Druze

The Druze hold Shuaib in high regard, believing him to be the same person as the biblical Jethro.^[52] They regard Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, Muhammad, and the Isma'ili Imam Muhammad ibn Isma'il as prophets.^[53] Additionally, Druze tradition honors figures such as Salman the Persian,^[54] al-Khidr (whom they identify with Elijah, John the Baptist and Saint George),^[55] Job, Luke the Evangelist, and others as "mentors" and "prophets".^[56]

The Druze faith is one of the major religious groups in the Levant, with between 800,000 and a million adherents. They are primarily located in Lebanon, Syria, and Israel, with smaller communities in Jordan. They make up 5.5% of Lebanon's population, 3% of Syria and 1.6% of Israel. The oldest and most densely-populated Druze communities exist in Mount Lebanon and in the south of Syria around Jabal al-Druze (literally the "Mountain of the Druze").^[57] The Druze community played a critically important role in shaping the history of the Levant, where it continues to play a significant political role.

Etymology

Part of a series on Druze
Beliefs Ahl at-Tawhid Reincarnation Theophany Esotericism Divine Call Seven Druze pillars Taqiya Walayah
Important figures Shu'ayb Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah Hamza ibn Ali Al-Darazi Baha al-Din al-Muqtana Al-Tanukhi
Texts Epistles of Wisdom (Rasa'il al-Hikma)
Holy places Mount Druze Shrine of Shu'ayb Khalwat
Holy days Eid al-Adha Ziyara
History Tanukh (Buhtur) dynasty Ma'n dynasty 1585 Ottoman expedition against the Druze Druze Power Struggle (1658–1667) Battle of Ain Dara 1838 Druze Revolt 1860 civil conflict in Mount Lebanon and Damascus Hauran Druze Rebellion Jabal Druze State Jaysh al-Muwahhidin Qalb Loze massacre Suwayda Military Council 2025 Jaramana clashes
Druze communities Syrian Druze Lebanese Druze Israeli Druze Jordanian Druze
Related topics Persecution of Druze List of Druze Religious symbols Christianity and Druze
Religion portal
v t e

The name Druze is derived from the name of

In 1016 ad-Darazi and his followers openly proclaimed their beliefs and called people to join them, causing riots in Cairo against the Unitarian movement including Hamza bin Ali and his followers. This led to the suspension of the movement for one year and the expulsion of ad-Darazi and his supporters.[20]

Although the Druze religious books describe ad-Darazi as the "insolent one" and as the "calf" who is narrow-minded and hasty, the name "Druze" is still used for identification and for historical reasons. In 1018, ad-Darazi was assassinated for his teachings; some sources claim that he was executed by Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah.^[71][72]

Some authorities see in the name "Druze" a descriptive epithet, derived from Arabic dārisah ("she who studies").

The number of Druze people worldwide is between 800,000 and one million, with the vast majority residing in the Levant.^[77] The primary countries with Druze populations are Syria, Lebanon, Israel and Jordan.^[78][79]

According to the Institute of Druze Studies, as of 1998, approximately 40–50% of Druze live in Syria, 30–40% in Lebanon, 6–7% in Israel, and 1–2% in Jordan.

Outside the Middle East, significant Druze communities exist in Australia, Canada, Europe, Latin America (mainly Venezuela,^[10] Colombia and Brazil^{[dubious – discuss]}), the United States, and West Africa. They are Arabs who speak Levantine Arabic and follow a social pattern very similar to those of the other peoples of the Levant (eastern Mediterranean).^[82] In 2021 the largest Druze communities outside the Middle East are in Venezuela, with approximately 60,000, and in the United States, with around 50,000.^[83] In 2017, the Los Angeles Times reported about 30,000 Druze in the United States, with the largest concentration in Southern California.^[84]

The story of the creation of the Druze faith in the days between 1017 and 1018 is dominated by three men and their struggle for influence.

• Hamza ibn Ali ibn Ahmad was an Ismaili mystic and scholar from Khorasan, who arrived in Fatimid Egypt in 1014 or 1016^[85]
  and began to preach a Muwaḥḥidūn ("Unitarian") doctrine.
• al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, the sixth Fātimid caliph, became a central figure in the faith being preached by Hamza ibn Ali ibn Ahmad.
• Muhammad bin Ismail Nashtakin ad-Darazi arrived in Cairo in 1015 or 1017, possibly from Bukhara
  , joined the movement and became an important preacher.

Hamza gained the support of the Fātimid caliph al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, who issued a decree promoting religious freedom[87]^[88] and eventually became a central figure in the Druze faith.^{[89][90][91][page needed]}

Little is known about the early life of al-Darazi. According to most sources, he was born in Bukhara. He is believed to have been of Persian origins and his title al-Darazi is Persian in origin, meaning "the tailor".^[92] He arrived in Cairo in 1015, or 1017, after which he joined the newly emerged Druze movement.^[93]

Al-Darazi was converted early to the Unitarian faith and became one of its early preachers. At that time, the movement enlisted a large number of adherents.^[94] As the number of his followers grew, he became obsessed with his leadership and gave himself the title "The Sword of the Faith". Al-Darazi argued that he should be the leader of the daʻwah rather than Hamza ibn Ali and gave himself the title "Lord of the Guides" because Caliph al-Hakim referred to Hamza as "Guide of the Consented". It is said that al-Darazi allowed wine, forbidden marriages and taught metempsychosis^[95] although this may be exaggeration by contemporary and later historians and polemicists.

This attitude led to disputes between Ad-Darazi and Hamza ibn Ali, who disliked his behavior and his arrogance. In the Epistles of Wisdom, Hamza ibn Ali ibn Ahmad warns al-Darazi, saying, "Faith does not need a sword to aid it", but al-Darazi ignored Hamza's warnings and continued to challenge the Imam.

The divine call or unitarian call is the Druze period of time that was opened at sunset on Thursday, 30 May 1017 by Ad-Darazi. The call summoned people to a true unitarian belief that removed all attributes (wise, just, outside, inside, etc.) from God.^[96] It promoted absolute monotheism and the concepts of supporting your fellow man, true speech and pursuit of oneness with God. These concepts superseded all ritual, law and dogma and requirements for pilgrimage, fasting, holy days, prayer, charity, devotion, creed and particular worship of any prophet or person was downplayed. Sharia was opposed and Druze traditions started during the call continue today, such as meeting for reading, prayer and social gathering on a Thursday instead of a Friday at Khalwats instead of mosques. Such gatherings and traditions were not compulsory and people were encouraged to pursue a state of compliance with the real law of nature governing the universe.^[97] Epistle thirteen of the Epistles of Wisdom called it "A spiritual doctrine without any ritualistic imposition".^{[98][page needed]}

The time of the call was seen as a revolution of truth, with missionaries preaching its message all around the Middle East. These messengers were sent out with the Druze epistles and took written vows from believers, whose souls are thought to still exist in the Druze of today. The souls of those who took the vows during the call are believed to be continuously reincarnating in successive generations of Druze until the return of al-Hakim to proclaim a second Divine call and establish a Golden Age of justice and peace for all.^[99]

By 1018, al-Darazi had gathered around him partisans—"Darazites"—who believed that

Hamza ibn Ali rejected al-Darazi's ideology, calling him "the insolent one and Satan".[95] The controversy led Caliph al-Hakim to suspend the Druze daʻwah in 1018.^[100]

In an attempt to gain the support of al-Hakim, al-Darazi started preaching that al-Hakim and his ancestors were the incarnation of God.^[94] An inherently modest man, al-Hakim did not believe that he was God, and felt al-Darazi was trying to depict himself as a new prophet.^[94] In 1018 Al-Hakim had al-Darazi executed, leaving Hamza the sole leader of the new faith and al-Darazi considered to be a renegade.^{[94][100][95]}

Al-Hakim disappeared one night while on his evening ride—presumably assassinated, perhaps at the behest of his formidable elder sister Sitt al-Mulk. The Druze believe he went into Occultation with Hamza ibn Ali and three other prominent preachers, leaving the care of the "Unitarian missionary movement" to a new leader, al-Muqtana Baha'uddin.^{[citation needed]}

The call was suspended briefly between 19 May 1018 and 9 May 1019 during the apostasy of al-Darazi and again between 1021 and 1026 during a period of persecution by the Fatimid caliph al-Zahir li-I'zaz Din Allah for those who had sworn the oath to accept the call.^{[98][page needed]}

Persecutions started forty days after the disappearance into Occultation of al-Hakim, who was thought to have been converting people to the Unitarian faith for over twenty years prior.

Al-Hakim was replaced by his underage son, al-Zahir li-I'zaz Din Allah. The Unitarian/Druze movement acknowledged al-Zahir as the caliph but continued to regard Hamzah as its Imam.[72] The young caliph's regent, Sitt al-Mulk, ordered the army to destroy the movement in 1021.^[71] At the same time, Bahāʼ al-Dīn was assigned the leadership of the Unitarians by Hamza.^[72]

For the next seven years, the Druze faced extreme persecution by al-Zahir li-I'zaz Din Allah, who wanted to eradicate the faith.^[102] This was the result of a power struggle inside of the Fatimid Calphate, in which the Druze were viewed with suspicion because they refused to recognize the new caliph as their Imam.

Many spies, mainly the followers of al-Darazi, joined the Unitarian movement to infiltrate the Druze community. The spies set about agitating trouble and soiling the reputation of the Druze. This resulted in friction with the new caliph who clashed militarily with the Druze community. The clashes ranged from Antioch to Alexandria, where tens of thousands of Druze were slaughtered by the Fatimid army,^[71] "this mass persecution known by the Druze as the period of the mihna".^[103] The largest massacre was at Antioch, where 5000 prominent Druze were killed, followed by that of Aleppo.^[71] As a result, the faith went underground, in hope of survival, as those captured were either forced to renounce their faith or be killed. Druze survivors "were found principally in southern Lebanon and Syria".

In 1038, two years after the death of al-Zahir li-I'zaz Din Allah, the Druze movement was able to resume because the new leadership that replaced him had friendly political ties with at least one prominent Druze leader.^[102]

In 1043, Baha al-Din al-Muqtana declared that the sect would no longer accept new pledges, and since that time proselytism has been prohibited awaiting al-Hakim's return at the Last Judgment to usher in a new Golden Age.^[104][102]

Some Druze and non-Druze scholars like Samy Swayd and Sami Makarem state that this confusion is due to confusion about the role of the early preacher al-Darazi, whose teachings the Druze rejected as heretical.^[105] These sources assert that al-Hakim rejected al-Darazi's claims of divinity,^{[72][94][106][page needed]} and ordered the elimination of his movement while supporting that of Hamza ibn Ali.^[107]

Wadi al-Taym, in Lebanon, was one of the two most important centers of Druze missionary activity in the 11th century^[108] and was the first area where the Druze appeared in the historical record under the name "Druze".^[109] It is generally considered the birthplace of the Druze faith.^[110]

It was during the period of Crusader rule in Levant (1099–1291) that the Druze first emerged into the full light of history in the Gharb region of the Chouf. As powerful warriors serving the leaders in Damascus against the Crusades, the Druze were given the task of keeping watch over the Crusaders in the seaport of Beirut, to prevent them from making any encroachments inland. Subsequently, the Druze chiefs of the Gharb placed their considerable military experience at the disposal of the Mamluk sultans in Egypt (1250–1516); first, to assist them in putting an end to what remained of Crusader rule in the coastal Levant, and later to help them safeguard the Lebanese coast against Crusader retaliation by sea.^[111]

In the early period of the Crusader era, the Druze feudal power was in the hands of two families, the

Having cleared the Holy Land of the Crusaders, the Mamluk Sultanate now turned their attention to the schismatic Muslims of Syria. In 1305, after the issuing of a fatwa by the scholar ibn Taymiyya calling for jihad against all non-Sunni Muslim groups like the Druze, Alawites, Isma'ilis, and Twelver Shi'a, al-Nasir Muhammad inflicted a disastrous defeat on the Druze at Keserwan, and forced outward compliance on their part to Sunnism. The Sunni Mamluk campaigns led to the destruction of many Christian churches and monasteries and Druze sanctuaries khilwat, and caused mass destruction of Maronite and Druze villages and the killings and mass displacement of its inhabitants.^[116] Lebanese Sunni authors generally write of the campaigns from a pro-Mamluk stance, seeing in them the legitimate Muslim state's efforts to incorporate Mount Lebanon into the Islamic realm, while Druze authors write with a focus on the Druze community's consistent connection to Mount Lebanon and defense of its practical autonomy.^[117]

Later, the Druze were severely attacked at

The European powers then determined to intervene, and authorized the landing in Beirut of a body of French troops under General Beaufort d'Hautpoul, whose inscription can still be seen on the historic rock at the mouth of Nahr al-Kalb. French intervention on behalf of the Maronites did not help the Maronite national movement, since France was restricted in 1860 by the British government, which did not want the Ottoman Empire dismembered. But European intervention pressured the Turks to treat the Maronites more justly.^[140] Following the recommendations of the powers, the Ottoman Porte granted Lebanon local autonomy, guaranteed by the powers, under a Maronite governor. This autonomy was maintained until World War I.^{[112][page needed][141][page needed]}

The

The Hauran rebellion was a violent Druze uprising against Ottoman authority in the Syrian province, which erupted in May 1909. The rebellion was led by al-Atrash family, originated in local disputes and Druze unwillingness to pay taxes and conscript into the Ottoman Army. The rebellion ended in brutal suppression of the Druze by General Sami Pasha al-Farouqi, significant depopulation of the Hauran region and execution of the Druze leaders in 1910. In the outcome of the revolt, 2,000 Druze were killed, a similar number wounded, and hundreds of Druze fighters imprisoned.^[144] Al-Farouqi also disarmed the population, extracted significant taxes, and launched a census of the region.

In Lebanon, Syria, Israel, and Jordan, the Druzites have official recognition as a separate religious community with its own religious court system.^{[145][page needed][146]}

Although most Druze no longer consider themselves Muslim,

The Druze religion does not endorse separatism, and urges blending with the communities they reside in; the Druze have often done so to avoid persecution. Yet the Druze also have a history of resistance to occupying powers, and they have at times enjoyed more freedom than most other groups living in the Levant.^[146]

In Syria, most Druzites live in the

The Druze always played a far more important role in Syrian politics than its comparatively small population would suggest. With a community of little more than 100,000 in 1949, or roughly three percent of the Syrian population, the Druze of Syria's southwestern mountains constituted a potent force in Syrian politics and played a leading role in the nationalist struggle against the

When a local paper in 1945 reported that President Shukri al-Quwatli (1943–49) had called the Druze a "dangerous minority", Sultan Pasha al-Atrash flew into a rage and demanded a public retraction. If it were not forthcoming, he announced, the Druze would indeed become "dangerous", and a force of 4,000 Druze warriors would "occupy the city of Damascus". Quwwatli could not dismiss Sultan Pasha's threat. The military balance of power in Syria was tilted in favor of the Druze, at least until the military build up during the 1948 War in Palestine. One advisor to the Syrian Defense Department warned in 1946 that the Syrian army was "useless", and that the Druze could "take Damascus and capture the present leaders in a breeze".^{[148][page needed]}

During the four years of

He forcibly integrated minorities into the national Syrian social structure, his "Syrianization" of

After the Shishakli's military campaign, the Druze community lost much of its political influence, but many Druze military officers played important roles in the Ba'ath government currently ruling Syria.^{[148][page needed]}

In 1967, a community of Druze in the Golan Heights came under Israeli control, today numbering 23,000 (in 2019).^{[151][152][153]}

Before the

Several Druze militias fought in the Syrian civil war. These included Jaysh al-Muwahhidin which largely engaged in defensive war, though were also described as supporters of Bashar al-Assad and the Ba'athist government.^[158] The Druze Al-Jabal Brigade played a major role in the 2024 Syrian opposition offensives, which toppled the Ba'athists.^[159]

The Druzite community in Lebanon played an important role in the formation of the modern state of Lebanon,

In August 2001,

The Druze community is primarily located in the rural and mountainous regions to the east and south of Beirut.

The Galilean Druze and Druze of the Haifa region received Israeli citizenship automatically in 1948. After Israel captured the Golan Heights from Syria in 1967 and annexed it to Israel in 1981, the Druze of the Golan Heights were offered full Israeli citizenship under the Golan Heights Law. Most declined Israeli citizenship and retain Syrian citizenship and identity and are treated as permanent residents of Israel.^[173] As of 2011, fewer than 10% of the Druze population in the Golan Heights had accepted Israeli citizenship.^[174]

In 1957, the Israeli government designated the Druze a distinct religious community at the request of its communal leaders.^[175][176] The Druze are Arabic-speaking citizens of Israel and serve in the Israel Defense Forces, just as most citizens do in Israel. Members of the community have attained top positions in Israeli politics and public service.^[177] The number of Druze parliament members usually exceeds their proportion in the Israeli population, and they are integrated within several political parties.

Some scholars maintain that Israel has tried to separate the Druze from other Arab communities, and that the effort has influenced the way Israel's Druze perceive their modern identity.^[66][67] Survey data suggests that Israeli Druze prioritize their identity first as Druze (religiously), second as Arabs (culturally and ethnically), and third as Israelis (citizenship-wise).^[35] A small minority of them identify as Palestinians, distinguishing them from the majority of other Arab citizens of Israel, who predominantly identify as Palestinians.^[169]

The Druzites form a religious minority in

The Druze conception of the deity is declared by them to be one of strict and uncompromising unity. The main Druze doctrine states that God is both transcendent and immanent, in which he is above all attributes, but at the same time, he is present.^[190]

In their desire to maintain a rigid confession of unity, they stripped from God all attributes (tanzīh). In God, there are no attributes distinct from his essence. He is wise, mighty, and just, not by wisdom, might, and justice, but by his own essence. God is "the whole of existence", rather than merely "above existence" or on his throne, which would make him "limited". There is neither "how", "when", nor "where" about him; in this way, he is incomprehensible.^{[191][page needed]}

In this dogma, they are similar to the semi-philosophical, semi-religious body which flourished under

Unlike the Mu'tazila, and similar to some branches of Sufism, the Druze believe in the concept of Tajalli (meaning "theophany").^{[191][page needed]} Tajalli is often misunderstood by scholars and writers and is usually confused with the concept of incarnation.

[Incarnation] is the core spiritual beliefs in the Druze and some other intellectual and spiritual traditions ... In a mystical sense, it refers to the light of God experienced by certain mystics who have reached a high level of purity in their spiritual journey. Thus, God is perceived as the

Nasut [material realm] without the Nasut becoming Lahut. This is like one's image in the mirror: One is in the mirror, but does not become the mirror. The Druze manuscripts are emphatic and warn against the belief that the Nasut is God ... Neglecting this warning, individual seekers, scholars, and other spectators have considered al-Hakim and other figures divine. ... In the Druze scriptural view, Tajalli takes a central stage. One author comments that Tajalli occurs when the seeker's humanity is annihilated so that divine attributes and light are experienced by the person.^{[191][page needed}

]

Reincarnation is a paramount principle in the Druze faith.^[194] Reincarnations occur instantly at one's death because there is an eternal duality of the body and the soul and it is impossible for the soul to exist without the body. A human soul will transfer only to a human body, in contrast to the Neoplatonic, Hindu and Buddhist belief systems, according to which souls can transfer to any living creature. Furthermore, a male Druze can be reincarnated only as another male Druze and a female Druze only as another female Druze. A Druze cannot be reincarnated in the body of a non-Druze. Additionally, souls cannot be divided and the number of souls existing in the universe is finite.^[195] The cycle of rebirth is continuous and the only way to escape is through successive reincarnations. When this occurs, the soul is united with the Cosmic Mind and achieves the ultimate happiness.^[39]

The Pact of Time Custodian (Mithāq Walī al-zamān) is considered the entrance to the Druze religion, and they believe that all Druze in their past lives have signed this Charter, and Druze believe that this Charter embodies with human souls after death.

I rely on our Moula Al-Hakim the lonely God, the individual, the eternal, who is out of couples and numbers, (someone) the son of (someone) has approved recognition enjoined on himself and on his soul, in a healthy of his mind and his body, permissibility aversive is obedient and not forced, to repudiate from all creeds, articles and all religions and beliefs on the differences varieties, and he does not know something except obedience of almighty Moulana Al-Hakim, and obedience is worship and that it does not engage in worship anyone ever attended or wait, and that he had handed his soul and his body and his money and all he owns to almighty Maulana Al-Hakim.^{[196][clarification needed]}

The Druze also use a similar formula, called al-'ahd, when one is initiated into the ʻUqqāl.^[197]

The prayer-houses of the Druze are called khilwa, khalwa, khilwat or khalwat. The primary sanctuary of the Druze is at Khalwat al-Bayada.^[198]

The Druze believe that many teachings given by prophets, religious leaders and holy books have

• The obvious or exoteric (zahir), accessible to anyone who can read or hear;
• The hidden or
  esoteric (batin), accessible to those who are willing to search and learn through the concept of exegesis
  ;
• And the hidden of the hidden, a concept known as anagoge, inaccessible to all but a few really enlightened individuals who truly understand the nature of the universe.^[199]

Druze do not believe that the esoteric meaning abrogates or necessarily abolishes the exoteric one. Hamza bin Ali refutes such claims by stating that if the esoteric interpretation of

The Druze follow seven moral precepts or duties that are considered the core of the faith.^[39] The Seven Druze precepts are:^[201]

1. Veracity in speech and the truthfulness of the tongue.
2. Protection and mutual aid to the brethren in faith.
3. Renunciation of all forms of former worship (specifically, invalid creeds) and false belief.
4. Repudiation of the devil (Iblis), and all forces of evil (translated from Arabic Toghyan, meaning "despotism").
5. Confession of God's unity.
6. Acquiescence in God's acts no matter what they be.
7. Absolute submission and resignation to God's divine will in both secret and public.

Complicating their identity is the custom of taqiyya—concealing or disguising their beliefs when necessary—that they adopted from Ismailism and the esoteric nature of the faith, in which many teachings are kept secretive. This is done in order to keep the religion from those who are not yet prepared to accept the teachings and therefore could misunderstand it, as well as to protect the community when it is in danger. Some claim to be Muslim or Christian in order to avoid persecution; some do not.^[202] Druze in different states can have radically different lifestyles.^[203]

The author of the epistle "The Report of the Jewish and Christians" (Khabar al-Yahud wal Nasara), part of first volume of the Epistles of Wisdom, appears to have been a Druze individual. The account itself identifies him as Hamza ibn Ali, a supporter of al-Hakim's divinity and the founder of the Druze faith.^[208]

Historian David R. W. Bryer defines the Druzes as ghulat of Isma'ilism, since they exaggerated the cult of the caliph al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah and considered him divine; he also defines the Druzes as a religion that deviated from Islam.^[209] He also added that as a result of this deviation, the Druze faith "seems as different from Islam as Islam is from Christianity or Christianity is from Judaism".^[210]

Recognition of prophets in the Druze religion is divided into three sort-of subcategories, the prophet themselves (natiq), their disciples (asas), and witnesses to their message (hujjah).

The number 5 contains an unstated significance within the Druze faith; it is believed in this area that great prophets come in groups of five. In the time of the ancient Greeks, these five were represented by

Druze tradition honors and reveres Hamza ibn Ali Ahmad and

Formal Druze worship is confined to weekly meeting on Thursday evenings, during which all members of community gather together to discuss local issues before those not initiated into the secrets of the faith (the juhhāl, or the ignorant) are dismissed, and those who are "uqqāl" or "enlightened" (those few initiated in the Druze holy books) remain to read and study.[38]

The Druze strictly avoid iconography, but use five colors ("Five Limits" خمس حدود khams ḥudūd) as a religious symbol:^[218][219] green, red, yellow, blue, and white. The five limits were listed by Ismail at-Tamimi (d. 1030) in the Epistle of the Candle (risalat ash-sham'a) as:

• First limit: Hamza Ibn Ali (حمزة إبن علي إبن أحمد) (or Jesus according to other sources)^[220]
• Second limit: Ismail ibn Muhamed ibn Hamed at-Tamimi (Ismail at-Tamimi) (إسماعيل إبن محمد بن حامد التميمي)
• Third limit: Muhamed ibn Wahb (محمد إبن وهب)
• Fourth limit (as-Sabiq the anterior): Salama ibn abd al-Wahhab (سلامة إبن عبد الوهاب)
• Fifth limit (al-llahiq the posterior): Ali ibn Ahmed as-Samouqi (علي إبن أحمد السموقي)

Each of the colors representing the five limits pertains to a metaphysical power called ḥadd, literally "a limit", as in the distinctions that separate humans from animals, or the powers that make humans the animalistic body. Each ḥadd is color-coded in the following manner:

• Green for
  ʻAql "the Universal Mind/Intelligence/Nous
  ",
• Red for Nafs "the Universal Soul/Anima mundi",
• Yellow for Kalima "the Word/Logos",
• Blue for Sābiq (السابق) "the anterior/potentiality/cause/precedent", the first intellect.
• White for al-llahiq (اللاحق) "the posterior/future/effect/Immanence".

The mind generates qualia and gives consciousness.^[221] The soul embodies the mind and is responsible for transmigration and the character of oneself. The word, which is the atom of language, communicates qualia between humans and represents the platonic forms in the sensible world. The Sābiq and Tālī is the ability to perceive and learn from the past and plan for the future and predict it.

The colors can be arranged in vertically descending stripes (as a flag), or a five-pointed star.^[222] The stripes are a diagrammatic cut of the spheres in neoplatonic philosophy, while the five-pointed star embodies the golden ratio, phi, as a symbol of temperance and a life of moderation.

Holy places of the Druze are archaeological sites important to the community and associated with religious holidays;

One of the most important features of the Druze village having a central role in social life is the khilwa or khalwat—a house of prayer, retreat and religious unity. The khalwat may be known as majlis in local languages.^[225]

The second type of religious shrine is one associated with the anniversary of a historic event or death of a prophet. If it is a mausoleum the Druze call it mazār and if it is a shrine they call it maqām. The holy places become more important to the community in times of adversity and calamity. The holy places and shrines of the Druze are scattered in various villages, in places where they are protected and cared for. They are found in Syria, Lebanon and Israel.^[223]

The Druze do not recognize any religious hierarchy.^[226] As such, there is no "Druze clergy". Those few initiated in the Druze holy books are called عقال ʻuqqāl ("the wise"),^[227] while the regular members of the group are called جهال juhhāl ("the ignorant").^[228] Some find this classification disparaging however, and as such, terms like روحاني rūḥāniyy, meaning "(concerned with the) spiritual", and جسماني jismāniyy, meaning "(concerned with the) physical", are also used.

Given the strict religious, intellectual and spiritual requirements, most of the Druze are not initiated and might be referred to as al-Juhhāl (جهال), literally "the Ignorant", but in practice referring to the non-initiated Druze.^[229] However, that term is seldom used by the Druze. Those Druze are not granted access to the Druze holy literature or allowed to attend the initiated religious meetings of the ʻuqqāl. The "juhhāl" are the vast majority of the Druze community.^[226] The cohesiveness and frequent inter-community social interaction, however, enables most Druze to have an idea about their broad ethical requirements and have some sense of what their theology consists of (albeit often flawed).

The initiated religious group, which includes both men and women (less than 10% of the population), is called al-ʻUqqāl (عقال "the Knowledgeable Initiates"). They might or might not dress differently, although most wear a costume that was characteristic of

Druze principles focus on honesty, loyalty, filial piety, altruism, patriotic sacrifice, and monotheism.^[233] They reject nicotine, alcohol, and other drugs and often, the consumption of pork (to the Uqqāl and not necessarily to the Juhhāl).^[234] Druze reject polygamy, believe in reincarnation, and are not obliged to observe most of the religious rituals.^[235] The Druze believe that rituals are symbolic and have an individualistic effect on the person, for which reason Druze are free to perform them, or not. The community does celebrate Eid al-Adha, however, considered their most significant holiday; though their form of observance is different compared to that of most Muslims.^[236]

The Druze community maintains

Traditionally, most Druze are not initiated into the deeper secrets of the faith and are considered "juhhāl", or "the ignorant". Only a minority, known as the "uqqāl" or "enlightened," are initiated into the Druze holy books and engage in religious study. The religious life of the average Druze ("juhhāl") revolves around a very small number of events—birth and circumcision, engagement and marriage, death and burial—and is devoid of special Druze prayers or worship.[238] Marriage outside the Druze faith is forbidden,^[84] and if a Druze marries a non-Druze, the Druze may be ostracized and marginalized by their community.^[239] Because a non-Druze partner cannot convert to Druze faith, the couple cannot have Druze children, because the Druze faith can only be passed on through birth to two Druze parents.^[13]

Circumcision is widely practiced by the Druze.^[240] The procedure is practiced as a cultural tradition, and has no religious significance in the Druze faith.^[241] There is no special date for this act in the Druze faith: male Druze infants are usually circumcised shortly after birth,^[238] however some remain uncircumcised until the age of ten or older.^[238] Some Druze do not circumcise their male children, and refuse to observe this "common Muslim practice".^[242]

Druze communities are often close-knit and maintain a strong sense of identity and solidarity. A key aspect of their religious practice includes ziyarat, or visits to holy places. One of the most significant events in Druze religious life is the annual pilgrimage to the Shrine of Shu'ayb, observed between April 25 and 28.^[243] This pilgrimage is dedicated to Shu'ayb, whom Druze believe to be a prophet and whose purported tomb is located at this shrine. This event is so important that it is officially recognized as a public holiday in Israel.^[243]

The mother tongue of Druze in Syria, Lebanon and Israel is Levantine Arabic,^[237] except those born and living in the Druze diaspora such as Venezuela, where Arabic was not taught or spoken at home.^[237] The Druze Arabic dialect, especially in the rural areas, is often different from the other regional Arabic dialects.^[237] Druze Arabic dialect is distinguished from others by retention of the phoneme /q/,^[237] the use of which by Druze is particularly prominent in the mountains and less so in urban areas.

The

Various scholars agree that the Druze community's cultural identity is deeply intertwined with their Arab heritage. Historian Nejla Abu-Izzedin and Kamal Salibi both argue that the Druze are profoundly embedded within the Arab cultural framework, as demonstrated by their common language and social customs.^[246][247] They assert that this integration is apparent through the Druze's active participation in regional traditions and their assimilation into Arab society, despite their distinct religious and philosophical beliefs.^[248][249]

Scholar Robert Brenton Betts explains that the Druze social structure is characterized by a strong sense of community and the leadership of religious elders known as 'sheikhs'. These leaders are pivotal in guiding both the spiritual and social aspects of Druze life, which is crucial for preserving their unique identity.

Travelers like Niebuhr, and scholars like Max von Oppenheim, undoubtedly echoing the popular Druze belief regarding their own origin, have classified them as Arabs.^[64]

The Arabian hypothesis is widely regarded as the leading explanation for the origins of the Druze people among historians, scholars, intellectuals, and religious leaders within the Druze community.^[34] This theory suggests that the Druze descended from twelve Arab tribes that migrated to Syria before and during the early Islamic period.^[63][64][65] It also serves as the primary framework for understanding their historical and racial origins, as reflected in their oral traditions and written literature. This hypothesis is central to the Druze's self-perception and cultural identity.^[33] This view is accepted by the entire Druze community in Syria and Lebanon, as well as by most Druze in Israel.^[70] The Arabic language is spoken by the Druze and is also the language in which their sacred texts are written. Scholars who hold this view argue that this linguistic connection underscores the Druze's ethnic Arab identity.

According to Druze historian

Druze researchers and historians from Israel, such as Kais M. Firro, Rabah Halabi, Munir Fakhr El-Din, and Afifa E. Kheir, confirm that the Druze are Arabs and note that this was not a contentious issue in Israel before 1962.[70]^[68][375] Halabi observes that Israeli policies aimed at granting the Druze a distinct community status and political identity led some Druze to see this separate "Druze-Israeli identity" as an ethnic marker for social integration within Israeli society.^[69] Firro argues that efforts to create a separate Druze identity distinct from Arabs are politically motivated and lack historical basis, citing Druze religious and historical literature that affirms their Arab heritage.^[376] Scholar Michael Cohen adds that, despite the Israeli and Zionist narrative promoting a distinct "Druze ethnic identity", most Druze in Israel view their origins as Arab and consider their Druze identity primarily as religious.^[377]

The 1911 edition of Encyclopædia Britannica states that the Druze are "a mixture of refugee stocks, in which the Arab largely predominates, grafted on to an original mountain population of Aramaic blood".^[73]

According to Jewish contemporary literature, the Druze, who were visited and described in 1165 by

Archaeological assessments of the Druze region have also proposed the possibility of Druze descending from Itureans,[379] who had inhabited Mount Lebanon and Golan Heights in late classic antiquity, but their traces fade in the Middle Ages.

In a 2005 study of ASPM gene variants, Mekel-Bobrov et al. found that the Israeli Druze people of the Mount Carmel region have among the highest rate of the newly evolved ASPM- Haplogroup D, at 52.2% occurrence of the approximately 6,000-year-old allele.^[381] While it is not yet known exactly what selective advantage is provided by this gene variant, the Haplogroup D allele is thought^{[by whom?]} to be positively selected in populations and to confer some substantial advantage that has caused its frequency to rapidly increase.

A 2004

Cruciani, in 2007, found E1b1b1a2 (E-V13) [a subclade of E1b1b1a (E-M78)] in high levels (>10% of the male population) in Cypriot and Druze lineages. Recent genetic clustering analyses of ethnic groups are consistent with the close ancestral relationship between the Druze and Cypriots, and also identified similarity to the general Syrian and Lebanese populations, as well as the major Jewish divisions (Ashkenazi, Sephardi, Iraqi, and Moroccan Jews) (Behar et al. 2010).^[384]

Also, a new study concluded that the Druze harbor a remarkable diversity of

The researchers noted that the Druze villages contained a striking range of high frequency and high diversity of the X haplogroup, suggesting that this population provides a glimpse into the past genetic landscape of the Near East at a time when the X haplogroup was more prevalent.^[385]

These findings are consistent with the Druze oral tradition that claims that the adherents of the faith came from diverse ancestral lineages stretching back tens of thousands of years.^[385] The Shroud of Turin analysis shows significant traces of mitochondrial DNA unique to the Druze community.^[386]

A 2008 study published on the genetic background of Druze communities in Israel showed highly heterogeneous parental origins. A total of 311 Israeli Druze were sampled: 37 from the Golan Heights, 183 from the Galilee, and 35 from Mount Carmel, as well as 27 Druze immigrants from Syria and 29 from Lebanon (Slush et al. 2008). The researchers found the following frequencies of Y-chromosomal and MtDNA haplogroups:^[383]

• Mount Carmel: L 27%, R 27%, J 18%, E 15%, G 12%.
• Galilee: J 31%, R 20%, E 18%, G 14%, K 11%, Q 4%, L 2%.
• Golan Heights: J 54%, E 29%, I 8%, G 4%, C 4%.
• Lebanon: J 58%, K 17%, Q 8%, R 8%, L 8%.
• Syria: J 39%, E 29%, R 14%, G 14%, K 4%.
• Maternal MtDNA haplogroup frequencies: H 32%, X 13%, K 12.5%, U 10%, T 7.5%, HV 4.8%, J 4.8%, I 3.5%, pre HV 3%, L2a3 2.25%, N1b 2.25%, M1 1.6%, W 1.29%.

In a principal component analysis of a 2014 study, Druze were located between Lebanese people and Mizrahi Jews.^[387]

According to a 2015 study, Druze have a largely similar genome with Middle Eastern Arabs, but they have not married outside of their clans in 1000 years and Druze families from different regions share a similarity with each other that distinguishes them from other Middle Eastern populations.^[388]

A 2016 study based on testing samples of Druze in the historic region of Syria, in comparison with ancient humans (including Anatolian and Armenian), and on Geographic Population Structure (GPS) tool by converting genetic distances into geographic distances, concluded that Druze might hail from the Zagros Mountains and the surroundings of Lake Van in eastern Anatolia, then they later migrated south to settle in the mountainous regions in Syria, Lebanon and Israel.^[389]

A 2020 study on remains from

In a 2021 study, Druze were a part of the larger Levant-Iraq cluster in a fineSTRUCTURE tree analysis, and overlapped with Lebanese people in a principal component analysis.^[392]

• Sword Battalion
• Jaysh al-Muwahhidin
• Jabal Druze State
• List of Druze
• Neoplatonism and Gnosticism
• Religious syncretism
• Christianity and Druze