then Attic Greek, and later Koine Greek
|ancient Greek religion|
The Macedonians (
Although composed of various clans, the
The ancient Macedonians participated in the production and fostering of
Origins, consolidation, and expansion
The Macedonians continued to rule much of
In Greek mythology, Makedon is the eponymous hero of Macedonia and is mentioned in Hesiod's Catalogue of Women. The first historical attestation of the Macedonians occurs in the works of Herodotus during the mid-5th century BC. The Macedonians are absent in Homer's Catalogue of Ships and the term "Macedonia" itself appears late. The Iliad states that upon leaving Mount Olympus, Hera journeyed via Pieria and Emathia before reaching Athos. This is re-iterated by Strabo in his Geography. Nevertheless, archaeological evidence indicates that Mycenaean contact with or penetration into the Macedonian interior possibly started from the early 14th century BC.
In his A History of Macedonia, Nicholas Hammond reconstructed the earliest phases of Macedonian history based on his interpretation of later literary accounts and archaeological excavations in the region of Macedonia. According to Hammond, the Macedonians are missing from early Macedonian historical accounts because they had been living in the Orestian highlands since before the Greek Dark Ages, possibly having originated from the same (proto-Greek) population pool that produced other Greek peoples. The Macedonian tribes subsequently moved down from Orestis in the upper Haliacmon to the Pierian highlands in the lower Haliacmon because of pressure from the Molossians, a related tribe who had migrated to Orestis from Pelagonia. In their new Pierian home north of Olympus, the Macedonian tribes mingled with the proto-Dorians. This might account for traditions which placed the eponymous founder, Makedon, near Pieria and Olympus. Some traditions placed the Dorian homeland in the Pindus mountain range in western Thessaly, whilst Herodotus pushed this further north to the Macedonian Pindus and claimed that the Greeks were referred to as Makednon (Mακεδνόν) and then as Dorians. A different, southern homeland theory also exists in traditional historiography. Arnold J. Toynbee asserted that the Makedones migrated north to Macedonia from central Greece, placing the Dorian homeland in Phthiotis and citing the traditions of fraternity between Makedon and Magnes.
Temenids and Argeads
The Macedonian expansion is said to have been led by the ruling Temenid dynasty, known as "
The earliest sources, Herodotus and Thucydides, called the royal family "Temenidae". In later sources (Strabo, Appian,
Taking Herodotus's lineage account as the most trustworthy, Appian said that after Perdiccas, six successive heirs ruled:
Expansion from the core
Both Strabo and Thucydides said that Emathia and Pieria were mostly occupied by Thracians (Pieres, Paeonians) and Bottiaeans, as well as some Illyrian and Epirote tribes. Herodotus states that the Bryges were cohabitants with the Macedonians before their mass migration to Anatolia. If a group of ethnically definable Macedonian tribes were living in the Pierian highlands prior to their expansion, the first conquest was of the Pierian piedmont and coastal plain, including Vergina. The tribes may have launched their expansion from a base near Mount Bermion, according to Herodotus. Thucydides describes the Macedonian expansion specifically as a process of conquest led by the Argeads:
But the country along the sea which is now called Macedonia, was first acquired and made a kingdom by Alexander [I], father of Perdiccas [II] and his forefathers, who were originally Temenidae from Argos. They defeated and expelled from Pieria the Pierians ... and also expelled the Bottiaeans from Bottiaea ... they acquired as well a narrow strip of Paeonia extending along the Axios river from the interior to Pella and the sea. Beyond the Axios they possess the territory as far as the Strymon called Mygdonia, having driven out the Edoni. Moreover, they expelled from the district now called Eordaea the Eordi ... The Macedonians also made themselves rulers of certain places ... namely Anthemus, Grestonia, and a large part of Macedonia proper.
Thucydides's account gives a geographical overview of Macedonian possessions at the time of Alexander I's rule. To reconstruct a chronology of the expansion by Alexander I's predecessors is more difficult, but generally, three stages have been proposed from Thucydides' reading. The initial and most important conquest was of Pieria and Bottiaea, including the locations of Pydna and Dium. The second stage consolidated rule in Pieria and Bottiaea, captured Methone and Pella, and extended rule over Eordaea and Almopia. According to Hammond, the third stage occurred after 550 BC, when the Macedonians gained control over Mygdonia, Edonis, lower Paeonia, Bisaltia and Crestonia. However, the second stage might have occurred as late as 520 BC; and the third stage probably did not occur until after 479 BC, when the Macedonians capitalized on the weakened Paeonian state after the Persian withdrawal from Macedon and the rest of their mainland European territories. Whatever the case, Thucydides' account of the Macedonian state describes its accumulated territorial extent by the rule of Perdiccas II, Alexander I's son. Hammond has said that the early stages of Macedonian expansion were militaristic, subduing or expunging populations from a large and varied area. Pastoralism and highland living could not support a very concentrated settlement density, forcing pastoralist tribes to search for more arable lowlands suitable for agriculture.
Present-day scholars have highlighted several inconsistencies in the traditionalist perspective first set in place by Hammond.
Similarly, the historicity of migration, conquest and population expulsion have also been questioned. Thucydides's account of the forced expulsion of the Pierians and Bottiaeans could have been formed on the basis of his perceived similarity of names of the Pierians and Bottiaeans living in the Struma valley with the names of regions in Macedonia; whereas his account of Eordean extermination was formulated because such toponymic correspondences are absent. Likewise, the Argead conquest of Macedonia may be viewed as a commonly used literary topos in classical Macedonian rhetoric. Tales of migration served to create complex genealogical connections between trans-regional ruling elites, while at the same time were used by the ruling dynasty to legitimize their rule, heroicize mythical ancestors and distance themselves from their subjects.
Conflict was a historical reality in the early Macedonian kingdom and pastoralist traditions allowed the potential for population mobility. Greek archaeologists have found that some of the passes linking the Macedonian highlands with the valley regions have been used for thousands of years. However, the archaeological evidence does not point to any significant disruptions between the Iron Age and Hellenistic period in Macedonia. The general continuity of material culture, settlement sites, and pre-Greek onomasticon contradict the alleged ethnic cleansing account of early Macedonian expansion.
The process of state formation in Macedonia was similar to that of its neighbours in Epirus, Illyria, Thrace and Thessaly, whereby regional elites could mobilize disparate communities for the purpose of organizing land and resources. Local notables were often based in urban-like settlements, although contemporaneous historians often did not recognize them as poleis because they were not self-ruled but under the rule of a "king". From the mid-6th century, there appears a series of exceptionally rich burials throughout the region—in Trebeništa, Vergina, Sindos, Agia Paraskevi, Pella-Archontiko, Aiani, Gevgelija, Amphipolis—sharing a similar burial rite and grave accompaniments, interpreted to represent the rise of a new regional ruling class sharing a common ideology, customs and religious beliefs. A common geography, mode of existence, and defensive interests might have necessitated the creation of a political confederacy among otherwise ethno-linguistically diverse communities, which led to the consolidation of a new Macedonian ethnic identity.
The traditional view that Macedonia was populated by rural ethnic groups in constant conflict is slowly changing, bridging the cultural gap between southern Epirus and the north Aegean region. Hatzopoulos's studies on Macedonian institutions have lent support to the hypothesis that Macedonian state formation occurred via an integration of regional elites, which were based in city-like centres, including the Argeadae at Vergina, the Paeonian/Edonian peoples in Sindos, Ichnae and Pella, and the mixed Macedonian-Barbarian colonies in the Thermaic Gulf and western Chalkidiki. The Temenidae became overall leaders of a new Macedonian state because of the diplomatic proficiency of Alexander I and the logistic centrality of Vergina itself. It has been suggested that a breakdown in traditional Balkan tribal traditions associated with adaptation of Aegean socio-political institutions created a climate of institutional flexibility in a vast, resource-rich land. Non-Argead centres increasingly became dependent allies, allowing the Argeads to gradually assert and secure their control over the lower and eastern territories of Macedonia. This control was fully consolidated by Phillip II (r. 359 – 336 BC).
Culture and society
Macedonia had a distinct material culture by the
The way of life of the inhabitants of Upper Macedonia differed little from that of their neighbours in Epirus and Illyria, engaging in seasonal transhumance supplemented by agriculture. Young Macedonian men were typically expected to engage in hunting and martial combat as a byproduct of their transhumance lifestyles of herding livestock such as goats and sheep, while horse breeding and raising cattle were other common pursuits. In these mountainous regions, upland sites were important focal points for local communities. In these difficult terrains, competition for resources often precipitated intertribal conflict and raiding forays into the comparatively richer lowland settlements of coastal Macedonia and Thessaly. Despite the remoteness of the upper Macedonian highlands, excavations at Aiani since 1983 have discovered finds attesting to the presence of social organization since the 2nd millennium BC. The finds include the oldest pieces of black-and-white pottery, which is characteristic of the tribes of northwest Greece, discovered so far. Found with Μycenaean sherds, they can be dated with certainty to the 14th century BC. The finds also include some of the oldest samples of writing in Macedonia, among them inscriptions bearing Greek names like Θέμιδα (Themida). The inscriptions demonstrate that Hellenism in Upper Macedonia was at a high economic, artistic, and cultural level by the sixth century BC—overturning the notion that Upper Macedonia was culturally and socially isolated from the rest of ancient Greece.
By contrast, the alluvial plains of Lower Macedonia and Pelagonia, which had a comparative abundance of natural resources such as timber and minerals, favored the development of a native aristocracy, with a wealth that at times surpassed the classical Greek poleis. Exploitation of minerals helped expedite the introduction of coinage in Macedonia from the 5th century BC, developing under southern Greek, Thracian and Persian influences. Some Macedonians engaged in farming, often with irrigation, land reclamation, and horticulture activities supported by the Macedonian state. However, the bedrock of the Macedonian economy and state finances was the twofold exploitation of the forests with logging and valuable minerals such as copper, iron, gold, and silver with mining. The conversion of these raw materials into finished products and their sale encouraged the growth of urban centers and a gradual shift away from the traditional rustic Macedonian lifestyle during the course of the 5th century BC.
Macedonian society was dominated by
However, unlike Thessaly, Macedonia was ruled by a monarchy from its earliest history until the
During the Late Bronze Age (circa 15th-century BC), the ancient Macedonians developed distinct, matt-painted wares that evolved from
Macedonian settlements have a strong continuity dating from the Bronze Age, maintaining traditional construction techniques for residential architecture. While settlement numbers appeared to drop in central and southern Greece after 1000 BC, there was a dramatic increase of settlements in Macedonia.
Religion and funerary practices
By the 5th century BC the Macedonians and the rest of the Greeks worshiped more or less the
The ancient Macedonians worshipped the Twelve Olympians, especially Zeus, Artemis, Heracles, and Dionysus. Evidence of this worship exists from the beginning of the 4th century BC onwards, but little evidence of Macedonian religious practices from earlier times exists. From an early period, Zeus was the single most important deity in the Macedonian pantheon. Makedon, the mythical ancestor of the Macedonians, was held to be a son of Zeus, and Zeus features prominently in Macedonian coinage. The most important centre of worship of Zeus was at Dion in Pieria, the spiritual centre of the Macedonians, where beginning in 400 BC King Archelaus established an annual festival, which in honour of Zeus featured lavish sacrifices and athletic contests. Worship of Zeus's son Heracles was also prominent; coins featuring Heracles appear from the 5th century BC onwards. This was in large part because the Argead kings of Macedon traced their lineage to Heracles, making sacrifices to him in the Macedonian capitals of Vergina and Pella. Numerous votive reliefs and dedications also attest to the importance of the worship of Artemis. Artemis was often depicted as a huntress and served as a tutelary goddess for young girls entering the coming-of-age process, much as Heracles Kynagidas (Hunter) did for young men who had completed it. By contrast, some deities popular elsewhere in the Greek world—notably Poseidon and Hephaestus—were largely ignored by the Macedonians.
Other deities worshipped by the ancient Macedonians were part of a local pantheon which included Thaulos (god of war equated with Ares), Gyga (later equated with Athena), Gozoria (goddess of hunting equated with Artemis), Zeirene (goddess of love equated with Aphrodite) and Xandos (god of light). A notable influence on Macedonian religious life and worship was neighbouring Thessaly; the two regions shared many similar cultural institutions. They were tolerant of, and open to, incorporating foreign religious influences such as the sun worship of the Paeonians. By the 4th century BC, there had been a significant fusion of Macedonian and common Greek religious identity, but Macedonia was nevertheless characterized by an unusually diverse religious life. This diversity extended to the belief in magic, as evidenced by curse tablets. It was a significant but secret aspect of Greek cultural practice.
A notable feature of Macedonian culture was the ostentatious burials reserved for its rulers.
By the reign of
Surviving Macedonian painted artwork includes
Aside from metalwork and painting, mosaics serve as another significant form of surviving Macedonian artwork, especially those discovered at Pella dating to the 4th century BC. The Stag Hunt Mosaic of Pella, with its three dimensional qualities and illusionist style, show clear influence from painted artwork and wider Hellenistic art trends, although the rustic theme of hunting was tailored for Macedonian tastes. The similar Lion Hunt Mosaic of Pella illustrates either a scene of Alexander the Great with his companion Craterus, or simply a conventional illustration of the generic royal diversion of hunting. Mosaics with mythological themes include scenes of Dionysus riding a panther and Helen of Troy being abducted by Theseus, the latter of which employs illusionist qualities and realistic shading similar to Macedonian paintings. Common themes of Macedonian paintings and mosaics include warfare, hunting and aggressive masculine sexuality (i.e. abduction of women for rape or marriage). In some instances these themes are combined within the same work, indicating a metaphorical connection that seems to be affirmed by later Byzantine Greek literature.
Theatre, music and performing arts
Philip II was assassinated by his
Literature, education, philosophy, and patronage
In terms of early
Sports and leisure
When Alexander I of Macedon petitioned to compete in the
Dining and cuisine
Ancient Macedonia produced very few fine foods or beverages that were highly appreciated elsewhere in the Greek world, namely
For administrative and political purposes,
Attempts to classify Ancient Macedonian are hindered by the lack of surviving Ancient Macedonian texts; it was a mainly oral language and most archaeological inscriptions indicate that in Macedonia there was no dominant written language besides Attic and later Koine Greek. All surviving epigraphical evidence from grave markers and public inscriptions is in Greek. Classification attempts are based on a vocabulary of 150–200 words and 200 personal names assembled mainly from the 5th century lexicon of Hesychius of Alexandria and a few surviving fragmentary inscriptions, coins and occasional passages in ancient sources. Most of the vocabulary is regular Greek, with tendencies toward Doric Greek and Aeolic Greek. There can be found some Illyrian and Thracian elements.
In Macedonian onomastics, most personal names are recognizably Greek (e.g. Alexandros, Philippos, Dionysios, Apollonios, Demetrios), with some dating back to Homeric (e.g. Ptolemaeos) or Mycenean times and there are also a few non-Greek names (Illyrian or Thracian; e.g. "Bithys"). This material supports the observation that Macedonian personal names have a predominantly Greek character. Macedonian toponyms and hydronyms are mostly of Greek origin (e.g. Aegae, Dion, Pieria, Haliacmon), as are the names of the months of the Macedonian calendar and the names of most of the deities the Macedonians worshiped. Hammond states that these are not late borrowings.
Macedonian has a close structural and lexical affinity with other Greek dialects, especially Northwest Greek and Thessalian. Most of the words are Greek, although some of these could represent loans or cognate forms. Alternatively, a number of phonological, lexical and onomastic features set Macedonian apart. These latter features, possibly representing traces of a substrate language, occur in what are considered to be particularly conservative systems of the language.
Several hypotheses have consequently been proposed as to the position of Macedonian, all of which broadly regard it as either a peripheral Greek dialect, a closely related but separate language (see
Another source of evidence is
Nature of sources
Most ancient sources on the Macedonians come from outside Macedonia. According to Eugene N. Borza, most of these sources are either ill-informed, hostile or both, making the Macedonians one of the "silent" peoples of the ancient Mediterranean. Ernst Badian notes that nearly all surviving references to antagonisms and differences between Greeks and Macedonians exist in the written speeches of Arrian, who lived during a period (i.e. the Roman Empire) in which any notion of an ethnic disparity between Macedonians and other Greeks was incomprehensible. Most of the literary evidence comes from later sources focusing on the campaigns of Alexander the Great rather than on Macedonia itself. Most contemporaneous evidence on Philip is Athenian and hostile. Moreover, most ancient sources focus on the deeds of Macedonian kings in connection with political and military events such as the Peloponnesian War. Evidence about the ethnic identity of Macedonians of lower social status from the Archaic to the Hellenistic period is highly fragmentary and unsatisfactory. For information about Macedonia before Philip, historians must rely on archaeological inscriptions and material remains, a few fragments from historians whose work is now lost, occasional passing mentions in Herodotus and Thucydides, and universal histories from the Roman era.
Ancient sources on the Argeads
The emphasis on the Heraclean ancestry of the Argeads served to heroicize the royal family and to provide a sacred genealogy which established a "divine right to rule" over their subjects. The Macedonian royal family, like those of Epirus, emphasized "blood and kinship in order to construct for themselves a heroic genealogy that sometimes also functioned as a Hellenic genealogy".
Pre-Hellenistic Greek writers expressed an ambiguity about the Greekness of Macedonians —specifically their monarchic institutions and their background of Persian alliance—often portraying them as a potential barbarian threat to Greece.
This was obvious political slander and is regarded as "an insulting speech",
Ancient sources on the Macedonian people
The earliest reference about Greek attitudes towards the Macedonian ethnos as a whole comes from Hesiod's Catalogue of Women. The text maintains that the Macedonians descended from Makedon, son of Zeus and Thyia (daughter of Deucalion), and was therefore a nephew of Hellen, progenitor of the Greeks. Magnes, brother of the eponymous Makedon, was also said to be a son of Zeus and Thyia. The Magnetes, descendants of Magnes, were an Aeolian tribe; according to Hammond this places the Macedonians among the Greeks. Engels also wrote that Hesiod counted the Macedonians as Greeks, while Hall said that "according to strict genealogical logic, [this] excludes the population that bears [Makedon's] name from the ranks of the Hellenes". Two later writers deny Makedon a lineage from Hellen: Apollodorus (3.8.1) makes him a son of Lycaon, son of earth-born Pelasgus, whilst Pseudo–Scymnos (6.22) makes him born directly from the earth; Apollodorus (3.8.1), however, is technically identifying Makedon with the Greek royalty of Arcadia, thus placing Macedonia within the orbit of the most archaic of Greek myths. At the end of the 5th century BC Hellanicus of Lesbos asserted Macedon was the son of Aeolus, the latter a son of Hellen and ancestor of the Aeolians, one of the major tribes of the Greeks. Hellanicus modified Hesiod's genealogy by making Makedon the son of Aeolus, firmly placing the Macedonians in the Aeolic Greek-speaking family. In addition to belonging to tribal groups such as the Aeolians, Dorians, Achaeans, and Ionians, Anson also stresses the fact that some Greeks even distinguished their ethnic identities based on the polis (i.e. city-state) they originally came from.
These early writers and their formulation of genealogical relationships demonstrate that before the 5th century, Greekness was defined on an ethnic basis and was legitimized by tracing descent from eponymous Hellen. Subsequently, cultural considerations assumed greater importance.
Herodotus regarded the Macedonians as either northern Greeks, or an intermediate group between "pure" Greeks and barbarians. In the Histories (5.20.4) Herodotus calls king Alexander I an anēr Hellēn, Makedonōn huparchos (Ancient Greek: ἀνὴρ Ἕλλην, Μακεδόνων ὕπαρχος), which translates to either a "Greek viceroy of Macedonia", or "a Greek who ruled over Macedonians". In 7.130.3, he says that the Thessalians were the "first of the Greeks" to submit to Xerxes. In the first book of the Histories, Herodotus recalls a reliable tradition according to which the Greek ethnos, in its wandering, was called "Macedonian" when it settled around Pindus and "Dorian" when it came to the Peloponnese, and in the eighth book he groups several Greek tribes under "Macedonians" and "Dorians", implying that the Macedonians were Greeks.
In parts of his work, Thucydides placed the Macedonians on his cultural continuum closer to barbarians than Hellenes, or an intermediate category between Greeks and non–Greeks. In other parts, he distinguishes between three groups fighting in the Peloponnesian War: The Greeks (including Peloponnesians), the Macedonians and the barbarian Illyrians. Recounting Brasidas' expedition to Lyncus, Thucydides considers Macedonians separate from the barbarians; he says, "In all there were about three thousand Hellenic heavy infantry, accompanied by all the Macedonian cavalry with the Chalcidians, near one thousand strong, besides an immense crowd of barbarians", and "night coming on, the Macedonians and the barbarian crowd took fright in a moment in one of those mysterious panics to which great armies are liable". More explicit is his recounting of Brasidas' speech where he tells his Peloponnesian troops to dispel fear of fighting against "barbarians: because they had already fought against Macedonians". Euripides, in his work Archelaus, tells us that the Macedonians were Greeks.
Ancient geographers differed in their views on the size of Macedonia and on the ethnicity of the Macedonians.
Isocrates defended Philip's Greek origins but perhaps did not think the same of his people. In Hall's version, he wrote, "He (
With Philip's conquest of Greece, Greeks and Macedonians enjoyed privileges at the royal court, and there was no social distinction among his court hetairoi, although Philip's armies were only ever led by Macedonians. The process of Greek and Macedonian syncretism culminated during the reign of Alexander the Great, and he allowed other Greeks to command his armies.
After the 3rd century BC, and especially in Roman times, the Macedonians were consistently regarded as Greeks.
The Persians referred to both Greeks and Macedonians as Yauna ("Ionians", their term for "Greeks"), though they distinguished the "Yauna by the sea and across the sea" from the Yaunã Takabara or "Greeks with hats that look like shields", possibly referring to the Macedonian kausia hat. According to another interpretation, the Persians used such terms in a geographical rather than an ethnic sense. Yauna and its various attributes possibly referred to regions to the north and west of Asia Minor, which could have included Phrygians, Mysians, Thracians, and Paionians in addition to Greeks. Overall, Persian inscriptions indicate that the Persians considered the Macedonians to be Greeks. In Hellenistic times, most Egyptians and Syrians included the Macedonians among the larger category of Greeks, as the Persians had done earlier.
Modern scholarly discourse has produced several hypotheses about the Macedonians' place within the Greek world. Considering material remains of Greek-style monuments, buildings, inscriptions dating from the 5th century and the predominance of Greek personal names, one school of thought says that the Macedonians were "truly Greeks" who had retained a more archaic lifestyle than those living in southern Greece. This cultural discrepancy was used during the political struggles in Athens and Macedonia in the 4th century.
Another perspective interprets the literary evidence and the archaeological-cultural differences between Macedonia and central-southern Greece before the 6th century and beyond as evidence that the Macedonians were originally non-Greek tribes who underwent a process of Hellenization. Accepting that political factors played a part, they highlight the degree of antipathy between Macedonians and Greeks, which was of a different quality to that seen among other Greek states—even those with a long-term history of mutual animosity (e.g. Sparta and Athens). According to these scholars, the Macedonians came to be regarded as "northern Greeks" only with the ongoing Hellenization of Macedonia and the emergence of Rome as a common enemy in the west. This coincides with the period during which ancient authors such as Polybius and Strabo called the ancient Macedonians "Greeks". By this point, as described by Isocrates, to have been a Greek could have defined a quality of culture and intelligence rather than a racial or ethnic affinity. In the context of ethnic origins of the companions of the Antigonid kings, James L. O'Neil distinguishes Macedonians and Greeks as separate ethnic groups, the latter becoming more prominent in Macedonian affairs and the royal court after Alexander the Great's reign.
Others have adopted both views. According to Sansone, "there is no question that, in the fifth and fourth centuries, there were noticeable difference between the Greeks and the Macedonians," yet the issue of Macedonian Hellenicity was ultimately a "political one". Hall adds, "to ask whether the Macedonians 'really were' Greek or not in antiquity is ultimately a redundant question given the shifting semantics of Greekness between the 6th and 4th centuries BC. What cannot be denied, however, is that the cultural commodification of Hellenic identity that emerged in the 4th century might have remained a provincial artifact, confined to the Balkan peninsula, had it not been for the Macedonians." Eugene Borza emphasized the Macedonians "made their mark in antiquity as Macedonians, not as a tribe of some other people" but argued that "the 'highlanders' or 'Makedones' of the mountainous regions of western Macedonia are derived from northwest Greek stock." Worthington concludes that "there is still more than enough evidence and reasoned theory to suggest that the Macedonians were racially Greek." Anson argues that some Hellenic authors expressed complex if not ever-changing and ambiguous ideas about the exact ethnic identity of the Macedonians, who were considered by some as barbarians, and by others as semi-Greek or fully Greek. Panagiotis Filos notes that the term "barbarian" was often used by ancient Greek authors in a very broad sense, referring not only to non-Greek populations, but also to Greek populations on the fringe of the Greek world with dialectal differences, such as the Macedonians. The term was also known for being used in a pejorative and politically motivated manner, especially by the Athenians, to deride other Greek tribes and states such as Epirotes, Eleans, Boeotians and Aeolic-speakers. Roger D. Woodard asserts that in addition to persisting uncertainty in modern times about the proper classification of the Macedonian language and its relation to Greek, ancient authors also presented conflicting ideas, such as Demosthenes when labeling Philip II of Macedon inaccurately as a "barbarian", whereas Polybius called the Achaeans and Macedonians as homophylos (i.e. part of the same race or kin). Carol J. King elaborates that finding the reason why "ancient Greeks themselves differentiated between Greeks and Macedonians" is limited by the fact that "if one seeks historical truth about an ancient people who have left no definitive record, one may have to let go of the hope for a definitive answer" especially considering that ancient Macedonia was composed of Greeks, people akin to Greeks and non-Greeks. Simon Hornblower supports the Greek identity of the Macedonians, taking into consideration their origin, language, cults and customs.
- Demographic history of Macedonia
- Government of Macedonia (ancient kingdom) – Political history topic
- History of Macedonia (ancient kingdom) – Aspect of history surrounding ancient Macedonia
- Macedonians (Greeks) – Greek regional and historical population group
- Macednon – ancient region of Macedonia
- Pioneered by Friedrich Wilhelm Sturz (1808), and subsequently supported by Olivier Masson (1996), Michael Meier-Brügger (2003), Johannes Engels (2010), J. Méndez Dosuna (2012), Joachim Matzinger (2016), Emilio Crespo (2017), Claude Brixhe (2018) and M. B. Hatzopoulos (2020).
- Suggested by Georgiev (1966), Joseph (2001) and Hamp (2013).
- Suggested by August Fick (1874), Otto Hoffmann (1906), N. G. L. Hammond (1997) and Ian Worthington (2012).
- Engels 2010, p. 89; Borza 1995, p. 114; Eugene N. Borza writes that the "highlanders" or "Makedones" of the mountainous regions of western Macedonia are derived from northwest Greek stock; they were akin to those who at an earlier time may have migrated south to become the historical "Dorians".
- Worthington 2014a, p. 10; Hornblower 2008, pp. 55–58; Joint Association of Classical Teachers 1984, pp. 50–51; Errington 1990; Fine 1983, pp. 607–608; Hall 2000, p. 64; Hammond 2001, p. 11; Jones 2001, p. 21; Osborne 2004, p. 127; Hammond 1989, pp. 12–13; Hammond 1993, p. 97; Starr 1991, pp. 260, 367; Toynbee 1981, p. 67; Worthington 2008, pp. 8, 219; Chamoux 2002, p. 8; Cawkwell 1978, p. 22; Perlman 1973, p. 78; Hamilton 1974, Chapter 2: The Macedonian Homeland, p. 23; Bryant 1996, p. 306; O'Brien 1994, p. 25.
- Trudgill 2002, p. 125; Theodossiev 2000, pp. 175–209.
- Christesen & Murray 2010, p. 428.
- Michael Meier-Brügger, Indo-European linguistics, Walter de Gruyter, 2003, p.28,on Google books
- Roisman, Worthington, 2010, "A Companion to Ancient Macedonia", Chapter 5: Johannes Engels, "Macedonians and Greeks", p. 95
- Matzinger, Joachim (2016). Die Altbalkanischen Sprachen (PDF) (Speech) (in German). Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich.
- Vladimir Georgiev, "The Genesis of the Balkan Peoples", The Slavonic and East European Review 44:103:285-297 (July 1966)
- Eric Hamp & Douglas Adams (2013) "The Expansion of the Indo-European Languages", Sino-Platonic Papers, vol 239.
- Hammond, N.G.L (1997). Collected Studies: Further studies on various topics. A.M. Hakkert. p. 79.
- Worthington 2012, p. 71.
- Hammond 1989, p. [page needed].
- Roisman, Worthington, 2010, "A Companion to Ancient Macedonia", Chapter 5: Johannes Engels, "Macedonians and Greeks", p. 95: "This (i.e. Pella curse tablet) has been judged to be the most important ancient testimony to substantiate that Macedonian was a north-western Greek and mainly a Doric dialect".
- "[W]e may tentatively conclude that Macedonian is a dialect related to North-West Greek.", Olivier Masson, French linguist, “Oxford Classical Dictionary: Macedonian Language”, 1996.
- Masson & Dubois 2000, p. 292: "..."Macedonian Language" de l'Oxford Classical Dictionary, 1996, p. 906: "Macedonian may be seen as a Greek dialect, characterized by its marginal position and by local pronunciation (like Βερενίκα for Φερενίκα etc.)."
- Beekes 2009, p. 894.
- Harle 1998, p. 24.
- Hanson 2012, Ian Worthington, "5. Alexander the Great, Nation Building, and the Creation and Maintenance of Empire", p. 119.
- Kristinsson 2010, p. 79.
- Kinzl 2010, p. 553.
- Olbrycht 2010, pp. 365–367.
- Adams 2010, p. 223; Errington 1990, pp. 174, 242; Greenwalt 2010, pp. 289–304.
- Adams 2010, pp. 221–224; Errington 1990, pp. 167–174, 179–185;
- Errington 1990, pp. 191–216; Eckstein 2010, pp. 231–245; Greenwalt 2010, p. 302; Bringmann 2007, pp. 79–88, 97–99.
- Errington 1990, pp. 216–217; Eckstein 2010, p. 245; Greenwalt 2010, p. 304; Bringmann 2007, pp. 99–100.
- Errington 1990, pp. 216–217; Eckstein 2010, pp. 246–248; Bringmann 2007, pp. 104–105.
- Anson 2010, p. 16; Rhodes 2010, p. 24.
- Anson 2010, p. 7 Asirvatham 2010, pp. 101–102, 123.
- Homer. Iliad, 14.226.
- Strabo. Geography, Book 7 (Fragment 2.
- Best & de Vries 1989, R. F. Hoddinott, "Thracians, Mycenaeans and 'The Trojan Question'", p. 64.
- Borza 1992, p. 64.
- Errington 1990, pp. 7–9; Borza 1982, p. 8.
- Borza 1992, p. 84
- Vanderpool 1982, Eugene N. Borza, "Athenians, Macedonians, and the Origins of the Macedonian Royal House", p. 7.
- On pages 433–434 of "The Position of the Macedonian Dialect", A. Panayotou describes the geographical delimitations of ancient Macedon as encompassing the region from Mount Pindus to the Nestos River, and from Thessaly to Paeonia (the area occupied by the kingdom of Philip II, which preceded the much larger Roman province of the same name).
- Hesiod. Catalogue of Women, Fragment 7.
- Herodotus. Histories, 1.56.3: "For these were the most eminent races in ancient time, the second being a Pelasgian and the first a Hellenic race: and the one never migrated from its place in any direction, while the other was very exceedingly given to wanderings; for in the reign of Deucalion this [Hellenic] race dwelt in Pthiotis, and in the time of Doros the son of Hellen in the land lying below Ossa and Olympos, which is called Histiaiotis; and when it was driven from Histiaiotis by the sons of Cadmos, it dwelt in Pindos and was called Makedonian; and thence it moved afterwards to Dryopis, and from Dryopis it came finally to Peloponnesus, and began to be called Dorian"., 8.43.1; Hammond & Griffith 1972, pp. 430–440.
- This was but one of several traditions regarding the "Dorian homeland" variously placing it in Phthiotis, Dryopis, Erineos, etc. For the formation of Dorian ethnicity, and its traditions, see chapters 3 and 4 of Johnathan Hall's Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity.
- Toynbee 1969, Chapter 3: "What was the Ancestral Language of the Makedones?", pp. 66–77.
- Herodotus. Histories, 8.137.8.
- Hatzopoulos 1999.
- Hammond & Griffith 1972, pp. 433–434.
- Sprawski 2010, pp. 127–128.
- Sprawski 2010, p. 129.
- Titus Livius, "The History of Rome", 45.9: "This was the end of the war between the Romans and Perseus, after four years of steady campaigning, and also the end of a kingdom famed over a large part of Europe and all of Asia. They reckoned Perseus as the twentieth after Caranus, who founded the kingdom."
- Marcus Velleius Paterculus, "History of Rome", 1.6: "In this period, sixty-five years before the founding of Rome, Carthage was established by the Tyrian Elissa, by some authors called Dido. About this time also Caranus, a man of royal race, eleventh in descent from Hercules, set out from Argos and seized the kingship of Macedonia. From him Alexander the Great was descended in the seventeenth generation, and could boast that, on his mother's side, he was descended from Achilles, and, on his father's side, from Hercules".
- Plutarch, "Alexander", 2.1: "As for the lineage of Alexander, on his father's side he was a descendant of Heracles through Caranus, and on his mother's side a descendant of Aeacus through Neoptolemus; this is accepted without any question."
- Gagarin 2010, "Argeads", p. 229.
- Appian. Roman History, 11.63.333.
- Sprawski2010, p. 130.
- Charlton T. Lewis and Charles Short. A Latin Dictionary, Argīvus.
- Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott. A Greek-English Lexicon, Ἀργεῖος.
- Argive, Oxford Dictionaries.
- Homer. Iliad, 2.155–175, 4.8; Odyssey, 8.578, 4.6.
- Herodotus. Histories, 5.22.
- Justin, Historiarum Philippicarum, 7.1.7–10: "But Caranus, accompanied by a great multitude of Greeks, having been directed by an oracle to seek a settlement in Macedonia, and having come into Emathia, and followed a flock of goats that were fleeing from a tempest, possessed himself of the city of Edessa, before the inhabitants, on account of the thickness of the rain and mist, were aware of his approach; and being reminded of the oracle, by which he had been ordered 'to seek a kingdom with goats for his guides,' he made this city the seat of his government, and afterwards religiously took care, whithersoever he led his troops, to keep the same goats before his standards, that he might have those animals as leaders in his enterprises which he had had as guides to the site of his kingdom. He changed the name of the city, in commemoration of his good fortune, from Edessa to Aegeae, and called the inhabitants Aegeatae."
- Herodotus. Histories, 8.139.
- Olbrycht 2010, pp. 343–345.
- Herodotus. Histories, 5.17.1–2.
- Hammond & Griffith 1972, p. 433.
- Borza 1992, p. 82.
- Hammond & Griffith 1979, p. 434.
- Herodotus. Histories, 7.73, 8.138; Hatzopoulos 2011a, p. 43.
- Hammond & Griffith 1972, p. 434; Borza 1992, p. 78.
- Hammond & Griffith 1972, p. 434.
- Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War, 2.99
- Hammond & Griffith 1972, pp. 437–438.
- Borza 1992, p. 87.
- Sprawski 2010, p. 133.
- Hammond & Griffith 1979, p. 438.
- Borza 1992, pp. 79–80.
- Archibald 2010, p. 329.
- Sprawski 2010, p. 134.
- Borza 1992, p. 70.
- Hall 2002, pp. 70–73.
- Snodgrass 2000, p. 163.
- Brock & Hodkinson 2000, Chapter 12: Zosia Halina Archibald, "Space, Hierarchy, and Community in Archaic and Classical Macedonia, Thessaly, and Thrace", pp. 222–224.
- Hornblower, Matthews & Fraser 2000, Miltiade Hatzopoulos, ""L'histoire par les noms" in Macedonia", p. 112.
- Brock & Hodkinson 2000, Chapter 12: Zosia Halina Archibald, "Space, Hierarchy, and Community in Archaic and Classical Macedonia, Thessaly, and Thrace", p. 215.
- Thomas 2010, p. 74.
- Hatzopoulos 1999, p. 464.
- Butler 2008, pp. 222–223.
- Butler 2008, p. 223.
- Whitley 2007, p. 253.
- Brock & Hodkinson 2000, Chapter 13: J. K. Davies, "A Wholly Non-Aristotelian Universe: The Molossians as Ethnos, State, and Monarchy", p. 251.
- Brock & Hodkinson 2000, Chapter 12: Zosia Halina Archibald, "Space, Hierarchy, and Community in Archaic and Classical Macedonia, Thessaly, and Thrace", p. 213.
- Whitley 2007, p. 233.
- Lemos 2002, p. 207.
- Anson 2010, p. 19.
- Whitley 2007, p. 254.
- Olbrycht 2010, p. 345.
- Hatzopoulos 2011a, pp. 47–48; Errington 1990, p. 7.
- Boardman 1982, [Part III: The Balkans and the Aegean] Chapter 15: N. G. L. Hammond, "Illyris, Epirus and Macedonia in the Early Iron Age", pp. 621–624.
- "Encyclopædia Britannica – Hellenism in Macedonia"..
- Iordanidis, Garcia-Guinea & Karamitrou-Mentessidi 2007, pp. 1796–1807.
- Karamitrou-Mentessidi 2007.
- Brock & Hodkinson 2000, Chapter 12: Zosia Halina Archibald, "Space, Hierarchy, and Community in Archaic and Classical Macedonia, Thessaly, and Thrace", p. 212.
- Anson 2010, p. 8.
- Hatzopoulos 2011a, pp. 47–48; for a specific example of land reclamation near Amphipolis during the reign of Alexander the Great, see Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 31.
- Hatzopoulos 2011a, p. 48; Errington 1990, pp. 7–8, 222–223.
- Hatzopoulos 2011a, p. 48.
- Anson 2010, p. 10.
- Anson 2010, pp. 10–11.
- Engels 2010, p. 92.
- Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 12–13.
- Anson 2010, pp. 9–10.
- King 2010, pp. 374–375.
- King 2010, pp. 376–377.
- Horejs 2007.
- Hammond & Griffith 1972, pp. 420–426; Snodgrass 2000, p. 257.
- Snodgrass 2000, p. 253.
- Boardman 1982, [Part III: The Balkans and the Aegean] Chapter 15: N.G.L. Hammond, "Illyris, Epirus and Macedonia in the Early Iron Age", pp. 644–650.
- Brock & Hodkinson 2000, Chapter 12: Zosia Halina Archibald, "Space, Hierarchy, and Community in Archaic and Classical Macedonia, Thessaly, and Thrace", p. 217.
- Wilkes 1995, pp. 104–107.
- Whitley 2007, p. 243.
- Brock & Hodkinson 2000, Chapter 12: Zosia Halina Archibald, "Space, Hierarchy, and Community in Archaic and Classical Macedonia, Thessaly, and Thrace", pp. 223–224.
- Sansone 2017, p. 223.
- Anson 2010, pp. 17–18.
- Errington 1990, pp. 225–226.
- Errington 1990, p. 226.
- Errington 1990, pp. 226–227.
- Christesen & Murray 2010, p. 430.
- Christesen & Murray 2010, p. 431.
- Cook, Adcock & Charlesworth 1928, pp. 197–198; Sakellariou 1992, p. 60.
- Graninger 2010, pp. 323–324.
- Engels 2010, p. 97.
- Christesen & Murray 2010, p. 434.
- Christesen & Murray 2010, p. 429.
- Fisher & Wees 1998, p. 51; Archibald 2010, p. 340.
- Whitley 2007, pp. 254–255.
- Christesen & Murray 2010, pp. 439–440.
- Borza 1992, pp. 257–260; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 5–7 for further details.
- Borza 1992, pp. 259–260; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 5–6 for further details.
- Borza 1992, pp. 257, 260–261.
- Sansone 2017, p. 224; Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 6;
Rosella Lorenzi (10 October 2014). "Remains of Alexander the Great's Father Confirmed Found: King Philip II's bones are buried in a tomb along with a mysterious woman-warrior." Seeker. Retrieved 17 January 2017.
- Borza 1992, p. 257.
- Sansone 2017, pp. 224–225.
- Kate Müser (9 September 2014). "Greece's largest ancient tomb: Amphipolis". www.dw.de. Deutsche Welle. Retrieved 10 September 2014..
- Andrew Marszal (7 September 2014). "Marble female figurines unearthed in vast Alexander the Great-era Greek tomb". The Daily Telegraph. Archived from the original on 12 January 2022..
- Papapostolou, Anastasios. (30 September 2015). "Hephaestion's Monogram Found at Amphipolis Tomb." Greek Reporter. Retrieved 31 March 2017.
- Worthington 2012, p. 319.
- Worthington 2014b, p. 180; Sansone 2017, p. 228.
- Worthington 2014b, pp. 180–183.
- Worthington 2012, p. 319; Worthington 2014b, pp. 182–183.
- Errington 1990, pp. 219–220.
- Hardiman 2010, p. 515.
- Hardiman 2010, pp. 515–517.
- Hardiman 2010, p. 517.
- Head 2016, pp. 12–13; Piening 2013, pp. 1182.
- Head 2016, p. 13; Aldrete, Bartell & Aldrete 2013, p. 49.
- Hardiman 2010, p. 518.
- Cohen 2010, pp. 13–34.
- Müller 2010, p. 182.
- Errington 1990, p. 224.
- Worthington 2014b, p. 186.
- Worthington 2014b, p. 185.
- Worthington 2014b, pp. 185–186.
- Worthington 2014b, pp. 183, 186.
- Hatzopoulos 2011b, p. 58; Roisman 2010, p. 154; Errington 1990, pp. 223–224.
- Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 58–59; see also Errington 1990, p. 224 for further details.
- Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 59; Sansone 2017, p. 223; Roisman 2010, p. 157.
- Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 59.
- Chroust 2016, p. 137.
- Rhodes 2010, p. 23.
- Rhodes 2010, pp. 23–25; see also Errington 1990, p. 224 for further details.
- Errington 1990, pp. 224–225;
For Marsyas of Pella, see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 27 for further details.
- Errington 1990, p. 225.
- Badian 1982, p. 34, Anson 2010, p. 16; Sansone 2017, pp. 222–223.
- Nawotka 2010, p. 2.
- Sawada 2010, p. 403.
- Cohen 2010, p. 28.
- Dalby 1997, p. 157.
- Dalby 1997, pp. 155–156.
- Dalby 1997, p. 156.
- Dalby 1997, pp. 156–157.
- Anson 2010, p. 10; Cohen 2010, p. 28.
- Sawada 2010, pp. 392–408.
- Sawada 2010, p. 394.
- There were Dorian and Euboean colonies, as well as tribal ethne speaking Greek, Illyrian, Thracian, Paeonian, Brygian, etc.
- Borza 1992, p. 92.
- Christidēs, Arapopoulou & Chritē 2007, Chapter 6: A. Panayotou, "The Position of the Macedonian Dialect", p. 433.
- Engels 2010, p. 96.
- Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", p. 161.
- Engels 2010, p. 94.
- Jones 2006, pp. 33–34.
- Anson 2010, p. 20.
- Borza 1992, p. 93.
- Voutiras 1998, p. 25.
- Engels 2010, p. 95.
- Masson & Dubois 2000, p. 292: "... "Macedonian Language" de l'Oxford Classical Dictionary, 1996, p. 906.
- Masson 1996, "Macedonian Language", pp. 905–906.
- Hatzopoulos 2011a, pp. 43–45.
- Worthington 2003, p. 20.
- Christidēs, Arapopoulou & Chritē 2007, Chapter 6: A. Panayotou, "The Position of the Macedonian Dialect", pp. 431–433.
- Hornblower, Matthews & Fraser 2000, Miltiade Hatzopoulos, ""L'histoire par les noms" in Macedonia", p. 111.
- Boardman 1982, Chapter 20c: R. A. Crossland, "Linguistic Problems of the Balkan Areya in Late Prehistoric and Early Classical Periods", p. 846.
- Woodard 2008b, p. 11.
- Boardman 1982, Chapter 20c: R. A. Crossland, "Linguistic Problems of the Balkan Area in Late Prehistoric and Early Classical Periods", pp. 846–847.
- Personal names, names of gods and months, and phonological features. Refer to: Christidēs, Arapopoulou & Chritē 2007, Chapter 6: A. Panayotou, "The Position of the Macedonian Dialect", pp. 438–439.
- Finkelberg 2005, p. 121.
- Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", pp. 163–165.
- Hornblower, Matthews & Fraser 2000, Miltiade Hatzopoulos, ""L'histoire par les noms" in Macedonia", p. 115.
- Christidēs, Arapopoulou & Chritē 2007, Chapter 6: A. Panayotou, "The Position of the Macedonian Dialect", p. 439.
- Papazoglou 1977, pp. 65–83.
- Georgiev 1981, pp. 170, 360.
- Garrett 1999, pp. 146–156.
- Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", pp. 161–163.
- Borza 1999, pp. 42–43.
- Barr-Sharrar & Borza 1982, E. Badian, "Greeks and Macedonians", p. 41.
- Papazoglou 2000, pp. 771–777.
- Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War, 3.94.
- Plato. Protagoras, 341c.
- Aeschines. Against Ctesiphon, 3.72.
- Livy. The History of Rome, 45.29.3.
- Borza 1992, p. 5.
- Badian 1982, p. 51, n. 72; Johannes Engels comes to a similar conclusion. See: Engels 2010, p. 82.
- Anson 2010, p. 7.
- Engels 2010, p. 85.
- Cartledge 2011, Chapter 4: Argos, p. 23..
- Herodotus. Histories, 5.22; Engels 2010, pp. 92–93.
- A History of Macedonia. Tom. 2 Review: John Cole
- Asirvatham 2010, p. 101.
- Barr-Sharrar & Borza 1982, E. Badian, "Greeks and Macedonians", p. 34.
- Engels 2010, p. 93.
- Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott. A Greek-English Lexicon, φιλέλλην.
- cf. Plato. Republic, 5.470e; Xenophon. Agesilaus, 7.4; Isocrates. To Phillip, 5.22 (in Greek).
- Hall 2002, p. 156.
- Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", p. 169; Engels 2010, p. 91.
- Malkin 1998, p. 140.
- Asirvatham 2010, p. 103.
- Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", p. 160.
- Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 60.
- Demosthenes Third Philippic, 9.31
- Hammond 1991.
- Barr-Sharrar & Borza 1982, E. Badian, "Greeks and Macedonians", p. 42.
- Demosthenes, Against Meidias, Speeches, 21.150: "And yet, though he has thus become the possessor of privileges to which he has no claim, and has found a fatherland which is reputed to be of all states the most firmly based upon its laws, he seems utterly unable to submit to those laws or abide by them. His true, native barbarism and hatred of religion drive him on by force and betray the fact that he treats his present rights as if they were not his own—as indeed they are not."
- Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, 8.42: "And when he was asked again, according to the account given by Hegesander, which were the greatest barbarians, the Boeotians or the Thessalians, he said, 'the Eleans'.".
- MacDowell 2009, 13: War and Defeat.
- Isocrates. Philippus, 32–34 and 76–77; Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", pp. 159–160.
- Isocrates. To Philip, 5.127: "Therefore, since the others are so lacking in spirit, I think it is opportune for you to head the war against the King; and, while it is only natural for the other descendants of Heracles, and for men who are under the bonds of their polities and laws, to cleave fondly to that state in which they happen to dwell, it is your privilege, as one who has been blessed with untrammelled freedom, to consider all Hellas your fatherland, as did the founder of your race, and to be as ready to brave perils for her sake as for the things about which you are personally most concerned."
- Errington 1990, pp. 3–4.
- Demosthenes, Philip's Letter to Athenians, Speeches, 12.6: "This is the most amazing exploit of all; for, before the king reduced Egypt and Phoenicia, you passed a decree calling on me to make common cause with the rest of the Greeks against him, in case he attempted to interfere with us".
- Worthington 2003, Chapter 2: N.G.L. Hammond, "The Language of the Macedonians", p. 20.
- Hall 2002, p. 165; Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", p. 169.
- Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", p. 169.
- Daskalakis 1965, pp. 12–13.
- Hall 2002, p. 165.
- Anson 2010, p. 15.
- Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", p. 170.
- Engels 2010, p. 84.
- Herodotus. The Histories, 5.20.4.
- Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", p. 171.
- Herodotus. Histories, 1.56.2–3.
- Herodotus. Histories, 8.43.
- Hammond & Griffith 1972, pp. 429–430. Hammond states that Pelagonia might have been initially called Argestia.
- Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", pp. 171–172.
- Engels 2010, p. 85.
- Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War, 4.124.1.
- Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War, 4.125.1.
- Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War, 4.126.3; Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", p. 160.
- Cosmopoulos 1992, p. 13
- Engels 2010, p. 88.
- Strabo. Geography, Book 7, Fragment 9.
- Strabo. Geography, 10.2.23.
- Pausanias. Description of Greece, 10.8.2–4.
- Pausanias. Description of Greece, 9.40.8–9: "The Macedonians say that Caranus, king of Macedonia, overcame in battle Cisseus, a chieftain in a bordering country. For his victory Caranus set up a trophy after the Argive fashion, but it is said to have been upset by a lion from Olympus, which then vanished. Caranus, they assert, realized that it was a mistaken policy to incur the undying hatred of the non-Greeks dwelling around, and so, they say, the rule was adopted that no king of Macedonia, neither Caranus himself nor any of his successors, should set up trophies, if they were ever to gain the good-will of their neighbors. This story is confirmed by the fact that Alexander set up no trophies, neither for his victory over Dareius nor for those he won in India."
- Engels 2010, p. 87; Olbrycht 2010, pp. 343–344.
- Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", p. 169.
- Isocrates. Philippos, 108.
- Barr-Sharrar & Borza 1982, E. Badian, "Greeks and Macedonians", p. 34.
- Aeschines. On the Embassy, 2.32.
- Ashley 2004, p. 49.
- Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 2.7.4
- Barr-Sharrar & Borza 1982, E. Badian, "Greeks and Macedonians", p. 43.
- Asirvatham 2010, p. 104.
- Diodorus Siculus. Historical Library, 17.3.
- IG 2 448.58-50, SIG 317.6–19.
- Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 69–70.
- Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 68–69, 73.
- Anson 2010, p. 18.
- Polybius. Histories, 9.37.
- Polybius. Histories, 9.35.
- Polybius. Histories, 7.9.
- Polybius. Histories, 18.4.8.
- Livy. History of Rome, 31.29.15.
- Arrian. Anabasis Alexandri, 1.16.7, 2.7.4, 2.14.4.
- Strabo. Geography, 7.7.1.
- Plutarch. Moralia: On the Fortune of Alexander, I, 329b.
- Green 1991, pp. 58–59.
- Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 70–71.
- Hatzopoulos 2011b, p. 74.
- Darius I, DNa inscription, Line 29
- Adams 2010, pp. 343–344
- Engels 2010, p. 87.
- Kinzl 2010, Robert Rollinger, "The Eastern Mediterranean and Beyond", p. 205.
- Cosmopoulos 1992, p. 14
- Worthington 2008.
- Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 69–71.
- Sakellariou 1983, pp. 52.
- Champion 2004, p. 41.
- Danforth 1997, p. 169.
- Barr-Sharrar & Borza 1982, E. Badian, "Greeks and Macedonians", p. 47.
- Borza 1992, p. 96.
- Badian, Wallace & Harris 1996, Peter Green, "The Metamorphosis of the Barbarian: Athenian Panhellenism in a Changing World", p. 24.
- Isaac 2004, p. 113.
- O'Neil 2003, pp. 510–522.
- Sansone 2017, Chapter 11: "The Transformation of the Greek World in the Fourth Century" (Section: "Philip II of Macedon and the Conquest of Greece").
- Malkin 2001, Chapter 6: Jonathan M. Hall, "Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of Macedonia within Evolving Definitions of Greek Identity", p. 172.
- Borza 1992, p. 306.
- Borza 1992, p. 78.
- Worthington 2014a, p. 10.
- Anson 2010, pp. 14–17.
- Boardman, John; Griffin, Jasper; Murray, Oswyn, eds. (2001). The Oxford Illustrated History of Greece and the Hellenistic World. Oxford University Press. p. 148.
- Polybius, Histories, 9.37.7: "τότε μὲν γὰρ ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας καὶ δόξης ἐφιλοτιμεῖσθε πρὸς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ Μακεδόνας ὁμοφύλους καὶ τὸν τούτων ἡγεμόνα Φίλιππον."
- Woodard 2010, pp. 9–10; Johannes Engels also discusses this ambiguity in ancient sources. See: Engels 2010, pp. 83–89.
- Hornblower 2008, p. 58. "The question "Were the Macedonians Greeks?" perhaps needs to be chopped up further. The Macedonian kings emerge as Greeks by criterion one, namely shared blood, and personal names indicate that Macedonians generally moved north from Greece. The kings, the elite, and the generality of the Macedonians were Greeks by criteria two and three, that is, religion and language. Macedonian customs (criterion four) were in certain respects unlike those of a normal apart, perhaps, from the institutions which I have characterized as feudal. The crude one-word answer to the question has to be "yes."
- Adams, Winthrop Lindsay (2010). "Alexander's Successors to 221 BC". In Roisman, Joseph; Worthington, Ian (eds.). A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. Oxford, Chichester, & Malden: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 208–224.
- Aldrete, Gregory S.; Bartell, Scott; Aldrete, Alicia (2013). Reconstructing Ancient Linen Body Armor: Unraveling the Linothorax Mystery. Baltimore: ISBN 978-1-4214-0819-4.
- Anson, Edward M. (2010). "Why Study Ancient Macedonia and What This Companion is About". In Roisman, Joseph; Worthington, Ian (eds.). A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. Oxford, Chichester, & Malden: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 3–20.
- Archibald, Zosia (2010). "Macedonia and Thrace". In Roisman, Joseph; Worthington, Ian (eds.). A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. Oxford, Chichester, & Malden: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 326–341.
- Ashley, J.R. (2004). The Macedonian Empire: The Era of Warfare Under Philip II and Alexander the Great, 359–323 B.C. McFarland. ISBN 0786419180.
- Asirvatham, Sulochana R. (2010). "Perspectives on the Macedonians from Greece, Rome, and Beyond". In Roisman, Joseph; Worthington, Ian (eds.). A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. Oxford, Chichester, & Malden: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 99–124.
- Badian, Ernst (1982). "Greeks and Macedonians". Studies in the History of Art. SYMPOSIUM SERIES I. National Gallery of Art. 10: 33–51. JSTOR 42617918.
- Badian, Ernst; Wallace, Robert W.; Harris, Edward Monroe (1996). Transitions to Empire: Essays in Greco-Roman History, 360-146 B.C. in Honor of E. Badian. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 0-8061-2863-1.
- Barr-Sharrar, Beryl; Borza, Eugene N. (1982). Macedonia and Greece in Late Classical and Early Hellenistic Times. National Gallery of Art. ISBN 0-89468-005-6.
- ISBN 978-90-04-32186-1.
- Best, Jan; de Vries, Nanny (1989). Thracians and Mycenaeans: Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of Thracology, Rotterdam, 24-26 September 1984. Leiden, The Netherlands: E.J. Brill. ISBN 90-04-08864-4.
- Boardman, John (1982). The Cambridge Ancient History - Volume 3, Part 1: The Prehistory of the Balkans and the Middle East and the Aegean World, Tenth to Eighth Centuries B.C. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-22496-9.
- Borza, Eugene N. (1982). "Athenians, Macedonians and the Origins of the Macedonian Royal House". Studies in Attic Epigraphy, History and Topography. 19.
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