Lombardy-Venetia) under martial law as disturbances spread. Despite this and hearing of renewed revolution in France, Metternich was cautious, still thinking domestic revolution unlikely.[86] He was described by a Saxon diplomat as, in the words of biographer Musulin, "having shrunk to a shadow of his former self".[87]
I am no longer anybody... I have nothing more to do, nothing more to discuss.
— Metternich after resigning (Palmer 1972, p. 313).
On 3 March Kossuth gave a fiery speech in the Hungarian Diet, calling for a constitution.
Exile, return, and death
After an anxious journey of nine days during which they were honoured in some towns and refused entry to others, Metternich, his wife, and son Richard arrived in the Dutch city of
In mid-September, the family moved to 42 Brunswick Terrace,
In May 1851 Metternich left for his Johannisberg estate, which he had last visited in 1845. That summer Metternich enjoyed the company of Prussian representative Otto von Bismarck. He also enjoyed a visit from Frederick William IV, though the King irritated Metternich by appearing to cultivate him as a tool against Schwarzenberg. In September Metternich returned to Vienna, entertained along the way by various German princes keen to entertain the focus of Prussian intrigue.[91] Metternich was reinvigorated, dropped his nostalgia, and lived in the present for the first time in a decade. Franz Josef asked for his advice on numerous issues (though he was too headstrong to be much influenced by it), and both of the two emerging factions in Vienna courted Metternich; even Tsar Nicholas called on him during a state visit. Metternich was not keen on the new Foreign Minister, Karl Ferdinand von Buol, but thought him sufficiently incompetent that he would be impressionable. Metternich's advice was of varying quality; nonetheless, some of it was usefully insightful, even in modern issues. Now deaf, Metternich wrote endlessly, particularly for an appreciative Franz Josef. He wanted Austrian neutrality in the Crimean War, though Buol did not.[nb 10] In the meantime Metternich's health was slowly failing, and he was a more peripheral figure after the death of his wife Melanie in January 1854. In a brief resurgence of energy in early 1856, he busied himself in arrangements for a marriage between his son Richard and his granddaughter Pauline (Richard's step-sister's daughter) and undertook more travel. The King of the Belgians came to visit, as did Bismarck, and on 16 August 1857, he entertained the future Edward VII of the United Kingdom. Buol, however, was growing more resentful of Metternich's advice, particularly about Italy. In April 1859 Franz Josef came to ask him about what should be done in Italy. According to Pauline, Metternich begged him not to send an ultimatum to Italy, and Franz Josef explained that such an ultimatum had already been sent.[92]
In this way, much to Metternich's disappointment and to Franz Josef's embarrassment, Austria began the Second Italian War of Independence against the combined forces of Piedmont-Sardinia and its ally France. Though Metternich was able to secure the replacement of Buol with his friend Rechberg, who had helped him so much in 1848, involvement in the war itself was now beyond his capacity. Even a special task given to him by Franz Josef in June 1859—to draw up secret papers addressing the event of Franz Josef's death—was now too taxing. Shortly afterwards Metternich died in Vienna on 11 June 1859, aged 86, and the last great figure of his generation. Almost everyone of note in Vienna came to pay tribute; in the foreign press, his death went virtually unnoticed.[92]
Historians' assessment
Part of a series on |
Conservatism in Austria |
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Historians agree on Metternich's skill as a diplomat and his dedication to conservatism. According to Arthur May, he believed that:
the mass of Europeans yearned for security, quiet, and peace, and regarded liberal abstractions as repugnant or were utterly indifferent to them. The best of all patterns of government, he insisted, was autocratic absolutism, upheld by a loyal army, by a submissive, decently efficient bureaucracy and police machine, and by trustworthy churchmen.[93]
Particularly during the remainder of the nineteenth century, Metternich was heavily criticised, decried as the man who prevented Austria and the rest of central Europe from "developing along normal liberal and constitutional lines".
On the other hand, Metternich's diplomacy and statesmanship became the focus of praise in the twentieth century from more favourably inclined historians, particularly biographer
Critical views presuppose Metternich had the ability to shape Europe favorably but chose not to. More modern critiques like that of A. J. P. Taylor have questioned how much influence Metternich actually wielded.[94] Robin Okey, a critic of Metternich, noted that even in the realm of foreign affairs Metternich "had only his own persuasiveness to rely on", and this degraded over time.[98] By this interpretation, his task was to create a "smokescreen" that hid Austria's true weakness. When it came to choosing a set of sound principles, wrote Taylor, "most men could do better while shaving."[101] The result was that Metternich was no captivating diplomat: Taylor described him as "the most boring man in European history".[94] Not only were his failures limited to foreign affairs, critics argue: at home he was equally powerless, failing to effect even his own proposals for administrative reform.[98] In contrast, those who have attempted to rehabilitate Metternich describe him as "unquestionably [a] master of diplomacy",[102] someone who perfected and indeed shaped the nature of diplomacy in his era.[97] In a similar vein, Alan Sked argues that Metternich's "smokescreen" may well have served a purpose in furthering a relatively coherent set of principles.[100]
Issue
Metternich's children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren are (names are untranslated):[103]
With Countess Maria Eleonore von Kaunitz-Rietberg[nb 11] (10 October 1775 – 19 March 1825), granddaughter of Wenzel Anton, Prince of Kaunitz-Rietberg:
- Maria Leopoldina (17 January 1797 – 24 July 1820), married on 15 September 1817 to Count Jozsef Esterházy von Galántha. No issue.
- Franz Karl Johann Georg (21 February 1798 – 3 December 1799).
- Klemens Eduard (10 June 1799 – 15 June 1799).
- Franz Karl Viktor Ernst Lothar Clemens Joseph Anton Adam (12 January 1803 – 30 November 1829); he had one illegitimate son with Claire Clemence Henriette Claudine de Maillé de La Tour-Landry, daughter of the 2nd Duc de Maillé:
- Roger Armand Viktor Maurice, Baron von Aldenburg (21 October 1827 – 14 October 1906), unmarried.
- Klementine Marie Octavie (30 August 1804 – 6 May 1820).
- Leontine Adelheid Maria Pauline (18 June 1811 – 16 November 1861), married on 8 February 1835 to Count Moric Sándor de Szlavnicza. They had one daughter:
- Pauline Klementine Marie Walburga Sándor de Szlavnicza (25 February 1836 – 28 September 1921), married on 13 June 1856 to her uncle Richard von Metternich.
- Hermine Gabriele (Henrietta) Marie Eleonore Leopoldine (1 September 1815 – December 1890), unmarried.
With Baroness Maria Antoinette von Leykam, Countess von Beylstein (15 August 1806 – 17 January 1829), daughter of Christoph Ambros Freiherr von Leykam (1781–1830) and his wife, Lucia Antonia Caputo dei Marchesi della Petrella (b. 1783):
- Richard Klemens Josef Lothar Hermann, 2nd Prince Metternich (7 January 1829 – 1 March 1895), married on 13 June 1856 to his niece Pauline Sándor de Szlavnicza. They had three daughters:
- Sophie Marie Antoinette Leontine Melanie Julie (17 May 1857 – 11 January 1941), married 24 April 1878 to Prince Franz-Albrecht of Oettingen-Oettingen und Oettingen-Spielberg. They had three children:
- Franz Albert Otto Richard Notger (2 September 1879 – 9 May 1895), Hereditary Prince of Oettingen-Oettingen in Oettingen-Spielberg.
- Moritz Joseph Richard Notger (5 May 1885 – 4 October 1911), Hereditary Prince of Oettingen-Oettingen in Oettingen-Spielberg.
- Princess Elisabeth Pauline Georgine Marie Notgera of Oettingen-Oettingen in Oettingen-Spielberg (31 October 1886 – 2 October 1976), married on 19 November 1910 to Prince Viktor III of Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst-Breunner-Enkevoirth, Duke of Ratibor and Prince of Corvey.
- Antoinette Pascalina (20 April 1862 – 5 August 1890), married on 11 July 1885 to Count Georg Wilhelm von Waldstein-Wartenberg. No issue.
- Hohenlohe(born 1920; son of her niece Elisabeth), who assumed the title of Prince of Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst-Metternich-Sándor.
- Sophie Marie Antoinette Leontine Melanie Julie (17 May 1857 – 11 January 1941), married 24 April 1878 to Prince Franz-Albrecht of
With Countess Melania Maria Antonia Zichy-Ferraris de Zich et Vásonykeö (18 January 1805 – 3 March 1854), daughter of Count Ferenc Franz Zichy de Zich et Vásonkeö (1777–1839) and his wife, Countess Marie Wilhelmine von Ferraris (1780–1866):
- Melanie Marie Pauline Alexandrine (27 February 1832 – 16 November 1919), married on 20 November 1853 to Count Jozsef Zichy de Zich et Vásonykeö. No issue.
- Klemens (21 April 1833 – 10 June 1833).
- Paul Klemens Lothar, 3rd Prince Metternich (14 October 1834 – 6 February 1906), married on 9 May 1868 to his cousin Countess Melania Zichy-Ferraris de Zich und Vásonykeö. They had three children:
- Klemens II Wenzel Lothar Michal Felix (Richard), 4th Prince Metternich (9 February 1869 – 13 May 1930), married on 4 October 1905 to Isabel de Silva y Carvajal. They had one son:
- Paul II Alphonse Klemens Lothar Filip Neri Felix Nikomedes, 5th Prince Metternich (26 May 1917 – 21 September 1992), married on 6 September 1941 to Princess Tatiana Hilarionovna Wassiltchikova; he died without issue and the title of Prince Metternich became extinct.
- Emilie Marie Felicitas (24 February 1873 – 20 January 1884).
- Pauline Felix Maria (6 January 1880 – 19 May 1960), married on 5 May 1906 to Prince Maximilian Theodor of Thurn und Taxis. They had one daughter.
- Klemens II Wenzel Lothar Michal Felix (Richard), 4th Prince Metternich (9 February 1869 – 13 May 1930), married on 4 October 1905 to Isabel de Silva y Carvajal. They had one son:
- Maria Emilia Stephanie (22 March 1836 – 12 June 1836).
- Lothar Stephan August Klemens Maria (13 September 1837 – 2 October 1904), married firstly on 21 April 1868 to Karoline Anna Rosalie Johanna Reittner, and secondly on 5 June 1900 to Countess Františka Mittrowsky von Mittrowitz. No issue in both marriages.
With Countess Katharina Skavronskaya, by marriage Princess Bagration (illegitimate, acknowledged):
- Marie-Clementine Bagration (29 September 1810 – 29 May 1829), married on 1 May 1828 to Otto, Lensgraf von Blome. They had one son:
- Otto Paul Julius Gustav (18 May 1829 – 24 August 1906), Lensgraf von Blome; married on 1 September 1858 to Joséphine, Countess von Buol-Schauenstein. They had nine children:
- Countess Marie-Clementine Blome (23 June 1860 – died young).
- Karl Otto Arnold (12 December 1861 – 5 September 1926), Lensgraf von Blome; married on 6 July 1907 to Countess Maria Hedwig Ida Leopolda Hermenegilde of Stolberg-Stolberg. No issue.
- Countess Maria Sophie von Blome (23 November 1864 – died young).
- Louis Pius Blome (1 December 1865 – 1930), Lensgraf von Blome.
- Johannes Hubertus Xaverius (23 February 1867 – 19 July 1945), Lensgraf von Blome; married on 19 November 1901 to Princess Martha Elisabeth Maria Stirbey(1877–1925). They had one daughter.
- Countess Maria Adeline von Blome (21 August 1868 – died young).
- Countess Anna Maria von Blome (11 February 1871 – 9 January 1960), married in 1896 to Franz August Joseph Maria, Count von und zu Eltz genannt Faust von Stromberg. They had three children.
- Countess Maria Giulia Sidonia von Blome (29 December 1873 – 7 January 1939), married in 1906 to Count Joseph von Plaz. They had three children.
- Countess Maria Karola von Blome (16 January 1877 – 19 July 1951), a nun.
- Otto Paul Julius Gustav (18 May 1829 – 24 August 1906), Lensgraf von Blome; married on 1 September 1858 to Joséphine, Countess von Buol-Schauenstein. They had nine children:
Honours and arms
Honours
- Austrian Empire:
- Grand Cross of the Royal Hungarian Order of St. Stephen, in Diamonds, 1805[104]
- Knight of the Golden Fleece, 1805[105]
- Golden Civil Cross "For Merit" (1813/1814)[105]
- Chancellor of the Military Order of Maria Theresa[105]
- Knight of St. Hubert, 1813[106]
- Kingdom of France:
- Russian Empire:
- Knight of St. Andrew, 27 August 1813[109]
- Knight of St. Alexander Nevsky, 27 August 1813
- Knight of St. Anna, 1st Class, 27 August 1813
- Kingdom of Prussia:
- Knight of the Black Eagle, 13 September 1813[110]
- Grand Cross of the Red Eagle, 13 September 1813
- Pour le Mérite (civil), 31 May 1842[111]
- Sweden: Knight of the Seraphim, 12 April 1814[112]
- Denmark: Knight of the Elephant, 7 December 1814[113]
- Kingdom of Sardinia: Knight of the Annunciation, 4 January 1815[114]
- Baden: Grand Cross of the House Order of Fidelity, in Diamonds, 1815[115]
- Kingdom of Saxony: Knight of the Rue Crown, 1815[116]
- Kingdom of Hanover:[117]
- Duchy of Parma: Senator Grand Cross of the Constantinian Order of St. George, 1816[118]
- Two Sicilies:[119][120]
- Knight of St. Januarius, 1816
- Grand Cross of St. Ferdinand and Merit, 1816
- Duke of Portella, 1818
- Grand Cross of the Golden Lion, 25 May 1817[121]
-
- Grand Cross of the Order of Charles III, with Collar, 20 October 1817
- Grandee of the 1st Class, 1824
- Württemberg: Knight of the Golden Eagle, 1818[124]
- Grand Duchy of Hesse: Grand Cross of the Ludwig Order, 5 February 1820[125]
- Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach: Grand Cross of the White Falcon, 20 June 1820[126]
- Ernestine duchies: Grand Cross of the Saxe-Ernestine House Order, August 1835[127]
- Ascanian duchies: Grand Cross of the Order of Albert the Bear, March 1837[128]
- Belgium: Grand Cordon of the Order of Leopold[118]
- Empire of Brazil: Grand Cross of the Southern Cross[118]
- Brunswick: Grand Cross of the Order of Henry the Lion[118]
- Kingdom of Greece: Grand Cross of the Redeemer[118]
- Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen: Cross of Honour of the Princely House Order of Hohenzollern, 1st Class[129]
- Holy See: Grand Cross of St. Gregory the Great[118]
- Sovereign Military Order of Malta: Bailiff Grand Cross of Honour and Devotion[118]
- Netherlands: Grand Cross of the Netherlands Lion[118]
- Kingdom of Portugal:[118]
- Grand Cross of the Military Order of Christ
- Grand Cross of the Tower and Sword
- Grand Duchy of Tuscany: Grand Cross of St. Joseph[118]
Arms
-
Metternich's coat of arms
-
Portrait of Klemens von Metternich in 1836
Other honours
In 1823, botanist
Ancestry
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See also
Notes
- ^ /ˈmɛtərnɪx/ MET-ər-nikh; German: Klemens Wenzel Nepomuk Lothar Fürst von Metternich-Winneburg zu Beilstein [ˈkleːməns fɔn ˈmɛtɐnɪç]
- ^ There is some confusion over why Metternich was selected. Napoleon said he wanted "a Kaunitz", and whether he literally meant someone from the house of Kaunitz or merely someone in the style of the Prince of Kaunitz, who had been ambassador to France from 1750 until 1753, this worked in favour of Metternich, the husband of a Kaunitz (Palmer 1972, pp. 44–47).
- Grand Duchy of Warsaw(Palmer 1972, p. 97).
- Jean Bernadotte, while Austria favoured keeping the Bonaparte-Habsburg dynasty, if not under Napoleon himself (Palmer 1972, p. 112).
- ^ (Palmer 1972, pp. 161–168)
- ^ Metternich succeeded in preventing proposals for a French-led invasion only by rendering Tsar Alexander fearful of a French conspiracy (Palmer 1972, p. 199).
- ^ Britain and Austria both wished to avoid war, but the British Foreign Secretary Canning wanted an autonomous Greek state. This would be the topic of mediation with the Ottomans. Metternich, on the other hand, was resolutely opposed to courting instability by redrawing any borders in Eastern Europe (Palmer 1972, pp. 236–237).
- ^ Sicily erupted in revolution only a fortnight later, but it was Rome he had pinpointed as the epicentre of future trouble(Palmer 1972, pp. 298–311).
- ^ Several biographers accept the young Pauline's testimony that it was actually Wilhemine who visited. This contradicts, however, the established date of Wilhemine's death—1839 (Palmer 1972, p. 322).
- ^ When Buol signed an alliance with the Western powers in December 1855—albeit one that did not commit troops—Metternich would have noted with regret how Buol had broken the bonds with Russia he had cultivated for so long(Palmer 1972, pp. 328–340).
- ^ Sister of Aloys von Kaunitz-Rietberg
References
- ^ Palmer 1972, pp. 5–6, 339
- ^ Caldwell, Wallace E.; Merrill, Edward H. (1964). History of the World. Vol. 1. United States: The Greystone Press. p. 427.
- ^ Cecil 1947, pp. 72–73
- ^ a b c Palmer 1972, pp. 5–8
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 10–12
- ^ Nadeau 2016, p. [page needed].
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 12–16
- ^ a b c Bertier 1962, pp. xiii–xvii
- ^ Palmer 1972, pp. 16–22
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 22–25
- ^ Cecil 1947, p. 76
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 25–27
- ^ a b Cecil 1947, pp. 78–79
- ^ Marriage record
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 27–31
- ^ a b c d Palmer 1972, pp. 31–37
- ^ a b c Cecil 1947, pp. 85–87
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 37–40
- ^ Palmer 1972, pp. 40–44
- ^ Palmer 1972, pp. 44–47
- ^ Palmer 1972, pp. 47–56
- ^ Palmer 1972, pp. 56–61
- ^ Cecil 1947, pp. 98–101
- ^ Palmer 1972, pp. 61–69
- ISBN 9780674743922.
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 69–72
- ^ a b c d Palmer 1972, pp. 72–77
- ^ Palmer 1972, p. 77.
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 78–86
- ^ Cecil 1947, p. 125.
- ^ a b c Palmer 1972, pp. 86–92
- ^ a b Ford 1971, p. 221
- ^ Riley 2013, p. 206.
- ^ Ross 1969, pp. 341–44.
- ^ a b c Palmer 1972, pp. 92–96
- ^ a b c d Palmer 1972, pp. 96–102
- ^ a b Cecil 1947, pp. 134–135
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- ^ a b c d e Palmer 1972, pp. 107–117
- ^ a b Ford 1971, p. 257
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- ^ Hamilton-Williams 1996, p. 47
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- ^ Bertier 1962, pp. 129–131.
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 156–161
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- ^ Cecil 1947, p. 182
- ^ a b c d e Palmer 1972, pp. 180–185
- ^ a b Ford 1971, p. 303
- ^ Cecil 1947, p. 197
- ^ a b c d Palmer 1972, pp. 186–198
- ^ a b Cecil 1947, pp. 200–202
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 198–202
- ^ a b Cecil 1947, p. 207
- ^ a b c d e f Palmer 1972, pp. 203–212
- ^ Ford 1971, p. 279
- ^ a b c d Palmer 1972, pp. 212–219
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- ^ a b Cecil 1947, pp. 211–212
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- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 225–227
- ^ Palmer 1972, pp. 227–230
- ^ a b c Palmer 1972, pp. 232–240
- ^ Cecil 1947, pp. 227–228
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 241–245
- ^ a b c Palmer 1972, pp. 245–253
- ^ Cecil 1947, p. 234
- ^ a b c d e Palmer 1972, pp. 255–264
- ^ Okey 2001, p. 78
- ^ Palmer 1972, pp. 264–270
- ^ a b c Palmer 1972, pp. 271–279
- ^ Okey 2001, pp. 94–95
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 279–283
- ^ a b c Palmer 1972, pp. 286–295
- ^ a b c d Palmer 1972, pp. 298–311
- ^ a b Musulin 1975, pp. 305–306
- ^ Okey 2001, pp. 128–129
- ^ a b c Palmer 1972, pp. 312–319
- ^ Musulin 1975, p. 308
- ^ a b c Palmer 1972, pp. 319–327
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 328–340
- ^ May 1963, pp. 3–4.
- ^ a b c d Sked 1983, p. 43
- ^ Okey 2001, p. 98
- ^ Bertier 1962, p. 223.
- ^ a b Palmer 1972, pp. 1–4
- ^ a b c Okey 2001, pp. 75–76
- ^ a b Sked 1983, p. 45
- ^ a b Sked 1983, pp. 46–47
- ^ Sked 1983, p. 2
- ^ Ford 1971, p. 281
- ^ Palmer 1972, p. Family tree
- ^ "A Szent István Rend tagjai" Archived 22 December 2010 at the Wayback Machine
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- ^ Almanach de la cour: pour l'année ... 1817. l'Académie Imp. des Sciences. 1817. p. 66.
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- ISBN 91-630-6744-7.)
{{cite book}}
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Bibliography
- Bertier de Sauvigny, Guillaume de (1962). Metternich and His Times. Translated by Peter Ryde. London: Darton, Longman and Todd.
- Cecil, Algernon (1947). Metternich (3rd ed.). London: Eyre and Spottiswoode.
- Ford, Franklin L. (1971). Europe, 1780–1830. Hong Kong: Longman. ISBN 978-0-582-48346-0.
- Hamilton-Williams, David (1996). Waterloo New Perspectives: the Great Battle Reappraised. Wiley. ISBN 0-471-05225-6.
- May, Arthur J. (1963). The Age of Metternich 1814–1848.
- Musulin, Stella (1975). Vienna in the Age of Metternich. London: Faber and Faber. ISBN 0-571-09858-4.
- Nadeau, Ryan M. (2016). "Creating a Statesman: The Early Life of Prince Clemens von Metternich and its Effect on his Political Philosophy". The Gettysburg Historical Journal. 15. OCLC 830314384.
- Phillips, Walter Alison (1911). . In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 18 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 301–307.
- Riley, J. P. (2013). Napoleon and the World War of 1813: Lessons in Coalition Warfighting. Routledge.
- Okey, Robin (2001). The Habsburg Monarchy, c. 1765–1918. Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-333-39654-4.
- Ross, Stephen T. (1969). European Diplomatic History 1789–1815: France against Europe.
- ISBN 978-1-85799-868-9.
- Sked, Alan (1983). "Metternich". History Today. 33 (6).
- Sked, Alan (2008). Metternich and Austria: An Evaluation. Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-4039-9114-0.
Primary sources
- Walker, Mack, ed. Metternich's Europe: Selected Documents (1968) 352 pp. of primary sources in English translation.
Further reading
- Pásztorová, Barbora (2022). Metternich, the German Question and the Pursuit of Peace. De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-076903-6.
- Šedivý, Miroslav. Metternich, the Great Powers and the Eastern Question (Pilsen: University of West Bohemia Press, 2013) major scholarly study 1032pp
- Siemann, Wolfram. Metternich: Strategist and Visionary (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2019). A major scholarly work presenting Metternich as a thwarted innovator in the national industrial policy.
External links
- Media related to Klemens von Metternich at Wikimedia Commons
- Quotations related to Klemens von Metternich at Wikiquote
- Metternich's Political Profession of Faith