Anti-Serb sentiment
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Anti-Serb sentiment or Serbophobia (Serbian: србофобија / srbofobija) is a generally negative view of Serbs as an ethnic group. Historically it has been a basis for the persecution of ethnic Serbs.
A distinctive form of anti-Serb sentiment is anti-Serbian sentiment, which can be defined as a generally negative view of Serbia as a nation-state for Serbs. Another form of anti-Serb sentiment is a generally-negative view of Republika Srpska, the Serb-majority entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The best known historical proponent of anti-Serb sentiment was the 19th- and 20th-century Croatian Party of Rights. The most extreme elements of this party became the Ustaše in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, a Croatian fascist organization that came to power during World War II and instituted racial laws that specifically targeted Serbs, Jews, Roma and dissidents. This culminated in the genocide of Serbs and members of other minority groups that lived in the Independent State of Croatia.
History
Before World War I
Turks and Albanians in Ottoman Kosovo Vilayet
Anti-Serb sentiment in the
Atrocities against Serbs in the region also peaked in 1901 after the region was flooded with weapons not handed back to the Ottomans after the Greco-Turkish War of 1897.[4] In May 1901, Albanians pillaged and partially burned the cities of Novi Pazar, Sjenica and Pristina, and massacred Serbs in the area of Kolašin.[5][6] David Little suggests that the actions of Albanians at the time constituted ethnic cleansing as they attempted to create a homogeneous area free of Christian Serbs.[7]
Bulgarians in Ottoman Macedonia
The
19th and early 20th century in the Habsburg monarchy
Anti-Serbian sentiment coalesced in 19th-century Croatia when some of the Croatian intelligentsia planned the creation of a Croatian
Starčević's ideas formed a basis for the destructive politics of his successor,
Between the mid-19th and early 20th century there were two factions in the
World War I
After the Balkan Wars in 1912–1913, anti-Serb sentiment increased in the Austro-Hungarian administration of Bosnia and Herzegovina.[25] Oskar Potiorek, governor of Bosnia and Herzegovina, closed many Serb societies and significantly contributed to the anti-Serb mood before the outbreak of World War I.[25] [26]
The
The Sarajevo assassination became the casus belli for World War I.[34] Taking advantage of an international wave of revulsion against this act of "Serbian nationalist terrorism," Austria-Hungary gave Serbia an ultimatum which led to World War I. Although the Serbs of Austria-Hungary were loyal citizens whose majority participated in its forces during the war, anti-Serb sentiment systematically spread and members of the ethnic group were persecuted all over the country.[35] Austria-Hungary soon occupied the territory of the Kingdom of Serbia, including Kosovo, boosting already intense anti-Serbian sentiment among Albanians whose volunteer units were established to reduce the number of Serbs in Kosovo.[36] A cultural example is the jingle "Alle Serben müssen sterben" ("All Serbs Must Die"), which was popular in Vienna in 1914. (It was also known as "Serbien muß sterbien").[37]
Orders issued on 3 and 13 October 1914 banned the use of
Interwar period
Fascist Italy
In the 1920s,
Croats in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia
The relations between Croats and Serbs were stressed at the very beginning of the Yugoslav state.
A 1993 report of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe stated that Belgrade's centralist policies for the Kingdom of Yugoslavia led to increased anti-Serbian sentiment in Croatia.[47]
World War II
Nazi Germany
Serbs as well as other
Independent State of Croatia and Ustashe
The
Some priests in the Croatian Catholic Church participated in these Ustaša massacres and the mass conversion of Serbs to Catholicism.[73] During the war, about 250,000 people of the Orthodox faith who were living within the territory of the NDH were either forced or coerced into converting to Catholicism by the Ustaša authorities.[74] One of the reasons for the close cooperation of a part of the Catholic clergy was its anti-Serb position.[75]
Albania
When
These conflicts were relatively low-level compared with other areas of Yugoslavia during the war years.[84] Approximately 10,000 Serbs and Montenegrins died in Kosovo during the war, the majority of whom were killed by Albanian collaborationist forces.[77] Two Serb historians also estimate that 12,000 Albanians lost their lives.[84] An official investigation conducted by the Yugoslav government in 1964 recorded nearly 8,000 war-related fatalities in Kosovo between 1941 and 1945, 5,489 of whom were Serb and Montenegrin and 2,177 of whom were Albanian.[85]
After World War II
Nearly four decades later, in the 1986 draft of the
Breakup of Yugoslavia
During the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s, anti-Serb sentiment flooded Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo,[88] and because of its independence and its historical association with Serbophobia, the Independent State of Croatia would sometimes serve as a rallying symbol for people who intended to proclaim aversion towards Serbia.[89] It also worked vice versa. And while the Serbian nationalism of the time is well-known, anti-Serb sentiment was present in all non-Serb republics of Yugoslavia during its breakup.[90] Bookocide of works written in Serbian took place in Croatia, with as many as 2.8 million books destroyed.[91]
In 1997 the
According to
During the war in Croatia, French writer Alain Finkielkraut insinuated that Serbs were inherently evil, comparing Serb actions to the Nazis during World War II.[96]
During the
Outside the Balkans,
Criticism
Some criticism of Anti-Serb sentiment or Serbophobia purportedly corresponds to its interplay with perceived historical revisionism and myths practiced by some Serbian nationalist writers and the government of Slobodan Milošević in the 1990s.[100] According to political scientist David Bruce MacDonald, in the 1980s Serbs increasingly began to compare themselves to Jews as fellow victims in world history, which involved tragedizing historic events, from the 1389 Battle of Kosovo to the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution, as every aspect of history was seen as yet another example of persecution and victimisation of Serbs at the hands of external negative forces.[101] Serbophobia was often likened to antisemitism and expressed itself as a re-analysis of history where every event that had a negative effect on the Serbs was likened to a tragedy, and used to justify territorial expansion into neighbouring regions.[102] According to Christopher Bennett, former director of the International Crisis Group in the Balkans, the idea of historic Serb martyrdom grew out of the thinking and writing of Dobrica Ćosić who developed a complex and paradoxical theory of Serb national persecution, which evolved over two decades between the late 1960s and the late 1980s into the Greater Serbian programme.[103] Serbian nationalist politicians have made associations to Serbian "martyrdom" in history (from the Battle of Kosovo in 1389 to the genocide during World War II) to justify Serbian politics of the 1980s and 1990s.[103] In late 1988, months before the Revolutions of 1989, Milošević accused his critics like the Slovenian leader Milan Kučan of "spreading fear of Serbia" as a political tactic.[104]
Contemporary and recent issues
At a football game between Kosovo and Croatia played in Albania in October 2016, the fans together chanted murderous slogans against Serbs.[105] Both countries face FIFA hearings due to the incident.[106] Croat and Ukrainian sports fans have put up hate messages towards Serbs and Russians during a match of their national teams in the 2018 World Cup qualifier.[107]
Kosovo Albanians
The worst ethnic violence in
Croatia
Croatian nationalist propaganda, especially the Catholic Church supported groups, often advocates anti-Serb views.[112][113] In 2015 Amnesty International reported that Croatian Serbs continued to face discrimination in public sector employment and the restitution of tenancy rights to social housing vacated during the war.[114] In 2017 they again pointed Serbs faced significant barriers to employment and obstacles to regain their property. Amnesty International also said that right to use minority languages and scripts continued to be politicized and unimplemented in some towns and that heightened nationalist rhetoric and hate speech contributed to growing ethnic intolerance and insecurity.[115] According to the 2018 European Commission against Racism and Intolerance report, racist and intolerant hate speech in public discourse is escalating; and one of the main targets are Serbs.[116]
Croatian usage of the Ustashe salute
In 2013 it was reported that a group of right-wing extremists had
Serbian politicians have recently accused Croatian politicians of anti-Serbian sentiment.
In 2019, there were several alleged hate-motivated incidents targeting Serbs in Croatia, including an attack on three VK Crvena zvezda players in the coastal city of Split, an attack on four seasonal workers in the town of Supetar, two of whom were Serbs, singled out by the attackers due to the dialect they were using, and an attack on Serbs who were watching a Red Star Belgrade match.[137] The latter which resulted in injuries to five people, including a minor, resulted in the indictment of 15 men for committing a hate crime.[137]
Montenegro under Milo Đukanović
Some observers have described
According to the 2017 survey conducted by the Council of Europe in cooperation with the Office of the state ombudsman, 45% of respondents reported experiences of religious discrimination and perception of discrimination were highest by a significant margin among Serbian Orthodox Church members, while Serbs were facing discrimination considerably more than other ethnic communities.[147][148] In June 2019, Mirna Nikčević, first adviser to the Embassy of Montenegro in Turkey, commented on protests in front of the Cathedral of the Resurrection of Christ in Podgorica against the announced controversial religious law: "Honestly, I would burn the temple and all the cattle there".[149] A few days later, Zoran Vujović, an actor of the Montenegrin National Theatre, has posted a lot of insults against the Serbs on his Facebook profile, saying that they were "nothingness, ignorant, degenerate, poisonous".[150][151] According to some reporters, pro-Serbian media have faced discrimination.[152]
As of late December 2019, the newly proclaimed religion law or officially Law on Freedom of Religion or Belief and the Legal Status of Religious Communities, which de jure transfers the ownership of church buildings and estates from the Serbian Orthodox Church to the Montenegrin state,[153][154] sparked a series of peaceful nationwide protests which continued to February 2020.[155] The Freedom House described the adoption of the law, which is widely seen to target the Serbian Orthodox Church, as "questionable decision".[156] Eighteen opposition MPs, mostly Serbs, were arrested prior to the voting, under the charge for violently disrupting the vote.[156][157] Some church officials were attacked by the police[158][159] and a number of journalists, opposition activists and protesting citizens were arrested.[160][161][162] President Milo Đukanović called the protesting citizens "a lunatic movement".[163][164][165]
Hate speech and derogatory terms
Among derogatory terms for Serbs are "Vlachs" (Власи / Vlasi) which was used mainly in Hrvatsko Zagorje during rebellion in the early 20th century.[166] and "Chetniks" (четници / četnici) used by Croats and Bosniaks;[167] Shkije by Albanians;[168][169] while Čefurji is used in Slovenia for immigrants from other former Yugoslav republics.[170] In Montenegro, a widely used derogatory term for Serbs is Posrbice (посрбице), and it denotes "Montenegrins who identify as Serbs".[171]
Anti-Serb slogans
The slogan Srbe na vrbe! (Србе на врбе), meaning "Hang Serbs from the willow trees!" (lit. 'Serbs onto willows!') originates from a poem by the
In present-day
Gallery
-
Devastated and robbed shops owned by Serbs in Sarajevo during the Anti-Serb pogrom in Sarajevo.
-
Austro-Hungarian soldiers executing Serb civilians during World War I.
-
The remains of Serbs executed by Bulgarian soldiers in the Surdulica massacre during World War I. An estimated 2,000–3,000 Serbian men were killed in the town during the first months of the Bulgarian occupation of southern Serbia.[181]
-
Order for Serbs and Jews to move out of their home in Zagreb, in the Nazi puppet state during World War II. Also, a warning of forcible expulsion for Serbs and Jews who fail to comply.
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Ruins of theChurch of Holy Salvation, Prizren which was built circa 1330 and destroyed during the 2004 unrest in Kosovo.
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14th-century icon from Our Lady of Ljeviš in Prizren, which was damaged in 2004 by rioters.
See also
- Serbian Question
- Persecution of Eastern Orthodox Christians
- Anti-Serb riots in Sarajevo
- 1991 anti-Serb riot in Zadar
- Panda Bar incident
- Podujevo bus bombing
- Goraždevac murders
- Anti-Slavic sentiment
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Anti-Serbian sentiment had already been expressed throughout the nineteenth century when Croatian intellectuals began to make plans for their own national state. They viewed the presence of more than one million Serbs in Krajina and Slavonia as intolerable.
- ^ a b Meier 2013, p. 120.
- ^ Carmichael 2012, p. 97
For Starčević ... Serbs were 'unclean race' ... Along with ... Eugen Kvaternik believed that 'there could be no Slovene or Serb people in Croatia because their existence could only be expressed in the right to a separate political territory.
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Starcevic was extremely anti-Serb, seeing Serb political consciousness as a threat to Croats.
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In polemics of the 1850s, Starčević also coined a misleading term – "Slavoserb", derived from the Latin word "sclavus" and "servus" to denote persons ready to serve foreign rulers against their own people.
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The Balkan Wars left Serbia as the region's strongest power. Serbia's relationship with Austria-Hungary remained antagonistic, and the Habsburg administration in Bosnia-Hercegovina became anti-Serb ... the governor of Bosnia declared state of emergency, dissolved the parliament, ... and closed down many Serb associations ...
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Mit Kreide war an die Waggons geschrieben: »Jeder Schuß ein Russ', jeder Stoß ein Franzos', jeder Tritt ein Brit', alle Serben müssen sterben.« Die Soldaten lachten, als ich die Inschrift laut las. Es war eine Aufforderung, mitzulachen.
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When dealing with such a race as Slavic – inferior and barbarian – we must not pursue the carrot, but the stick policy. We should not be afraid of new victims. The Italian border should run across the Brenner Pass, Monte Nevoso and the Dinaric Alps. I would say we can easily sacrifice 500,000 barbaric Slavs for 50,000 Italians.
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We are the Master Race and must govern hard but just ... I will draw the very last out of this country. I did not come to spread bliss ... The population must work, work, and work again ... We are a master race, which must remember that the lowliest German worker is racially and biologically a thousand times more valuable than the population [of the Ukraine]. (emphasis added)
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German anti-Serbian sentiment increased after Hitler's ascent to power in 1933. His Serbophobia, which was rooted in the years of his youth which he spent in Vienna, was virulent. As a result, Nazi ideology became permeated with anti-Serbian sentiment.
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Serbia proper was under strict German occupation, a situation which allowed the Ustasha to pursue its radical anti-Serbian policy
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It was racist and genocidal hatred of people who merely had different national consciousness
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The Ustasha regime ... inaugurated the most brutal campaign of mass murder against civilian population that Southern Europe has ever witnessed ... The campaign of mass murder and deportation against the Serb population was initially justified on scientific racist
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Close collaboration between Ustaša and part of catholic clergy followed ... above all anti-Serbian ...
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The present depressing condition of the Serbian nation, with chauvinism and Serbophobia being ever more violently expressed in certain circles, favor of a revival of Serbian nationalism, an increasingly drastic expression of Serbian national sensitivity, and reactions that can be volatile and even dangerous.
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By 1987 accelerating inflation and rapid depreciation of the dinar were strengthening Slovene and Croatian demands for sweeping economic liberalization, but these were blocked by Serbia. This exacerbated the growing anti-Serbian sentiments among non-Serbs, but also enhanced Serbian support for Milošević's nationalism and his manipulation of the Kosovo issue, culminating in the abolition of the autonomy of that region.
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Because of its independence from Belgrade (though not from Berlin) and because of its association with anti-Serb and anti-Allied politics, the NDH would later serve as a rallying symbol for those who wanted to declare their antipathy towards Serbia (during the War of Yugoslav secession)
- ^ Ramet 2006, p. 240
Nationalist and Liberal Echoes in Other Republics Every republic and autonomous province was struck by nationalist outbursts in these years, and among all the non-Serbian nationalities, there were strong anti- Serbian feelings.
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Further reading
- Антисрпство у уџбеницима историје у Црној Гори (in Serbian). Српско народно вијеће. 2007. ISBN 978-9940-9009-1-5.
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- Popović, Vasilj (1940). Европа и српско питање у периоду ослобођења (1804–1918). Geca Kon.
External links
- Ovey, Michael. "Victim Chic? The Rhetoric of victimhood". Cambridge Papers. Archived from the originalon 22 February 2014. Retrieved 18 February 2014.
- Globalizing the Holocaust: A Jewish "useable past" in Serbian nationalism Archived 9 January 2022 at the Wayback Machine, by David McDonald, University of Otago, New Zealand
- Neue Serbophilie und alte Serbophobie, "New Serbophilia and Old Serbophobia", a 2000 Junge Welt article by Werner Pirker (in German)
- Marc Fumaroli at the Wayback Machine (archive index), a 1999 article by Catherine Argand from Lire, a French literary magazine (in French)
- Europa e nuovi nazionalismi, a 2001 article by Luca Rastello (in Italian)
- Бомбы или гражданская война at the Sevodnyaarticle by Alexei Makarkin (in Russian)
- Ku është antimillosheviqi?, a 2000 AIM article by Igor Mekina (in Albanian)