Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact
Signed | 23 August 1939 |
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Location | Moscow, Soviet Union |
Expiration | 23 August 1949 (planned)22 June 1941 (terminated)30 July 1941 (officially declared null and void) |
Signatories | Joachim von Ribbentrop Vyacheslav Molotov |
Parties | |
Languages |
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Full text | |
Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact at Wikisource |
The Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, officially the Treaty of Non-Aggression between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics,[1][2] was a non-aggression pact between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union with a secret protocol that partitioned Central and Eastern Europe between them. The pact was signed in Moscow on 23 August 1939 by German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov.[3] Unofficially, it has also been referred to as the Hitler–Stalin Pact[4][5] and the Nazi–Soviet Pact.[6]
The treaty was the culmination of negotiations for an economic agreement between the USSR and Nazi Germany which the Soviets used to obtain a political agreement – see
Soon after the pact,
The
The pact was terminated on 22 June 1941, when Germany launched
Background
Events leading to World War II |
---|
The outcome of
On 16 April 1922, the German
At the beginning of the 1930s, the
In 1936, Germany and
On 31 March 1939, Britain extended a guarantee to Poland that "if any action clearly threatened Polish independence, and if the Poles felt it vital to resist such action by force, Britain would come to their aid". Hitler was furious since that meant that the British were committed to political interests in Europe and that his land grabs such as the takeover of Czechoslovakia would no longer be taken lightly. His response to the political checkmate would later be heard at a rally in
Munich Conference
Hitler's fierce anti-Soviet rhetoric was one of the reasons that Britain and France decided that Soviet participation in the 1938
For Germany, an
On 31 March 1939, in response to Germany's defiance of the Munich Agreement and the creation of the
In mid-March 1939, attempting to contain Hitler's expansionism, the Soviet Union, Britain and France started to trade a flurry of suggestions and counterplans on a potential political and military agreement.[45][46] Informal consultations started in April, but the main negotiations began only in May.[46] Meanwhile, throughout early 1939, Germany had secretly hinted to Soviet diplomats that it could offer better terms for a political agreement than could Britain and France.[47][48][49]
The Soviet Union, which feared Western powers and the possibility of "capitalist encirclements", had little hope either of preventing war and wanted nothing less than an ironclad military alliance with France and Britain[50] to provide guaranteed support for a two-pronged attack on Germany.[51] Stalin's adherence to the collective security line was thus purely conditional.[52] Britain and France believed that war could still be avoided and that since the Soviet Union was so weakened by the Great Purge[53] that it could not be a main military participant.[51] Many military sources[clarification needed] were at variance with the last point, especially after the Soviet victories over the Japanese Kwantung Army in the Manchuria.[54] France was more anxious to find an agreement with the Soviet Union than Britain was. As a continental power, France was more willing to make concessions and more fearful of the dangers of an agreement between the Soviet Union and Germany.[55] The contrasting attitudes partly explain why the Soviets have often been charged with playing a double game in 1939 of carrying on open negotiations for an alliance with Britain and France but secretly considering propositions from Germany.[55]
By the end of May, drafts had been formally presented.[46] In mid-June, the main tripartite negotiations started.[56] Discussions were focused on potential guarantees to Central and Eastern Europe in the case of German aggression.[57] The Soviets proposed to consider that a political turn towards Germany by the Baltic states would constitute an "indirect aggression" towards the Soviet Union.[58] Britain opposed such proposals because they feared the Soviets' proposed language would justify a Soviet intervention in Finland and the Baltic states or push those countries to seek closer relations with Germany.[59][60] The discussion of a definition of "indirect aggression" became one of the sticking points between the parties, and by mid-July, the tripartite political negotiations effectively stalled while the parties agreed to start negotiations on a military agreement, which the Soviets insisted had to be reached at the same time as any political agreement.[61] One day before the military negotiations began, the Soviet Politburo pessimistically expected the coming negotiations to go nowhere and formally decided to consider German proposals seriously.[62] The military negotiations began on 12 August in Moscow, with a British delegation headed by the retired admiral Sir Reginald Drax, French delegation headed by General Aimé Doumenc and the Soviet delegation headed by Kliment Voroshilov, the commissar of defence, and Boris Shaposhnikov, chief of the general staff. Without written credentials, Drax was not authorised to guarantee anything to the Soviet Union and had been instructed by the British government to prolong the discussions as long as possible and to avoid answering the question of whether Poland would agree to permit Soviet troops to enter the country if the Germans invaded.[63]
Negotiations
Beginning of secret talks
From April to July, Soviet and German officials made statements on the potential for the beginning of political negotiations, but no actual negotiations took place.
On 23 August 1939, two
In late July and early August 1939, Soviet and German officials agreed on most of the details of a planned economic agreement[70] and specifically addressed a potential political agreement,[71][72][73][d] which the Soviets stated could come only after an economic agreement.[75]
The German presence in the Soviet capital during negotiations can be regarded as rather tense. German pilot Hans Baur recalled that Soviet secret police followed every move. Their job was to inform authorities when he left his residence and where he was headed. Baur's guide informed him: "Another car would tack itself onto us and follow us fifty or so yards in the rear, and wherever we went and whatever we did, the secret police would be on our heels." Baur also recalled trying to tip his Russian driver, which led to a harsh exchange of words: "He was furious. He wanted to know whether this was the thanks he got for having done his best for us to get him into prison. We knew perfectly well it was forbidden to take tips."[69]
August negotiations
In early August, Germany and the Soviet Union worked out the last details of their economic deal
At the same time, British, French, and Soviet negotiators scheduled three-party talks on military matters to occur in Moscow in August 1939 that aimed to define what the agreement would specify on the reaction of the three powers to a German attack.
On 19 August, the
News leaks
On 25 August 1939, the New York Times ran a front-page story by Otto D. Tolischus, "Nazi Talks Secret", whose subtitle included "Soviet and Reich Agree on East".[89] On 26 August 1939, the New York Times reported Japanese anger[90] and French communist surprise[91] over the pact. The same day, however, Tolischus filed a story that noted Nazi troops on the move near Gleiwitz (now Gliwice), which led to the false flag Gleiwitz incident on 31 August 1939.[92] On 28 August 1939, the New York Times was still reporting on fears of a Gleiwitz raid.[93] On 29 August 1939, the New York Times reported that the Supreme Soviet had failed on its first day of convening to act on the pact.[94] The same day, the New York Times also reported from Montreal, Canada, that American Professor Samuel N. Harper of the University of Chicago had stated publicly his belief that "the Russo-German non-aggression pact conceals an agreement whereby Russia and Germany may have planned spheres of influence for Eastern Europe".[5] On 30 August 1939, the New York Times reported a Soviet buildup on its Western frontiers by moving 200,000 troops from the Far East.[95]
Secret protocol
On 22 August, one day after talks broke down with France and Britain, Moscow revealed that Ribbentrop would visit Stalin the next day. The Soviets were still negotiating with the British and the French missions in Moscow. With the Western nations unwilling to accede to Soviet demands, Stalin instead entered a secret German–Soviet pact.[96] On 23 August, a ten-year non-aggression pact was signed with provisions that included consultation, arbitration if either party disagreed, neutrality if either went to war against a third power and no membership of a group "which is directly or indirectly aimed at the other". The article "On Soviet–German Relations" in the Soviet newspaper Izvestia of 21 August 1939, stated:
Following completion of the Soviet–German trade and credit agreement, there has arisen the question of improving political links between Germany and the USSR.[97]
There was also a secret protocol to the pact, which was revealed only after Germany's defeat in 1945
At the signing, Ribbentrop and Stalin enjoyed warm conversations, exchanged toasts and further addressed the prior hostilities between the countries in the 1930s.[101] They characterised Great Britain as always attempting to disrupt Soviet–German relations and stated that the Anti-Comintern Pact was aimed not at the Soviet Union but actually at Western democracies and "frightened principally the City of London [British financiers] and the English shopkeepers."[102]
Revelation
The agreement stunned the world.
On 24 August,
Soviet propaganda and representatives went to great lengths to minimize the importance of the fact that they had opposed and fought the Germans in various ways for a decade prior to signing the pact. Molotov tried to reassure the Germans of his good intentions by commenting to journalists that "fascism is a matter of taste".[113] For its part, Germany also did a public volte-face regarding its virulent opposition to the Soviet Union, but Hitler still viewed an attack on the Soviet Union as "inevitable".[114]
Concerns over the possible existence of a secret protocol were expressed first by the intelligence organizations of the Baltic states[
The day after the pact was signed, the Franco-British military delegation urgently requested a meeting with Soviet military negotiator Kliment Voroshilov.[115] On 25 August, Voroshilov told them that "in view of the changed political situation, no useful purpose can be served in continuing the conversation".[115] The same day, Hitler told the British ambassador to Berlin that the pact with the Soviets prevented Germany from facing a two-front war, which changed the strategic situation from that in World War I, and that Britain should accept his demands on Poland.[116]
On 25 August, Hitler was surprised when
Consequences in Finland, Poland, the Baltic States and Romania
Initial invasions
On 1 September 1939, Germany invaded Poland from the west.[119] Within a few days, Germany began conducting massacres of Polish and Jewish civilians and POWs,[120][121] which took place in over 30 towns and villages in the first month of the German occupation.[122][123][124] The Luftwaffe also took part by strafing fleeing civilian refugees on roads and by carrying out a bombing campaign.[125][126][127] The Soviet Union assisted German air forces by allowing them to use signals broadcast by the Soviet radio station at Minsk, allegedly "for urgent aeronautical experiments".[128] Hitler declared at Danzig:
Poland never will rise again in the form of the Versailles treaty. That is guaranteed not only by Germany, but also ... Russia.[129]
In the opinion of
On 21 September, Marshal of the Soviet Union
Modification of secret protocols
Eleven days after the Soviet invasion of the Polish
After the Government of the German Reich and the Government of the USSR have, by means of the treaty signed today, definitively settled the problems arising from the collapse of the Polish state and have thereby created a sure foundation for lasting peace in the region, they mutually express their conviction that it would serve the true interest of all peoples to put an end to the state of war existing at present between Germany on the one side and England and France on the other. Both Governments will, therefore, direct their common efforts, jointly with other friendly powers if the occasion arises, toward attaining this goal as soon as possible. Should, however, the efforts of the two Governments remain fruitless, this would demonstrate the fact that England and France are responsible for the continuation of the war, whereupon, in case of the continuation of the war, the Governments of Germany and of the USSR shall engage in mutual consultations with regard to necessary measures.[143]
On 3 October,
The Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania were given no choice but to sign a so-called "Pact of Defence and Mutual Assistance", which permitted the Soviet Union to station troops in them.[142]
Soviet war with Finland and Katyn massacre
After the Baltic states had been forced to accept treaties,[145] Stalin turned his sights on Finland and was confident that its capitulation could be attained without great effort.[146] The Soviets demanded territories on the Karelian Isthmus, the islands of the Gulf of Finland and a military base near the Finnish capital, Helsinki,[147][148] which Finland rejected.[149] The Soviets staged the shelling of Mainila on 26 November and used it as a pretext to withdraw from the Soviet–Finnish Non-Aggression Pact.[150] On 30 November, the Red Army invaded Finland, launching the Winter War with the aim of annexing Finland into the Soviet Union.[151][152][153] The Soviets formed the Finnish Democratic Republic to govern Finland after Soviet conquest.[154][155][156][157] The leader of the Leningrad Military District, Andrei Zhdanov, commissioned a celebratory piece from Dmitri Shostakovich, Suite on Finnish Themes, to be performed as the marching bands of the Red Army would be parading through Helsinki.[158] After Finnish defenses surprisingly held out for over three months and inflicted stiff losses on Soviet forces, under the command of Semyon Timoshenko, the Soviets settled for an interim peace. Finland ceded parts of Karelia and Salla (9% of Finnish territory),[159][page needed] which resulted in approximately 422,000 Karelians (12% of Finland's population) losing their homes.[160] Soviet official casualty counts in the war exceeded 200,000[161] although Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev later claimed that the casualties may have been one million.[162]
Around that time, after several
Soviet Union occupies the Baltic states and part of Romania
In mid-June 1940, while international attention focused on the German invasion of France, Soviet NKVD troops raided border posts in Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia.[142][170] State administrations were liquidated and replaced by Soviet cadres,[142] who deported or killed 34,250 Latvians, 75,000 Lithuanians and almost 60,000 Estonians.[171] Elections took place, with a single pro-Soviet candidate listed for many positions, and the resulting people's assemblies immediately requesting admission into the Soviet Union, which was granted.[142] (The Soviets annexed the whole of Lithuania, including the Šešupė area, which had been earmarked for Germany.)
Finally, on 26 June, four days after the
Beginnings of Operation Tannenberg and other Nazi atrocities
At the end of October 1939, Germany enacted the death penalty for disobedience to the German occupation.
The elimination of Polish elites and intelligentsia was part of
Germany also planned to incorporate all of the land into Nazi Germany.[175] That effort resulted in the forced resettlement of two million Poles. Families were forced to travel in the severe winter of 1939–1940, leaving behind almost all of their possessions without compensation.[175] As part of Operation Tannenberg alone, 750,000 Polish peasants were forced to leave, and their property was given to Germans.[182] A further 330,000 were murdered.[183] Germany planned the eventual move of ethnic Poles to Siberia.[184][185]
Although Germany used forced labourers in most other occupied countries, Poles and other Slavs were viewed as inferior by Nazi propaganda and thus better suited for such duties.[177] Between 1 and 2.5 million Polish citizens[177][186] were transported to the Reich for forced labour.[187][188] All Polish males were made to perform forced labour.[177] While ethnic Poles were subject to selective persecution, all ethnic Jews were targeted by the Reich.[186] In the winter of 1939–40, about 100,000 Jews were thus deported to Poland.[189] They were initially gathered into massive urban ghettos,[190] such as the 380,000 held in the Warsaw Ghetto, where large numbers died of starvation and diseases under their harsh conditions, including 43,000 in the Warsaw Ghetto alone.[186][191][192] Poles and ethnic Jews were imprisoned in nearly every camp of the extensive concentration camp system in German-occupied Poland and the Reich. In Auschwitz, which began operating on 14 June 1940, 1.1 million people perished.[193][194]
Romania and Soviet republics
In the summer of 1940, fear of the Soviet Union, in conjunction with German support for the territorial demands of Romania's neighbours and the Romanian government's own miscalculations, resulted in more territorial losses for Romania. Between 28 June and 4 July, the Soviet Union occupied and annexed Bessarabia, Northern Bukovina and the Hertsa region of Romania.[195]
On 30 August, Ribbentrop and Italian Foreign Minister Galeazzo Ciano issued the Second Vienna Award, giving Northern Transylvania to Hungary. On 7 September, Romania ceded Southern Dobruja to Bulgaria (Axis-sponsored Treaty of Craiova).[196] After various events over the following months, Romania increasingly took on the aspect of a German-occupied country.[196]
The Soviet-occupied territories were converted into
Further secret protocol modifications settling borders and immigration issues
On 10 January 1941, Germany and the Soviet Union signed an agreement settling several ongoing issues.[206] Secret protocols in the new agreement modified the "Secret Additional Protocols" of the German–Soviet Boundary and Friendship Treaty, ceding the Lithuanian Strip to the Soviet Union in exchange for US$7.5 million (31.5 million ℛ︁ℳ︁).[206] The agreement formally set the border between Germany and the Soviet Union between the Igorka River and the Baltic Sea.[207] It also extended trade regulation of the 1940 German-Soviet Commercial Agreement until 1 August 1942, increased deliveries above the levels of the first year of that agreement,[207] settled trading rights in the Baltics and Bessarabia, calculated the compensation for German property interests in the Baltic states that were now occupied by the Soviets and covered other issues.[206] It also covered the migration to Germany within 2+1⁄2 months of ethnic Germans and German citizens in Soviet-held Baltic territories and the migration to the Soviet Union of Baltic and "White Russian" "nationals" in the German-held territories.[207]
Soviet–German relations
Early political issues
Before the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact was announced, Western communists denied that such a treaty would be signed.
When anti-German demonstrations erupted in Prague, Czechoslovakia, the Comintern ordered the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia to employ all of its strength to paralyse "chauvinist elements".[209] Moscow soon forced the French Communist Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain to adopt anti-war positions. On 7 September, Stalin called Georgi Dimitrov,[clarification needed] who sketched a new Comintern line on the war that stated that the war was unjust and imperialist, which was approved by the secretariat of the Comintern on 9 September. Thus, western communist parties now had to oppose the war and to vote against war credits.[210] Although the French communists had unanimously voted in Parliament for war credits on 2 September and declared their "unshakeable will" to defend the country on 19 September, the Comintern formally instructed the party to condemn the war as imperialist on 27 September. By 1 October, the French communists advocated listening to German peace proposals, and leader Maurice Thorez deserted from the French Army on 4 October and fled to Russia.[211] Other communists also deserted from the army.
The Communist Party of Germany featured similar attitudes. In Die Welt, a communist newspaper published in Stockholm[f] the exiled communist leader Walter Ulbricht opposed the Allies, stated that Britain represented "the most reactionary force in the world",[213] and argued, "The German government declared itself ready for friendly relations with the Soviet Union, whereas the English–French war bloc desires a war against the socialist Soviet Union. The Soviet people and the working people of Germany have an interest in preventing the English war plan".[214]
Despite a warning by the Comintern, German tensions were raised when the Soviets stated in September that they must enter Poland to "protect" their ethnic Ukrainian and Belarusian brethren from Germany. Molotov later admitted to German officials that the excuse was necessary because the Kremlin could find no other pretext for the Soviet invasion.[215]
During the early months of the Pact, the Soviet foreign policy became critical of the Allies and more pro-German in turn. During the Fifth Session of the Supreme Soviet on 31 October 1939, Molotov analyzed the international situation, thus giving the direction for communist propaganda. According to Molotov, Germany had a legitimate interest in regaining its position as a great power, and the Allies had started an aggressive war in order to maintain the Versailles system.[216]
Expansion of raw materials and military trading
Germany and the Soviet Union entered an
The Soviets also helped Germany to avoid British naval blockades by providing a submarine base, Basis Nord, in the northern Soviet Union near Murmansk.[209] That also provided a refueling and maintenance location and a takeoff point for raids and attacks on shipping.[209] In addition, the Soviets provided Germany with access to the Northern Sea Route for both cargo ships and raiders though only the commerce raider Komet used the route before the German invasion, which forced Britain to protect sea lanes in both the Atlantic and the Pacific.[218]
Summer deterioration of relations
The Finnish and Baltic invasions began a deterioration of relations between the Soviets and Germany.[219] Stalin's invasions were a severe irritant to Berlin since the intent to accomplish them had not been communicated to the Germans beforehand, and they prompted concern that Stalin was seeking to form an anti-German bloc.[220] Molotov's reassurances to the Germans only intensified the Germans' mistrust. On 16 June, as the Soviets invaded Lithuania but before they had invaded Latvia and Estonia, Ribbentrop instructed his staff "to submit a report as soon as possible as to whether in the Baltic States a tendency to seek support from the Reich can be observed or whether an attempt was made to form a bloc."[221]
In August 1940, the Soviet Union briefly suspended its deliveries under its
In early September however, Germany arranged its own occupation of Romania, targeting its oil fields.[224] That move raised tensions with the Soviets, who responded that Germany was supposed to have consulted with the Soviet Union under Article III of the pact.[224]
German–Soviet Axis talks
After Germany in September 1940 entered the Tripartite Pact with Japan and Italy, Ribbentrop wrote to Stalin, inviting Molotov to Berlin for negotiations aimed to create a 'continental bloc' of Germany, Italy, Japan, and the Soviet Union that would oppose Britain and the United States.[225] Stalin sent Molotov to Berlin to negotiate the terms for the Soviet Union to join the Axis and potentially to enjoy the spoils of the pact.[226][227] After negotiations during November 1940 on where to extend the Soviet sphere of influence, Hitler broke off talks and continued planning for the eventual attempts to invade the Soviet Union.[225][228]
Late relations
In an effort to demonstrate peaceful intentions toward Germany, on 13 April 1941, the Soviets signed a neutrality pact with Japan, an Axis power.
Termination
Germany unilaterally terminated the pact at 03:15 on 22 June 1941 by launching a massive attack on the Soviet Union in
Aftermath
Discovery of the secret protocol
The German original of the secret protocols was presumably destroyed in the bombing of Germany,[240] but in late 1943, Ribbentrop had ordered the most secret records of the German Foreign Office from 1933 onward, amounting to some 9,800 pages, to be microfilmed. When the various departments of the Foreign Office in Berlin were evacuated to Thuringia at the end of the war, Karl von Loesch, a civil servant who had worked for the chief interpreter Paul Otto Schmidt, was entrusted with the microfilm copies. He eventually received orders to destroy the secret documents but decided to bury the metal container with the microfilms as personal insurance for his future well-being. In May 1945, von Loesch approached the British Lieutenant Colonel Robert C. Thomson with the request to transmit a personal letter to Duncan Sandys, Churchill's son-in-law. In the letter, von Loesch revealed that he had knowledge of the documents' whereabouts but expected preferential treatment in return. Thomson and his American counterpart, Ralph Collins, agreed to transfer von Loesch to Marburg, in the American zone if he would produce the microfilms. The microfilms contained a copy of the Non-Aggression Treaty as well as the Secret Protocol.[241] Both documents were discovered as part of the microfilmed records in August 1945 by US State Department employee Wendell B. Blancke, the head of a special unit called "Exploitation German Archives" (EGA).[242]
News of the secret protocols first appeared during the
The protocols gained wider media attention when they were included in an official State Department collection, Nazi–Soviet Relations 1939–1941, edited by Raymond J. Sontag and James S. Beddie and published on 21 January 1948. The decision to publish the key documents on German–Soviet relations, including the treaty and protocol, had been taken already in spring 1947. Sontag and Beddie prepared the collection throughout the summer of 1947. In November 1947, President Harry S. Truman personally approved the publication, but it was held back in view of the Foreign Ministers Conference in London scheduled for December. Since negotiations at that conference did not prove to be constructive from an American point of view, the document edition was sent to press. The documents made headlines worldwide.[244] State Department officials counted it as a success: "The Soviet Government was caught flat-footed in what was the first effective blow from our side in a clear-cut propaganda war."[245]
Despite publication of the recovered copy in western media, for decades, the official policy of the Soviet Union was to deny the existence of the secret protocol.[246] The secret protocol's existence was officially denied until 1989. Vyacheslav Molotov, one of the signatories, went to his grave categorically rejecting its existence.[247] The French Communist Party did not acknowledge the existence of the secret protocol until 1968, as the party de-Stalinized.[211]
On 23 August 1986, tens of thousands of demonstrators in 21 western cities, including New York, London, Stockholm, Toronto, Seattle, and Perth participated in Black Ribbon Day Rallies to draw attention to the secret protocols.[248]
Stalin's Falsifiers of History and Axis negotiations
In response to the publication of the secret protocols and other secret German–Soviet relations documents in the State Department edition Nazi–Soviet Relations (1948), Stalin published Falsifiers of History, which included the claim that during the pact's operation, Stalin rejected Hitler's claim to share in a division of the world,[249] without mentioning the Soviet offer to join the Axis. That version persisted, without exception, in historical studies, official accounts, memoirs, and textbooks published in the Soviet Union until the dissolution of the Soviet Union.[249]
The book also claimed that the
Denial of the secret protocol
For decades, it was the official policy of the Soviet Union to deny the existence of the secret protocol to the Soviet–German Pact. At the behest of
Both successor states of the pact parties have declared the secret protocols to be invalid from the moment that they were signed: the Federal Republic of Germany on 1 September 1989 and the Soviet Union on 24 December 1989,[259] following an examination of the microfilmed copy of the German originals.[260]
The Soviet copy of the original document was declassified in 1992 and published in a scientific journal in early 1993.[260]
In August 2009, in an article written for the Polish newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin condemned the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact as "immoral".[261][262]
The new Russian nationalists and
Postwar commentary on motives of Stalin and Hitler
Some scholars believe that, from the very beginning of the Tripartite negotiations between the Soviet Union, Great Britain and France, the Soviets clearly required the other parties to agree to a Soviet occupation of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania,[49] and for Finland to be included in the Soviet sphere of influence.[263]
On the timing of German rapprochement, many historians agree that the dismissal of Maxim Litvinov, whose Jewish ethnicity was viewed unfavourably by Nazi Germany, removed an obstacle to negotiations with Germany.[68][264][265][266][267][268][269][270] Stalin immediately directed Molotov to "purge the ministry of Jews."[271][267][272] Given Litvinov's prior attempts to create an anti-fascist coalition, association with the doctrine of collective security with France and Britain and a pro-Western orientation[273] by the standards of the Kremlin, his dismissal indicated the existence of a Soviet option of rapprochement with Germany.[274][g] Likewise, Molotov's appointment served as a signal to Germany that the Soviet Union was open to offers.[274] The dismissal also signaled to France and Britain the existence of a potential negotiation option with Germany.[46][275] One British official wrote that Litvinov's termination also meant the loss of an admirable technician or shock-absorber but that Molotov's "modus operandi" was "more truly Bolshevik than diplomatic or cosmopolitan."[276] Carr argued that the Soviet Union's replacement of Litvinov with Molotov on 3 May 1939 indicated not an irrevocable shift towards alignment with Germany but rather was Stalin's way of engaging in hard bargaining with the British and the French by appointing a proverbial hard man to the Foreign Commissariat.[277] Historian Albert Resis stated that the Litvinov dismissal gave the Soviets freedom to pursue faster German negotiations but that they did not abandon British–French talks.[278] Derek Watson argued that Molotov could get the best deal with Britain and France because he was not encumbered with the baggage of collective security and could negotiate with Germany.[279] Geoffrey Roberts argued that Litvinov's dismissal helped the Soviets with British–French talks because Litvinov doubted or maybe even opposed such discussions.[280]
Many Polish newspapers published numerous articles claiming that Russia must apologise to Poland for the pact.[288]
Two weeks after
A number of German historians have debunked the claim that Operation Barbarossa was a preemptive strike, such as
According to Stalin's daughter, Svetlana Alliluyeva she "remembered her father saying after [the war]: 'Together with the Germans we would have been invincible'."[293]
Russian
Remembrance and response
The pact was a taboo subject in the postwar Soviet Union.[296] In December 1989, the Congress of People's Deputies of the Soviet Union condemned the pact and its secret protocol as "legally deficient and invalid".[297] In modern Russia, the pact is often portrayed positively or neutrally by the pro-government propaganda; for example, Russian textbooks tend to describe the pact as a defensive measure, not as one aiming at territorial expansion.[296] In 2009, Russian President Vladimir Putin stated that "there are grounds to condemn the Pact",[298] but described it in 2014 as "necessary for Russia's survival".[299][300] Accusations that cast doubt on the positive portrayal of the USSR's role in World War II have been seen as highly problematic for the modern Russian state, which sees Russia's victory in the war as one of "the most venerated pillars of state ideology", which legitimises the current government and its policies.[301][302] In February 2021, the State Duma voted in favor of a law to punish the dissemination of "fake news" regarding the Soviet Union's role in World War II, including claiming that Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union held equal responsibility due to the pact.[303]
In 2009, the
See also
- Baltic Way, protest marking the 50th anniversary of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact
- Italo-Soviet Pact
- German–Soviet population transfers
- National Bolshevism
- Red–green–brown alliance
- Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact
- Stalin's speech of 19 August 1939
- Timeline of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact
- Walter Krivitsky, Soviet defector who revealed plans of the non-aggression pact before World War II
Notes
- ^ Russian: Пакт Молотова-Риббентропа
- ^ Russian: Договор о Ненападении между Германией и Союзом Советских Социалистических Республик
- ^ To 53 million ℛ︁ℳ︁ in German imports (0.9% of Germany's total imports and 6.3% of Russia's total exports) and 34 million ℛ︁ℳ︁ in German exports (0.6% of Germany's total exports and 4.6% of Russia's total imports) in 1938.[22]
- ^ On 28 July, Molotov sent a political instruction to the Soviet ambassador in Berlin that marked the start of secret Soviet–German political negotiations.[74]
- ^ Having been banned in Stockholm, it continued to be published in Zürich.[212]
- ^ According to Paul Flewers, Stalin's address to the eighteenth congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on 10 March 1939, discounted any idea of German designs on the Soviet Union. Stalin had intended: "To be cautious and not allow our country to be drawn into conflicts by warmongers who are accustomed to have others pull the chestnuts out of the fire for them." This was intended to warn the Western powers that they could not necessarily rely upon the support of the Soviet Union.[210]
References
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- ^ a b "See Secret in Accord: Dr. Harper Says Stalin-Hitler Pact May Prove an Alliance". New York Times. 28 August 1939. p. 11. Retrieved 2 January 2019.
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- JSTOR 130082.
- ^ Goldman 2012, pp. 163–64.
- ^ Collier, Martin, and Pedley, Philip Germany 1919–45 (2000) p. 146
- ^ Brackman, Roman The Secret File of Joseph Stalin: A Hidden Life (2001) p. 341
- ^ "German-Soviet Pact". Holocaust Encyclopedia. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Retrieved 7 April 2019.
- ^ "Peace Treaty of Brest-Litovsk". BYU. 3 March 1918..
- ^ Montefiore 2005, p. 32.
- ^ "German–Russian agreement". Rapallo: Mt Holyoke. 16 April 1922. Archived from the original on 15 January 2010. Retrieved 7 February 2009..
- ^ "Treaty of Berlin Between the Soviet Union and Germany". Yale. 24 April 1926..
- ^ a b Ericson 1999, pp. 14–5.
- ^ Bendersky 2000, p. 177.
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Stalin was publicly making the none-too-subtle implication that some form of deal between the Soviet Union and Germany could not be ruled out
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- ^ Nekrich, Ulam & Freeze 1997, pp. 128–9.
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- ^ a b c d e Shirer 1990, pp. 668–9.
- ^ Philbin 1994, pp. 130–42.
- ^ Kennan, George (1961). Russian and the West, under Lenin and Stalin. NY: Mentor. pp. 318–9..
- ^ Cartier, Raymond (1962). Hitler et ses Généreaux [Hitler and his Generals] (in French). Paris: J'ai Lu/A. Faiard. p. 233..
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- ^ Roberts 2006, p. 67
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- ^ "Stalin-Hitler Plot to Divide Europe Told: U.S. Discloses Top Secret Documents Dealing With Plans". Los Angeles Times. United Press. 22 January 1948. p. 1. Retrieved 24 May 2019.
- ^ Eckert 2012, p. 94.
- ^ Biskupski & Wandycz 2003, p. 147.
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- ^ a b Nekrich, Ulam & Freeze 1997, pp. 202–205
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- ^ Borejsza, Jerzy W; Ziemer, Klaus; Hułas, Magdalena (2006). Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes in Europe. Berghahn. p. 521..
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- ^ Timothy Snyder, NYreview of books,putin nostalgia hitler stalin
- ^ The great press-conference of Vladimir Putin (Большая пресс-конференция Владимира Путина). President of Russia. 19 December 2019 (in Russian)
- ^ Ivan Beliayev. Putin and pigs: social networks about interest of the president to history (Путин и свиньи: соцсети о странном интересе президента к истории). Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. 26 December 2019 (in Russian)
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[Litvinov] was referred to by the German radio as 'Litvinov-Finkelstein' – was dropped in favor of Vyascheslav Molotov. 'The eminent Jew', as Churchill put it, 'the target of German antagonism was flung aside ... like a broken tool ... The Jew Litvinov was gone and Hitler's dominant prejudice placated.'
- ^ Roberts 1992b, Introduction: 'Perhaps the only thing that can be salvaged from the wreckage of the orthodox interpretation of Litvinov's dismissal is some notion that, by appointing Molotov foreign minister, Stalin was preparing for the contingency of a possible deal with Hitler. In view of Litvinov's Jewish heritage and his militant anti-Nazism, that is not an unreasonable supposition. But it is a hypothesis for which there is as yet no evidence. Moreover, we shall see that what evidence there is suggests that Stalin's decision was determined by a quite different set of circumstances and calculations.'
- ^ Resis 2000, p. 35.
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- ^ a b Resis 2000, p. 51.
- ^ Resis 2000, pp. 33–56.
- ^ Watson 2000, p. 699.
- ^ Carr 1979, pp. 129–130.
- ^ Resis 2000, p. 33: 'By replacing Litvinov with Molotov, Stalin significantly increased his options in foreign policy. Litvinov's dismissal served as a warning to London and Paris that Moscow had a third option-rapprochement with Germany. After Litvinov's dismissal, the pace of Soviet–German contacts quickened. This did not, however, mean that Moscow had abandoned the search for collective security, now exemplified by the Soviet draft triple alliance. Meanwhile, Molotov's appointment served as an additional signal to Berlin that Moscow was open to offers. The signal worked; the warning did not.'
- ^ Watson 2000, pp. 695–722: 'The choice of Molotov reflected not only the appointment of a nationalist and one of Stalin's leading lieutenants, a Russian who was not a Jew and who could negotiate with Nazi Germany, but also someone unencumbered with the baggage of collective security who could obtain the best deal with Britain and France, if they could be forced into an agreement.'
- ^ Roberts 1992b, pp. 639–57: 'the foreign policy factor in Litvinov's downfall was the desire of Stalin and Molotov to take charge of foreign relations in order to pursue their policy of a triple alliance with Britain and France – a policy whose utility Litvinov doubted and may even have opposed or obstructed.'
- ^ Deutscher, Tamara (1983). "EH Carr – a Personal Memoir". New Left Review (137): 79–83..
- ^ a b c Carr 1979, p. [page needed].
- ^ Taylor 1961, pp. 262–3.
- ^ Maser 1994, p. 64.
- ^ Maser 1994, p. 42.
- ^ Carr 1949a, pp. 3–17.
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- ^ Halder, Franz (1962). Generaloberst Halder. Kriegstagebuch. Vol. II. Stuttgart. pp. 31–2.
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- ^ a b Shevchenko, Vitaly (26 December 2019). "Why is Putin angry at Poland?". BBC. Retrieved 1 January 2020.
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- Vizulis, Izidors (1990). The Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact of 1939: The Baltic Case. ISBN 0-275-93456-X.
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{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - Watt, Richard M. (1979). Bitter Glory: Poland & Its Fate 1918–1939. NY: ISBN 0-7818-0673-9.
External links
- Originals of the treaty and protocols from the archives of the Russian Foreign Ministry, published by History Foundation in Russia in May 2019 Archived 3 October 2022 at the Wayback Machine
- Nazi–Soviet Relations 1939–1941
- Leonas Cerskus. The Story of Lithuanian soldier
- Modern History Sourcebook, a collection of public domain and copy-permitted texts in modern European and World history, scanned photocopies of original documents
- The Meaning of the Soviet–German Non-Aggression Pact Molotov speech to the Supreme Soviet on August 31, 1939
- Italy and the Nazi–Soviet Pact of August 23, 1939
- International Conference and booklet on the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact