Anti-Polish sentiment
Part of a series on |
Discrimination |
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Polonophobia,
This prejudice led to mass killings and
Nazi Germany killed between 1.8 and 2.7 million ethnic Poles; 140,000 Poles were deported to
Anti-Polish sentiment includes
Etymology
According to Adam Leszczynski, the term antypolonizm was coined by journalist
The growing anti-Polonism in the world has the same source as antisemitism: aversion to weak people, chronically handicapped by the fate of the handicapped, weak people by the difference between the hope of individuals and the poverty of the masses, people living scattered, constantly fighting for their homeland... We are becoming unpopular as a nation and, as with the Jewish people, only individuals are granted the right to be sympathetic.[13]
Features
Forms of hostility toward Poles and Polish culture include:
- Organized persecution of the Poles as a nation or as an ethnic group;[citation needed]
- A xenophobic dislikes of Poles, including Polish immigrants;[citation needed]
- Cultural anti-Polish sentiment: a prejudice against Poles and Polish-speaking persons or their customs, language and education;[citation needed]
- Stereotypes about Poland and Polish people in the media and other forms of popular culture.[citation needed]
A historic example of anti-Polish sentiment was polakożerstwo (in English, "the devouring of Poles") – a Polish term coined in the 19th century in relation to the
Anti-Polish stereotypes
In the Russian language, the term mazurik (
The "Polish plumber" cliché may symbolize the threat of cheap labor from poorer European countries to "steal" low-paying jobs in wealthier parts of Europe. On the other hand, others associate it with affordability and dependability of European migrant workers.[22]
Before the Second Polish Republic, 1918

Anti-Polish rhetoric combined with the condemnation of Polish culture was most prominent in the 18th-century
Germany, becoming more and more permeated with Teutonic Prussianism[vague][citation needed], continued to pursue these tactics[citation needed]. For instance, David Blackbourn of Harvard University speaks of the scandalised writings of German intellectual Johann Georg Forster, who was granted a tenure at Vilnius University by the Polish Commission of National Education in 1784.[26] Forster wrote of Poland's "backwardness" in a similar vein to "ignorance and barbarism" of southeast Asia.[27] Such views were later repeated in the German ideas of Lebensraum and exploited by the Nazis.[28] German academics between the 18th and 20th centuries attempted to project, in the difference between Germany and Poland, a "boundary between civilization and barbarism; high German Kultur and primitive Slavdom" (1793 racist diatribe by J.C. Schulz republished by the Nazis in 1941).[29] Prussian officials, eager to secure Polish partition, encouraged the view that the Poles were culturally inferior and in need of Prussian tutelage.[27] Such racist texts, originally published from the 18th century onwards, were republished by the German Reich prior to and after its invasion of Poland.
Frederick the Great of Prussia nourished a particular hatred and contempt for the Polish people. Following his conquest of Poland, he compared the Poles to "Iroquois" of Canada.[27] In his all-encompassing anti-Polish campaign, even the nobility of Polish background living in Prussia were obliged to pay higher taxes than those of German heritage. Polish monasteries were viewed as "lairs of idleness" and their property often seized by Prussian authorities. The prevalent Catholicism among Poles was stigmatised. The Polish language was persecuted at all levels.[30]
After the
In the 18th century, Russia as an empire attempted to make Poland disintegrate by using liberum veto, creating chaos and prevented reforms, as by Russian accords[vague], was against the ideal of Imperial Russia's future plan to partition Poland.[34] Russia often sent troops and carried out atrocities on Polish civilians.[35] When Poland adopted its first ever Constitution of 3 May 1791, the first Constitution in Europe, Russia sent troops and brutally suppressed Polish people.[36]

When Poland lost the last vestiges of its independence in 1795 and
Being a Pole under the Russian occupation was in itself almost culpable – wrote Russian historian
The fact that Poles, unlike the Orthodox Russians, were overwhelmingly Roman Catholic gave impetus to their religious persecution. At the same time, with the emergence of
In Prussia and later in Germany, Poles were forbidden to build homes, and their properties were targeted for forced buy-outs financed by the Prussian and subsequent German governments. Bismarck described Poles, as animals (wolves), that "one shoots if one can" and implemented several harsh laws aimed at their expulsion from traditionally Polish lands. The Polish language was banned from public use, and ethnically Polish children punished at school for speaking Polish.[43] Poles were subjected to a wave of forceful evictions (Rugi Pruskie). The German government financed and encouraged settlement of ethnic Germans into those areas aiming at their geopolitical germanisation.[44] The Prussian Landtag passed laws against Catholics.[45]
Toward the end of
Interwar period (1918–39)

After Poland regained its independence as
At the

In the politics of inter-war Germany, anti-Polish feelings ran high.[52] The American historian Gerhard Weinberg observed that for many Germans in the Weimar Republic, "Poland was an abomination", Poles were "an East European species of cockroach", Poland was usually described as a Saisonstaat (a state for a season), and Germans used the phrase "Polish economy" (polnische Wirtschaft) for a situation of hopeless muddle.[52] Weinberg noted that in the 1920s–30s, leading German politicians refused to accept Poland as a legitimate nation, and hoped instead to partition Poland, probably with the help of the Soviet Union.[52] The British historian A. J. P. Taylor wrote in 1945 that National Socialism was inevitable because the Germans wanted "to repudiate the equality with the peoples of (central and) eastern Europe which had then been forced upon them" after 1918.[53]
During Stalin's
Outside the Germans and Russians, the Lithuanians also developed a very strong anti-Polish hatred, partly due to historical grievances. For the Lithuanians, the Polish–Lithuanian War of 1920, which costed the capital Vilnius to be on Polish hand, cemented anti-Polish sentiment. Virtually throughout the inter-war, anti-Polish had been omnipresent in Lithuania, and Polish minority in Lithuania faced a very harsh repression by the Lithuanian authorities.[59] The 1938 Polish ultimatum to Lithuania led to the establishment of relations, but it remained extremely difficult as Lithuania still refused to accept Vilnius as part of Poland.[60]
Ukrainians were also another people with strong anti-Polish hostility. The
Invasion of Poland and World War II

Nazi propagandists stereotyped Poles as nationalists in order to portray Germans as victims and justify the
In October 1939, Directive No.1306 of Nazi Germany's Propaganda Ministry stated: "It must be made clear even to the German milkmaid that Polishness equals subhumanity. Poles, Jews and Gypsies are on the same inferior level... This should be brought home as a leitmotiv, and from time to time, in the form of existing concepts such as 'Polish economy', 'Polish ruin' and so on, until everyone in Germany sees every Pole, whether farm worker or intellectual, as vermin."[64]
Historian Karol Karski writes that before World War II the Soviet authorities carried out a discreditation campaign against the Poles and describes Stalin as Polonophobe.[65]
During
Soviet policy following their 1939
In German and Soviet war propaganda, Poles were mocked as inept for their military techniques in fighting the war. Nazi fake newsreels and forged
Ukrainian and Lithuanian nationalists utilized the increasing racial segregation to foment anti-Polonism. Followers of Stepan Bandera (also called Banderovites) committed genocide on Poles in Volhynia at 1943.[71] Lithuanian forces often clash with Polish forces throughout the World War II, and committed massacre on Poles with support from the Nazis.[72]
Bernard Montgomery often assigned blame to the failure of his operations, such as Operation Market Garden, to the Polish troops under his command.[73] Poland's relationship with the USSR during World War II was complicated. The main western Allies, the United States and the United Kingdom, understood the importance of the Soviet Union in defeating Germany, to the point of refusing to condemn Soviet propaganda which vilified their Polish ally.[74] The western Allies were even willing to help cover up the Soviet massacre at Katyn.[75]

"The dying Jews are surrounded only by Pilates washing their hands of everything. This silence can no longer be tolerated. Whatever the incentives - it is despicable. Whoever is silent in the face of murder - becomes the murderer's accomplice. Who does not condemn - allows. ...our feelings towards the Jews have not changed. We continue to think of them as Poland's political, ideological and economic enemies. What's more, we are aware that they hate us more than they hate the Germans, that they think us responsible for their tragedy. Why, on what ground - that remains a mystery of the Jewish soul."[76]
Post-war
Under
In Britain after 1945, the British populace accepted the Polish servicemen who chose not to return to a Poland ruled by the communist regime in their decision to stay on in Britain. The Poles resident in Britain served under British command during the war,[78] but as soon as the Soviets began to make gains on the Eastern Front both public opinion and the government turned increasingly pro-Soviet.[79] Socialist supporters of the Soviet Union made the Poles out to be "warmongers", "anti-Semites" and "fascists".[80] After the war, the trade unions and Labour party played on the fears among the public of there not being enough jobs, food and housing to incite anti-Polish sentiments.[80]
The myth that Poland had been conducting a genocide against ethnic Germans was invented in 1940 by German nationalist writer Edwin Erich Dwinger by embellishing the events of "Bloody Sunday".[81] In 1961, a book was published in Germany entitled Der Erzwungene Krieg (The Forced War) by the American historical writer and Holocaust denier David Hoggan, which argued that Germany did not commit aggression against Poland in 1939, but was instead the victim of an Anglo-Polish conspiracy against the Reich.[82] Reviewers have often noted that Hoggan seems to have an obsessive hostility towards the Poles. His claims included that the Polish government treated Poland's German minority far worse than the German government under Adolf Hitler treated its Jewish minority.[83] In 1964, much controversy was created when two German right-wing extremist groups awarded Hoggan prizes.[84] In the 1980s, the German philosopher and historian Ernst Nolte claimed that in 1939 Poland was engaged in a campaign of genocide against its ethnic German minority, and has strongly implied that the German invasion in 1939, and all of the subsequent German atrocities in Poland during World War II were in essence justified acts of retaliation.[85] Critics, such as the British historian Richard J. Evans, have accused Nolte of distorting the facts, and have argued that in no way was Poland committing genocide against its German minority.[85]
During the political transformation of the Soviet-controlled Eastern bloc in the 1980s, the traditional German anti-Polish feeling was again openly exploited in the
"Polish death camp" controversy
The expressions offensive to Poles are attributed to a number of non-Polish media in relation to World War II. The most prominent is a continued reference by Western news media to "Polish death camps" and "Polish concentration camps". These phrases refer to the network of
In Polish-Jewish relations
There is a stereotype that Jews are anti-Polish.[91] Cardinal Józef Glemp in his controversial and widely criticized speech delivered on 26 August 1989 (and retracted in 1991)[92] argued that the outbursts of antisemitism are a "legitimate form of national self-defence against Jewish anti-Polonism."[93] He "asked Jews who 'have great power over the mass media in many countries' to rein in their anti-Polonism because 'if there won't be anti-Polonism, there won't be such antisemitism among us'."[94]
In November of the same year, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir said Poles "drink in (anti-Semitism) with their mother's milk."[95] Polish Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki said that "these blanket statements are the most destructive actions imaginable," and that they "do irreparable harm" to people seeking Polish-Jewish reconciliation.[95] Adam Michnik wrote for The New York Times that "almost all Poles react very sharply when confronted with the charge that Poles get their anti-Semitism 'with their mothers' milk'." Such verbal attacks – according to Michnik – are interpreted by anti-Semites as "proof of the international anti-Polish Jewish conspiracy".[96]
In Rethinking Poles and Jews, Robert Cherry and Annamaria Orla-Bukowska said that anti-Polonism and anti-Semitism remain "grotesquely twinned into our own time. We cannot combat the one without combating the other."[97]
The term "anti-Polonism" is said to have been used for campaign purposes by political parties such as the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin) or the defunct Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland (Polish: Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej) and organizations such as the Association against Anti-Polonism led by Leszek Bubel, leader of the Polish National Party and a former presidential candidate.[98] Bubel was taken to court by a group of ten Polish intellectuals who filed a lawsuit against him for "violating the public good". Among the signatories were former Foreign Minister Władysław Bartoszewski and filmmaker Kazimierz Kutz.[99]
According to Polish historian Joanna Michlic, the term is used in Poland also as an argument against the self-critical intellectuals who discuss Polish-Jewish relations, accusing them of "anti-Polish positions and interests." For example, historian Jan T. Gross has been accused of being anti-Polish when he wrote about crimes such as the Jedwabne pogrom. In her view, the charge is "not limited to arguments that can objectively be classified as anti-Polish—such as equating the Poles with the Nazis—but rather applied to any critical inquiry into the collective past. Moreover, anti-Polonism is equated with anti-Semitism."[100]
For the 1994 anniversary of the
Polish historian Adam Leszczyński states that "Antisemitism is an extensive doctrine with racist or religious grounds that led to the Holocaust. 'Antipolonism' is at best a generalized aversion to Poles."[13]
"Polish jokes"
"Polish jokes" belong to a category of conditional jokes, meaning that their understanding requires knowledge of what a Polish joke is. Conditional jokes depend on the audience's affective preference—on their likes and dislikes. Though these jokes might be understood by many, their success depends entirely on the negative disposition of the listener.[108]
Presumably the first Polish jokes by German
There is debate as to whether the early "Polish jokes" brought to states such as Wisconsin by German immigrants relate directly to the wave of American jokes of the early 1960s. A "provocative critique of previous scholarship on the subject"[111] has been made by British writer Christie Davies in The Mirth of Nations, which suggests that "Polish jokes" did not originate in Nazi Germany but much earlier, as an outgrowth of regional jokes rooted in "social class differences reaching back to the nineteenth century." According to Davies, American versions of Polish jokes are an unrelated "purely American phenomenon" and do not express the "historical Old World hatreds of the Germans for the Poles. However, Hollywood in the 1960s and 1970s imported the subhuman-intelligence jokes about Poles from old Nazi propaganda."[112]
For decades, Polish Americans have been the subject of derogatory jokes originating in
Since the late 1960s,
In 2014, a German speaker joked during the European Aquatics Championships that the Polish team would be coming back home in "our cars".[116]
Today
United Kingdom

Since the
In 2007, Polish people living in London reported 42 ethnically motivated attacks against them, compared with 28 in 2004.[122][123] The Conservative MP Daniel Kawczynski, of Polish origin himself, said that the increase in violence towards Poles is in part "a result of the media coverage by the BBC" whose reporters "won't dare refer to controversial immigration from other countries."[124][125][126][127] Kawczynski voiced his criticism of the BBC in the House of Commons for "using the Polish community as a cat's paw to try to tackle the thorny issue of mass, unchecked immigration" only because against Poles "it's politically correct to do so."[124]
In 2009, the
The Guardian has been noted for a number of other controversies. On 14 October 2009, Nazi-hunter Efraim Zuroff alleged that: "the second world war narrative [...] has been distorted since independence and the transition to democracy to make it more palatable to their electorate and to minimize the role of local collaborators in Holocaust crimes."[134] On 20 October 2009, The Guardian's Jonathan Freedland said: "We are meant to be friendly towards the newest members of the European Union. But the truth is that several of these "emerging democracies" have reverted to a brand of ultra-nationalistic politics that would repel most voters in western Europe. It exists in Poland". In response to the above articles, Timothy Garton Ash wrote in the same paper on 23 December: "In my experience, the automatic equation of Poland with Catholicism, nationalism and antisemitism – and thence a slide to guilt by association with the Holocaust – is still widespread. This collective stereotyping does no justice to the historical record."[135]
Also in 2008, the Polish ambassador sent an official protest to the
On 6 October 2009,
In January 2014, a Polish man, whose helmet was emblazoned with the flag of Poland,
Following the
Central and Eastern European pupils, including the Polish ones, have experienced increased levels of xenophobic bullying since the Brexit vote.[166]
Anti-Polish sentiment in the UK has been the subject of an academic study.[167]
Israel
The politician
In a 2018 interview, Anna Azari, the Israeli ambassador to Poland, said that "We need to work to reduce anti-Semitism, but work is also needed for there to be less anti-Polish sentiment" and "Anti-Polonism occurs not only in Israel, but also in Jewish circles outside Israel."[171]
In February 2019, Poland's prime minister
On 15 May 2019, Poland's Ambassador to Israel,
United States
On 14 November 2007, Fox aired an episode of Back to You created by Christopher Lloyd and
Russia
![]() | This section needs to be updated.(April 2024) |
In August 2005, a series of allegedly organised attacks against Polish diplomats took place in Moscow,[179] which prompted the then-Polish President Aleksander Kwaśniewski to call on the Russian Government to stop them.[180] An employee with the Polish embassy in Moscow was hospitalised in serious condition after being assaulted in broad daylight near the embassy by unidentified men. Three days later, another Polish diplomat was beaten up near the embassy. The following day the Moscow correspondent for the Polish daily Rzeczpospolita was attacked and beaten up by a group of Russians. It is widely believed that the attacks were organized as revenge for the mugging of four Russian youth in a public park in Warsaw by a group of skinheads, several days earlier.[180]
The professional volleyball player
Lithuania
The former "Solidarity" leader and Polish President Lech Wałęsa criticised the Lithuanian Government over discrimination against the Polish minority, which included the enforced Lithuanization of Polish surnames and the removal of bilingual Polish language street signs (despite Lithuanian laws not permitting such signs) in municipalities with predominantly Polish-speaking population. In 2011, Wałęsa rejected Lithuania's Order of Vytautas the Great citing the mistreatment of the Polish minority.[182]
Ukraine
In his 2007 book Heroes and Villains, in the context of bitter Polish-Ukrainian relations concerning the mutual massacres during World War II,
Polish President Andrzej Duda expressed his concerns with appointment to high Ukrainian offices of people expressing nationalistic anti-Polish views. The Ukrainian foreign ministry stated that there is no general anti-Polish sentiment in Ukraine.[186] In 2017, Polish Foreign Minister Witold Waszczykowski announced plans to bar Ukrainians with anti-Polish views, as a reaction to the disrespect to the Polish cemetery in Lviv.[187]
Germany
Following the accession of Poland to the European Union, Germany–Poland relations have improved.[citation needed] In 2016, Martin Schulz, a German Social Democrat, criticized the Duda's government in Poland and referred it as a "coup". This had led to criticism in Poland, although Polish government had downplayed the issue.[188] In 2020, President of Poland Andrzej Duda accused German media of misinterpreting his words and the German government for being Polonophobe regarding coverage about 2020 Polish presidential election.[189]
Netherlands
In February 2012, Geert Wilders's Freedom Party launched a "hotline" to collect complaints about Poles and other Eastern Europeans. The website caused criticism from politicians for being "anti-Polish".[190] The Polish embassy in the Netherlands requested the Dutch government to shut down the website.[191]
A 2015 survey showed that 49% of new Polish arrivals in the Netherlands have had to deal with discrimination.[192]
References
Notes
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Scharf, Rafael F. (19 June 2008). "'The two saddest nations on earth': A Polish Jewish octogenarian looks back and forward". East European Jewish Affairs. 31 (1): 95–100. S2CID 162660808.
- ^ Sontheimer, Michael (27 May 2011). "Germany's WWII Occupation of Poland: 'When We Finish, Nobody Is Left Alive'". Der Spiegel. Retrieved 26 October 2020.
- ^ a b Leszczyński, Adam (2018). "Kaczyński mówi o "antypolonizmie". Badamy zaskakującą karierę tego słowa na prawicy". oko.press. Retrieved 20 December 2020.
wzrastający w świecie antypolonizm ma to samo źródło co antysemityzm: niechęć do ludzi słabych, chronicznie przez los upośledzonych, ludzi słabych rozpiętością między nadzieją jednostek a nędzą masy, ludzi żyjących w rozproszeniu, ciągle walczących o swą ojczyznę... Mamy więc antypolonizm zażenowany, podstępny, szczery, nienawistny, pogardliwy, bezwzględny. Stajemy się niepopularni jako naród i tak jak w narodzie żydowskim jednostkom tylko przyznaje się prawo do pozyskiwania sympatii.
- ^ Sebastian Conrad, Globalisation and the Nation in Imperial Germany, Cambridge University Press page 171
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Frederick's own views... were expressed in unflattering New World parallels. They [...he gushed] were like: "Iroquois... a barbarous people sunk in ignorance and stupidity" (note the metaphorical undertones of the French verb "croupir" -sunk in, wallowing in, stagnating). Page 8 of 9.
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russian polish war 1654-1667 anti-polish propaganda.
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- ^ From Peace to War: Germany, Soviet Russia, and the World, 1939-1941 (1997), by Sheldon Dick ed. Bernd Wegner, p.50
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- )
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Bibliography
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- Mikołaj Teres: Ethnic Cleansing of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia, Alliance of the Polish Eastern Provinces, Toronto, 1993, ISBN 0-9698020-0-5.
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- Tadeusz Piotrowski: Genocide and Rescue in Wolyn: Recollections of the Ukrainian Nationalist, Ethnic Cleansing Campaign Against the Poles During World War II, McFarland & Company, 2000, ISBN 0-7864-0773-5.
- Dr. Dariusz Łukasiewicz: Czarna legenda Polski: Obraz Polski i Polaków w Prusach 1772-1815 (The black legend of Poland: the image of Poland and Poles in Prussia between 1772–1815) Wydawnictwo Poznanskiego Towarzystwa Przyjaciól Nauk, 1995. Vol. 51 of the history and social sciences series. ISBN 83-7063-148-7. Paper. In Polish with English and German summaries.
- Eduard v. Hartmanns Schlagwort vom "Ausrotten der Polen" : Antipolonismus und Antikatholizismus im Kaiserreich / Helmut Neubach.
- 'Erbfeindschaften': Antipolonismus, Preußen- und Deutschlandhaß, deutsche Ostforschung und polnische Westforschung, [w:] Deutschland und Polen im 20. Jahrhundert, red. U. A. J. Bechner, W. Borodziej, t. Maier, Hannover 2001
Further reading
- Danusha Goska, "Bieganski: The Brute Polak Stereotype in Polish-Jewish Relations and American Popular Culture", 2010, ISBN 1-936235-15-3
- ISBN 0-8131-2559-6
- "Polish Encounters, Russian Identity", 2005, ISBN 0-253-21771-7; — based on the materials of a conference on "Polonophilia and Polonophobia of the Russians", Indiana State University, 2000
External links
Quotations related to Anti-Polonism at Wikiquote
The dictionary definition of Anti-Polonism at Wiktionary