Political status of Taiwan

Political status of Taiwan
Political status of Taiwan
BUC	Dài-uăng ông-dà̤

The

People's Republic of China

(PRC), which claims it as part of its territory.

The Republic of China (ROC) was established in 1912 and governed mainland China until 1949. In the Chinese Civil War, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) defeated the ROC government, taking control of mainland China and establishing the People's Republic of China (PRC) that same year. The ROC government retreated to Taiwan. Prior to this, Japan’s surrender in 1945 ended its colonial rule over Taiwan and the Penghu Islands, which were subsequently placed under the administration of the ROC as agreed by the major Allies of World War II. However, post-war agreements did not clearly define sovereignty over these islands due to the ongoing rivalry between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party.^[1]^[2] Since 1949, the PRC has governed mainland China, while the effective jurisdiction of the ROC has been limited to Taiwan proper and a collection of smaller islands.

This division led to the emergence of two rival governments on opposite sides of the

province, refusing to rule out military force to achieve Chinese unification.^[6]^[7]^[8]^[9]^[10] Its proposed "one country, two systems" as a model for unification, has been rejected by the Taiwanese government.^[11]

Within Taiwan, there is major political contention between eventual Chinese unification with a pan-Chinese identity contrasted with

Taiwanese identity, though moderates supporting the status quo have gained broad appeal in the 21st century.^[12]^[13]

Since 1949, multiple countries have faced a choice between the PRC and the ROC with regard to establishing formal diplomatic relations and shaping their respective "One China" policy. Initially excluded from the United Nations in favor of Taipei, Beijing has gained increased recognition as the legitimate government of China. The ROC has formal diplomatic relations with only twelve nations but maintains unofficial bilateral ties and membership in international organizations as a non-state entity.^[14]

The Taiwan Strait is a vital maritime trade route, handling trillions of dollars’ worth of trade that pass through the sea between mainland China and Taiwan. The

semiconductor chips used in smartphones, data centers, and advanced military equipment. Disruptions to the supply of these technologies could wipe trillions of dollars from global GDP.^[15]

The United States considered Taiwan as a vital component in its island-chain strategy to prevent PRC influence from extending into the Indo-Pacific, and potentially threatening Guam, Hawaii and the West Coast of the United States. China, on the other hand, views the strategy as a form of containment that seek to prevent China's rise to a superpower and accuse the U.S. of using Taiwan to overthrow the communist state.

Background

Pre-WWII

Taiwan (excluding

province to speed up development in this region. In the aftermath of the First Sino-Japanese War, Taiwan and Penghu were ceded by the Qing dynasty to Japan in 1895 under the Treaty of Shimonoseki.^[17] The Qing dynasty fell in 1912, leaving warlords to compete for power and influence in China. The country became more unified during the Nanjing decade, and growing calls to push back against Japanese aggression led to the formation of the Second United Front before the Second Sino-Japanese War.^[18]

ROC leaders such as Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek had expressed support for Korea's, Vietnam's, and Taiwan's independence from Japan.^[19] Academics Frank S. T. Hsiao and Lawrence R. Sullivan state that the early Chinese Communist Party (CCP) viewed Taiwanese at that time as a separate minzu, a term that can refer to people, nation, race, or ethnic group.^[a] They theorize that being Chinese hinged on belonging to the same culture, but by then Taiwan had already undergone Japanization.^[b] In a 1937 interview with Edgar Snow, Mao Zedong stated "we will extend them (the Koreans) our enthusiastic help in their struggle for independence. The same thing applies for Taiwan."^[19]^[c] The CCP's stance might have been intended as a temporary measure to build a coalition against the Empire of Japan, which had colonized both Korea and Taiwan.^[d] Regardless of its motivation, Mao's 1937 statement does not bind the CCP because the party was not in power.^[e]

WWII

In 1943 Chiang's Nationalists argued that after the end of the war, Taiwan should be restored to the Republic of China. The CCP followed suit and considered Taiwan an integral part of China.^[20] Representatives of the United States and the United Kingdom agreed with Chiang at the Cairo Conference in November, resulting in the Cairo Declaration. That pledge was confirmed at the Potsdam Conference in 1945.^[19]

Post-WWII

In 1945 Chinese Nationalists accepted the surrender of the Japanese forces in Taiwan on behalf of the Allied powers, ending 50 years of Japanese rule.^[17]^[21] Confident about their future prospects, they declared Taiwan a province of China again on 26 October 1945.^[22] However the final legal dispensation awaited a peace treaty and formal ratification.^[21]

In 1949, Mao Zedong's forces defeated Chiang Kai-shek's ROC forces in the

fled to Taiwan, which was still under ROC control (as the CCP did not have a navy at that time). Tensions often soared in the following decades. The PRC shelled offshore islands held by Taiwan in the 1950s, and the ROC for a number of years harbored ambitions of recovering the mainland from the CCP.^[23] Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, the United Nations and most non-Communist nations still recognized the ROC as the sole government of China. Non-Communist nations referred to the CCP-controlled mainland as "Red China" during this time.^{[citation needed}

]

In 1971, the UN General Assembly

voted to move the "China" United Nations seat from the ROC to the PRC. The United States recognized the Kuomintang government in Taiwan (ROC) as the legitimate representative of all China until 1979.^[24] And the ROC itself claimed to be the sole legitimate representative of all China until 1988.^[24] As of the present, most nations have switched their official diplomatic recognition of "China" to the PRC, though some of these nations have avoided clarifying what territories are meant by "China" in order to associate with both the PRC and ROC. These countries use vague terms such as "respects", "acknowledge", "understand", or "take note of" in regards to the PRC's claim over Taiwan, rather than officially "recognizing" the claim.^[25]^[26] From 1988 onwards the Government of Taiwan turned to a checkbook diplomacy promising economic support in return of diplomatic recognition.^[24] Until 1995, Taiwan was able to establish diplomatic ties with 29 countries.^[24] However this policy was stalled by the PRC as it suspended trade with any country that held diplomatic ties with Taiwan.^[24]

Historical overview

End of Japanese rule

In 1942, after the United States entered the war against Japan and on the side of China, the Chinese government under the

Pescadores) to the Republic of China as one of several Allied demands. The Cairo Declaration was never signed or ratified. Both of the US and the UK considered it not legally binding.^[27] The ROC, on the other hand, asserts that it is legally binding and lists later treaties and documents that "reaffirmed" the Cairo Declaration as legally binding.^[28]

In 1945, Japan unconditionally surrendered with the signing of the instrument of surrender and ended its rule in Taiwan as the territory was put under the administrative control of the Republic of China government in 1945 by the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration.^[29]^[30] The Office of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers ordered Japanese forces in China and Taiwan to surrender to Chiang Kai-shek, who would act as a representative of the Allied Powers. On 25 October 1945, Governor-General Rikichi Andō handed over the administration of Taiwan and the Penghu islands to the head of the Taiwan Investigation Commission, Chen Yi.^[31]^[32] On 26 October, the government of the Republic of China declared that Taiwan had become a province of China.^[22] The Allied Powers, on the other hand, did not recognize the unilateral declaration of annexation of Taiwan made by the government of the Republic of China.^[33]

In accordance with the provisions of Article 2 of

San Francisco Peace Treaty, the Japanese formally renounced the territorial sovereignty of Taiwan and Penghu islands, and the treaty was signed in 1951 and came into force in 1952. At the date when the San Francisco Peace Treaty came into force, the political status of Taiwan and Penghu Islands was still uncertain.^[29] The Republic of China and Japan signed the Treaty of Taipei on April 28, 1952, and the treaty came into force on August 5, which is considered by some^[who?] as giving a legal support to the Republic of China's claim to Taiwan as "de jure" territory. The treaty stipulates that all treaties, conventions, and agreements between China and Japan prior to 9 December 1941 were null and void, which according to Hungdah Chiu, abolishes the Treaty of Shimonoseki ceding Taiwan to Japan. The interpretation of Taiwan becoming the Republic of China's '"de jure" territory is supported by several Japanese court decisions such as the 1956 Japan v. Lai Chin Jung case, which stated that Taiwan and the Penghu islands came to belong to the ROC on the date the Treaty of Taipei came into force.^[32] Nevertheless, the official position of the Government of Japan is that Japan did not in the Treaty of Taipei express that Taiwan and Penghu belong to the Republic of China,^[34] that the Treaty of Taipei could not make any disposition which is in violation of Japan's renouncing Taiwan and Penghu in San Francisco Peace Treaty,^[35] and that the status of Taiwan and Penghu remain to be determined by the Allied Powers in the future.^[36]

Writing in the

statement of intent or non-binding declaration, for possible reference used for those who would draft the post-war peace treaty and that as a press release it was without force of law to transfer sovereignty from Taiwan to the Republic of China. Additional rationale to support this claim is that the Act of Surrender, and SCAP General Order no. 1, authorized the surrender of Japanese forces, not Japanese territories.^[38]

In 1952,
U.S. State Department, no agreement has purported to transfer the sovereignty of Taiwan to the ROC, though it accepted the exercise of Chinese authority over Taiwan and recognized the Government of the Republic of China as the legal government of China at the time.^[44]^[45]

The position of the US stated in the Department of State Bulletin in 1958 is that any seizure of Taiwan by the PRC “constitutes an attempt to seize by force territory which does not belong to it" because the Allied Powers had yet to come to a decision on the status of Taiwan.
Government of the United States and the Japanese diplomatic circle.^[49]^[50]^[51]

1945–present – post-World War II status

1947 – 228 Incident

When the
228 Incident erupted on 28 February 1947, the U.S. Consulate-General in Taipei prepared a report in early March, calling for an immediate intervention in the name of the U.S. or the United Nations. Based on the argument that the Japanese surrender did not formally transfer sovereignty, Taiwan was still legally part of Japan and occupied by the United States (with administrative authority for the occupation delegated to the Chinese Nationalists), and a direct intervention was appropriate for a territory with such status. This proposed intervention, however, was rejected by the U.S. State Department. In a news report on the aftermath of the 228 Incident, some Taiwanese residents were reported to be talking of appealing to the United Nations to put the island under an international mandate since China's possession of Taiwan had not been formalized by any international treaties by that time, and the island was therefore still under belligerent occupation.^[52]
They later made a demand for a treaty role to be represented at the forthcoming peace conference in Japan, in the hope of requesting a
plebiscite to determine the island's political future.^[53]

Republic of China
since December 1949.

1950–1953 – Korean War and U.S. intervention

At the start of 1950, U.S. President Harry S. Truman appeared to accept the idea that sovereignty over Taiwan was already settled when the United States Department of State stated that "In keeping with these [Cairo and Potsdam] declarations, Formosa was surrendered to Generalissimo Chiang-Kai Shek, and for the past four years, the United States and Other Allied Powers have accepted the exercise of Chinese authority over the Island."^[54] However, after the outbreak of the
Charter of the United Nations" in his special message to Congress in July 1950.^[56]
The PRC denounced his moves as flagrant interference in the internal affairs of China.
On 8 September 1950, President Truman ordered

Formosa Betrayed, Dulles devised a plan whereby Japan would first merely renounce its sovereignty over Taiwan without a recipient country to allow the sovereignty over Taiwan to be determined together by the United States, the United Kingdom, Soviet Union, and the Republic of China on behalf of other nations on the peace treaty. The question of Taiwan would be taken into the United Nations (of which the ROC was still part) if these four parties could not reach an agreement within one year.^{[citation needed}

]

1952 – Treaty of Peace with Japan (San Francisco)

When Japan regained sovereignty over itself in 1952 with the conclusion of the Treaty of Peace with Japan (San Francisco Peace Treaty) with 48 nations, Japan renounced all claims and titles over Taiwan and the Pescadores. Some^[who?] claim that Japanese sovereignty only terminated at that point.^[57] Notably absent at the peace conference was the ROC which was expelled from mainland China in December 1949 as a result of the Chinese Civil War and had retreated to Taiwan. The PRC, which was proclaimed on 1 October 1949, was also not invited. The lack of invitation was probably due to the dispute over which government was the legitimate government of China (which both governments claimed to be); however, Cold War considerations might have played a part as well.^{[citation needed]} Some major governments represented in the San Francisco Conference, such as the UK and Soviet Union, had already established relations with the PRC, while others, such as the U.S. and Japan, still held relations with the ROC.^{[citation needed]}

The UK at that time stated for the record that the San Francisco Peace Treaty "itself does not determine the future of these islands," and therefore, the UK, along with Australia and New Zealand, was happy to sign the peace treaty.^[58] One of the major reasons that the delegate from the Soviet Union gave for not signing the treaty was that: "The draft contains only a reference to the renunciation by Japan of its rights to these territories [Taiwan] but intentionally omits any mention of the further fate of these territories."^[58]

Article 25 of this treaty officially stipulated that only the Allied Powers defined in the treaty could benefit from this treaty. China was not listed as one of the Allied Powers; however, article 21 still provided limited benefits from Articles 10 and 14(a)2 for China. Japan's cession of Taiwan is unusual in that no recipient of Taiwan was stated as part of Dulles's plan of "neutralizing" Taiwan. The ROC protested its lack of invitation to the San Francisco Peace conference, to no avail.^{[citation needed]}

1952 – Treaty of Taipei

Subsequently, the Treaty of Taipei was concluded between the ROC and Japan on 28 April 1952 (effective 5 August), where Japan essentially re-affirmed the terms of the San Francisco Peace Treaty and formalized the peace between the ROC and Japan. It also nullified all previous treaties made between China and Japan. Article 10 of the treaty specifies:

"For the purposes of the present Treaty, nationals of the Republic of China shall be deemed to include all the inhabitants and former inhabitants of Taiwan (Formosa) and Penghu (the Pescadores) and their descendants who are of the Chinese nationality in accordance with the laws and regulations which have been or may hereafter be enforced by the Republic of China in Taiwan (Formosa) and Penghu (the Pescadores)."

However, the ROC Minister of Foreign Affairs George Kung-ch'ao Yeh told the Legislative Yuan after signing the treaty that: "The delicate international situation makes it that they [Taiwan and Penghu] do not belong to us. Under present circumstances, Japan has no right to transfer [Taiwan] to us; nor can we accept such a transfer from Japan even if she so wishes."^[58] In July 1971, the U.S. State Department's position was, and remains: "As Taiwan and the Pescadores are not covered by any existing international disposition, sovereignty over the area is an unsettled question subject to future international resolution."^[58]

Positions of governments and other officials

People's Republic of China (PRC)

Mainland Travel Permit for Taiwan Residents. Permits allow ROC residents of Taiwan to enter mainland China. The PRC refuses to accept ROC passports

.

The position of the PRC is that the ROC ceased to be a legitimate government upon the founding of the former on 1 October 1949 and that the PRC is the successor of the ROC as the sole legitimate government of China, with the right to rule Taiwan under the

succession of states theory.^[59]

The position of the PRC is that the ROC and PRC are two different factions in the Chinese Civil War, which never legally ended. Therefore, the PRC claims that both factions belong to the same sovereign country—China. Since, as per the PRC, Taiwan's sovereignty belongs to China, the PRC's government and supporters believe that the secession of Taiwan should be agreed upon by all 1.3 billion Chinese citizens instead of just the 23 million residents of Taiwan.

UN General Assembly Resolution 2758, which states "Recognizing that the representatives of the Government of the People's Republic of China are the only lawful representatives of China to the United Nations", means that the PRC is recognized as having the sovereignty of all of China, including Taiwan.^{[note 1]} Therefore, the PRC believes that it is within its legal rights to extend its jurisdiction to Taiwan by military means if at all necessary.^{[citation needed}

]

In addition, the position of the PRC is that the ROC does not meet the fourth criterion of the

11 UN member states and has been denied access to international organizations such as the UN. The PRC points out the fact that the Montevideo Convention was only signed by 19 states at the Seventh International Conference of American States. Thus the authority of the United Nations as well as UN Resolutions, should supersede the Montevideo Convention. However, "When speaking of statehood, one invariably refers to the 1933 Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States, 60 which, laying down what is now considered a rule of customary international law, states that "[t]he State as a person of international law should possess the following qualifications: (a) a permanent population; (b) a defined territory; (c) government; and (d) capacity to enter into relations with other States." Taiwan indeed satisfies all these criteria for statehood."^[61] Some^[who?] would argue that Taiwan meets all the requirements of the Montevideo Convention. But to make such an argument, one has to reject China's claim of sovereignty over the territory of the Taiwan island, a claim that has been recognized by most states in the world.^[62]

It is clear that the PRC still maintains that "there is only one China in the world" and "Taiwan is an inalienable part of China". However, instead of "the Government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government of China", the PRC now emphasizes that "both Taiwan and the mainland belong to one and same China".^[

1992 consensus is possible under PRC policy. The PRC government considers the 1992 consensus a temporary measure to set aside sovereignty disputes and enable talks.^{[citation needed}

]
The PRC government considers perceived violations of its "One-China policy" or inconsistencies with it, such as supplying the ROC with arms a violation of its rights to territorial integrity.^[63] International news organizations often report that "China considers Taiwan a renegade province that must be united with the mainland by force if necessary", even though the PRC does not explicitly say that Taiwan is a "renegade province" in any press releases. However, official PRC media outlets and officials often refer to Taiwan as "China's Taiwan Province" or simply "Taiwan, China", and pressure international organizations to use the term.^{[citation needed]}

Republic of China (ROC)

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Taiwan Passport
)

The ROC argues that it maintains all the characteristics of a state and that it was not "replaced" or "succeeded" by the PRC because it has continued to exist long after the PRC's founding.
According to the Montevideo Convention of 1933, the most cited source for the definition of statehood, a state must possess a permanent population, a defined territory, a government, and the capacity to enter into relations with other states. Some^[
diplomatic relations with it not to challenge this claim in addition to severing said relations with the ROC. Most states have either officially recognized this claim or carefully worded their agreement ambiguously, such as the United States.^[64]

Both the original 1912 constitution and the 1923 draft version failed to list Taiwan as a part of the ROC since, at the time, Taiwan was a Japanese territory. It was only in the mid-1930s when both the CCP and KMT realized the future strategic importance of Taiwan that they altered their party positions to make a claim on Taiwan as a part of China. After losing the Civil War against the CCP in 1949, Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalist Party fled to Taiwan and continued to maintain that their government represented all of China, i.e. both Taiwan and the mainland.^{[citation needed]}
The position of most supporters of
Taiwan independence is that the PRC is the government of "China" and that Taiwan is not part of China, defining "China" as only including Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Macau. Regarding the ROC, one ideology within Taiwan's independence regards the ROC as already an independent, sovereign state and seeks to amend the ROC's existing name, constitution, and existing framework to reflect the loss of ROC's mainland territory and transform the ROC into a Taiwan state; while another ideology of Taiwan independence regards the ROC as both a military government that has been administering the Taiwan island as a result of post-war military occupation on behalf of the allies of World War II since 1945, and a Chinese refugee regime currently in exile on Taiwan since 1949, and seeks to eliminate the ROC and establish a new independent Taiwan state.^{[citation needed}
]
The Democratic Progressive Party states that Taiwan has never been under the jurisdiction of the PRC and that the PRC does not exercise any hold over the 23 million Taiwanese on the island. On the other hand, the position of most
belligerents of "One China".^{[citation needed}
]
The position of the Republic of China has been that it is a
Hong Kong and Macau) and the island of Taiwan.^[65]

In 1991,
National Assembly never officially changed the acclaimed national borders. Notably, the People's Republic of China claims that changing the national borders would be "a precursor to Taiwan independence". The task of changing the national borders now requires a constitutional amendment passed by the Legislative Yuan and ratified by a majority of all eligible ROC voters, which the PRC has implied would constitute grounds for military attack.^{[citation needed}
]

People's Republic of China passports
.

On the other hand, though the constitution of the Republic of China promulgated in 1946 does not state exactly what territory it includes, the draft of the constitution of 1925 did individually list the provinces of the Republic of China and Taiwan was not among them, since Taiwan was arguably de jure part of Japan as the result of the Treaty of Shimonoseki of 1895. The constitution also stipulated in Article I.4, that "the territory of the ROC is the original territory governed by it; unless authorized by the National Assembly, it cannot be altered."
However, in 1946,
Sun Yat-Sen and the minister of the Executive Yuan of the ROC, reported to the National Assembly that "there are two types of territory changes: 1. renouncing territory and 2. annexing new territory. The first example would be the independence of Mongolia, and the second example would be the reclamation of Taiwan. Both would be examples of territory changes." Japan renounced all rights to Taiwan in the Treaty of San Francisco in 1951 and the Treaty of Taipei of 1952 without an explicit recipient. While the ROC continuously ruled Taiwan after the government was directed to Taiwan by the General Order No. 1 (1945) to receive Japanese surrender, there has never been a meeting of the ROC National Assembly in making a territory change according to the ROC constitution. The explanatory memorandum to the constitution explained the omission of individually listing the provinces as opposed to the earlier drafts was an act of deliberate ambiguity: as the ROC government does not recognize the validity of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, based on Chiang Kai-shek's Denunciation of the treaty in the late 1930s, hence (according to this argument) the sovereignty of Taiwan was never disposed of by China. A ratification by the ROC National Assembly is, therefore, unnecessary.^{[citation needed}
]
The
Free Area of the Republic of China", comprising the territories under its current jurisdiction, the sole right, until unification, to exercise the sovereignty of the Republic through elections^[65]^[66] of the President and the entire Legislature as well as through elections to ratify amendments to the ROC constitution. Also, Chapter I, Article 2 of the ROC constitution states that "The sovereignty of the Republic of China shall reside in the whole body of citizens." This suggests that the constitution implicitly admits that the sovereignty of the ROC is limited to the areas that it controls, even if there is no constitutional amendment that explicitly spells out the ROC's borders.^{[citation needed}
]

The building of the Provincial Government of the Taiwan Province of the Republic of China at Jhongsing Village

The Republic of China Presidential Office Building is located in the Zhongzheng District of Taipei.

In 1999, ROC President Lee Teng-hui proposed a
two-state theory (兩國論) in which both the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China would acknowledge that they are two separate countries with a special diplomatic, cultural, and historic relationship.^[67]^[68] This, however, drew an angry reaction from the PRC who believed that Lee was covertly supporting Taiwan independence.^[69]

President
One China Principle or the more "flexible" 1992 Consensus
the PRC demands as a precursor to negotiations with the PRC. During Chen's presidency, there had not been any successful attempts to restart negotiations on a semi-official level.
In the 2008 ROC elections, the people delivered KMT's
special", "but not that between two nations".^[70] He later stated that mainland China is part of the territory of the Republic of China, and laws relating to international relations are not applicable to the relations between mainland China and Taiwan, as they are parts of a state.^[71]^[72]^[73]

In 2016,
Tsai Ing-Wen of the DPP won a landslide victory in the presidential election and was later re-elected for the second term in 2020. She refused to agree that Taiwan is part of China and also rejected the one country, two systems model proposed by the PRC. Instead, she said that "Republic of China, Taiwan" already is an independent country and that Beijing must "face reality".^[74]

Other countries and international organizations

See also: Foreign relations of Taiwan and Taiwan and the United Nations

UN general assembly respect to resolution 2758
(1971)
  Vote in favor

  Vote against

  Non-Voting

  Abstention

  Non-UN-members or dependencies

Because of
United Nations General Assembly Resolution 505
, passed on 1 February 1952, considered the CCP to be rebels against the Republic of China.
However, the 1970s saw a switch in diplomatic recognition from the ROC to the PRC. On 25 October 1971, Resolution 2758 was passed by the
UN General Assembly, which "decides to restore all its rights to the People's Republic of China and to recognize the representatives of its Government as the only legitimate representatives of China to the United Nations, and to expel forthwith the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the place which they unlawfully occupy at the United Nations and in all the organizations related to it." Multiple attempts by the Republic of China to rejoin the UN, no longer to represent all of China but just the people of the territories it governs, have not made it past committee, largely due to diplomatic maneuvering by the PRC, which claims Resolution 2758 has settled the matter.^{[note 2]}

The PRC refuses to maintain diplomatic relations with any nation that recognizes the ROC,
Taipei Economic and Cultural Office
.

With President Chiang Kai-shek, the U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower waved hands to Taiwanese people during his visit to Taipei, Taiwan in June 1960.

The United States of America is
Cross-Strait relations." Both are to refrain from performing actions or espousing statements "that would unilaterally alter Taiwan's status."^[77] The United States maintains the American Institute in Taiwan
.
The United States, the United Kingdom, Japan, India, Pakistan, and Canada have in some form adopted the One China policy, under which the People's Republic of China is theoretically the sole legitimate government of China. However, the United States and Japan acknowledge rather than recognize the PRC position that Taiwan is part of China. In the case of the United Kingdom and Canada,[78] bilateral written agreements state that the two respective parties take note of Beijing's position but do not use the word support. The UK government's position that "the future of Taiwan be decided peacefully by the peoples of both sides of the Strait" has been stated several times. Despite the PRC's claim that the United States opposes Taiwanese independence, the United States takes advantage of the subtle difference between "oppose" and "does not support". In fact, a substantial majority of the statements Washington has made say that it "does not support Taiwan independence" instead of saying that it "opposes" independence. Thus, the US currently^[timeframe?] does not take a position on the political outcome, except for one explicit condition that there be a peaceful resolution to the differences between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait.^[77] The United States bi-partisan position is that it does not recognize the PRC's claim over Taiwan, and considers Taiwan's status as unsettled.^[79]

funeral of Pope John Paul II
in 2005. As the Holy See's recognized head of state of China, Chen was seated in the front row (in French alphabetical order) beside the first lady and president of Brazil.

The ROC maintains formal diplomatic relations with
John Paul II's death, with a view towards improving relations between the two countries. When asked, one Vatican diplomat suggested that relations with Taiwan might prove "expendable" should PRC be willing to engage in positive diplomatic relations with the Holy See.^[80] Under Pope Benedict XVI, the Vatican and PRC have shown greater interest in establishing ties, including the appointment of pro-Vatican bishops and the Pope canceling a planned visit from the 14th Dalai Lama.^[81]

During the 1990s, there was a diplomatic tug-of-war in which the PRC and ROC attempted to outbid each other to obtain the diplomatic support of small nations. This struggle seems to have slowed as a result of the PRC's growing economic power and doubts in Taiwan as to whether this aid was actually in the Republic of China's interest. In March 2004, Dominica switched recognition to the PRC in exchange for a large aid package.^[82] However, in late 2004, Vanuatu briefly switched recognition from Beijing to Taipei,^[83] followed by a return to its recognition of Beijing.^[84] On 20 January 2005, Grenada switched its recognition from Taipei to Beijing, in return for millions in aid (US$1,500 for every Grenadian).^[85] However, on 14 May 2005, Nauru announced the restoration of formal diplomatic relations with Taipei after a three-year hiatus, during which it briefly recognized the People's Republic of China.^[86]
On 26 October 2005, Senegal broke off relations with the Republic of China and established diplomatic contacts with Beijing.^[87] The following year, on 5 August 2006, Taipei ended relations with Chad when Chad established relations with Beijing.^[88] On 26 April 2007, however, Saint Lucia, which had previously severed ties with the Republic of China following a change of government in December 1996, announced the restoration of formal diplomatic relations with Taipei.^[89] On 7 June 2007, Costa Rica broke off diplomatic ties with the Republic of China in favour of the People's Republic of China.^[90] In January 2008, Malawi's foreign minister reported Malawi decided to cut diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China and recognize the People's Republic of China.^[91]
On 4 November 2013, the Government of the Gambia announced its break-up with Taiwan, but the Foreign Affairs Ministry of China denied any ties with this political movement, adding that they were not considering on building a relation with this African nation.^[92] After the 2016 Taiwanese presidential election, China announced in March that it had resumed diplomatic relations with Gambia.^[93] The latest countries to break off formal diplomatic relations with Taiwan were Burkina Faso on 24 May 2018,^[94] El Salvador on 21 August 2018,^[95] the Solomon Islands and Kiribati in September 2019,^[96] Nicaragua on 9 December 2021,^[97] Honduras on 26 March 2023,^[98] and Nauru on 15 January 2024.^[99]
As of at least 2024, the trend in East Asian governments is not to generally discuss the issue of Taiwan's political status.^[100]^: 183 Academics Xinru Ma and David C. Kang write that when East Asian countries do, "it is often to caution the United States from getting too far ahead of where even the Taiwanese themselves are."^[100]^: 183

International organizations

Under continuing pressure from the PRC to bar any representation of the ROC that may imply statehood, international organizations have adopted different policies toward the issue of ROC's participation. In cases where almost all UN members or sovereign states participate, such as the
APEC) and the "Separate Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Kimmen and Matsu" (in the World Trade Organization, and often also shortened as "Chinese Taipei"). After nine years of negotiations, members of the WTO completed the conditions on which to allow Taiwan admittance into the multilateral trade organization. At the end of 2011, Jeffery Bader, Assistant United States Trade Representative for China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau, led and finalized the final stages of Taiwan's accession to the WTO, which were approved by trade ministers in November in Doha, Qatar. The ISO 3166 directory of names of countries and territories registers Taiwan (TW) separately from and in addition to the People's Republic of China (CN), but lists Taiwan as "Taiwan, Province of China" based on the name used by the UN under PRC pressure. In ISO 3166-2:CN, Taiwan is also coded CN-71 under China, thus making Taiwan part of China in ISO 3166-1 and ISO 3166-2
categories.
Naming issues surrounding Taiwan/ROC continue to be a contentious issue in non-governmental organizations such as the
Lions Club, which faced considerable controversy naming its Taiwanese branch.^[102]

Relations with the ROC and position on Taiwan

As of 15 January 2024 [update], the countries who maintain formal diplomatic relations with the ROC are:

# Country Date

1 Guatemala 15 June 1933^[103]

— Holy See 23 October 1942^[104]

2 Haiti 25 April 1956^[105]

3 Paraguay 8 July 1957^[106]

4 Eswatini¹ 16 September 1968^[107]

5 Tuvalu 19 September 1979^[108]

6 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 15 April 1981^[109]

7 Saint Kitts and Nevis 23 September 1983^[110]

8 Saint Lucia² 13 January 1984^[111]

9 Belize 11 October 1989^[112]

10 Marshall Islands 20 November 1998^[113]

11 Palau 29 December 1999^[114]

1.^ Until 2018 called Swaziland.

2.^ Established relations with the PRC on 8 September 1997,^[115] but restored ties with the ROC on 26 April 2007.^[116]

The following countries have unofficial economic and cultural relations with the ROC: Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bahrain, Belgium, Brazil, Brunei, Canada, Chile, China (including Hong Kong and Macau), Colombia, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Ecuador, Fiji, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Japan, Jordan, South Korea, Kuwait, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malaysia, Mexico, Mongolia, Myanmar, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Nigeria, Oman, Papua New Guinea, Peru, the Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Slovakia, Somaliland, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom, the United States (including Guam), and Vietnam.^{[citation needed]}
As of January 2023, fifty-one countries recognise Taiwan as a part of China: Albania, Andorra, Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Armenia, Azerbaijan, the Bahamas, Belarus, Bolivia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Costa Rica, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Dominica, the Dominican Republic, Eritrea, Estonia, France, Georgia, Guinea-Bissau, Israel, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lesotho, Lithuania, the Maldives, Moldova, Montenegro, Namibia, Nicaragua, Niger, Niue, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, South Africa, South Sudan, Sudan, Switzerland, Tajikistan, Timor-Leste, Tonga, Turkmenistan, Uganda, and Vietnam. Other countries have not committed to or have not made public statements indicating a position on the question.^[117]

Legal arguments

The proclamation of Taiwan
prescription. The lack of protest by any non-Chinese government persists to this day, further strengthening this argument.^[118]

Even if the San Francisco Peace Treaty were determinative, it should be interpreted in a manner consistent with the Potsdam and Cairo Declarations. Therefore, sovereignty would still have been transferred to China.[119]
Applying the principle of uti possidetis with regard to the Treaty of Taipei would grant Taiwan's sovereignty to the ROC, as it is undisputed that at the coming into force of the treaty, the ROC controlled Taiwan.^[120]
Taiwan was terra derelicta and, after 1951, became Chinese territory through appropriation. According to barrister D. P. O'Connell, this theory of acquisition by occupation is more inherently consistent than several other theories on Taiwan's status.^[121]
The San Francisco Peace Treaty's omission of "
government in exile.^[122]^[123]^[32]

Other viewpoints

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Chinese sovereignty

Arguments common to both the PRC and the ROC
The ROC and PRC both officially support the One China policy and thus share common arguments. In the arguments below, "Chinese" is an ambiguous term that could mean the PRC and/or ROC as legal government(s) of China.

The waging of aggressive war by Japan against China in 1937 and beyond violates the peace that was brokered in the Treaty of Shimonoseki. In 1941, with the declaration of war against Japan, the Chinese government declared this treaty void ab initio (never happened in the first place). Therefore, some^[who?] argue that, with no valid transfer of sovereignty taking place, the sovereignty of Taiwan naturally belongs to China.^[124]

The Cairo Declaration of 1 December 1943 was accepted by Japan in its surrender. This document states that Taiwan was to be restored to the Republic of China at the end of World War II. Likewise, the Potsdam Declaration of 26 July 1945, also accepted by Japan, implies that it will no longer have sovereignty over Taiwan by stating that "Japanese sovereignty shall be limited to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku, and such minor islands".

The exclusion of Chinese governments (both ROC and PRC) in the negotiation process of the San Francisco Peace Treaty (SFPT) nullified any legally binding power of the SFPT on China, including any act of renouncing or disposing of sovereignty. In addition, the fact that neither ROC nor PRC government ever ratified SFPT terms prescribes that the SFPT is irrelevant to any discussion of Chinese sovereignty.

SFPT's validity has come into question as some of the countries participating in the San Francisco conference, such as the USSR, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and North and South Korea, refused to sign the treaty.^[125]

Assuming SFPT is valid in determining the sovereignty over Taiwan, Japan, in article 2 of the SFPT, renounced all rights, without assigning a recipient, regarding Taiwan. Japan, in the same article, also renounced, without assigning a recipient, areas that are now internationally recognized as territories of Russia as well as other countries. Given that the sovereignty of these countries over renounced areas is undisputed, the Chinese sovereignty over Taiwan must also be undisputed.^[125]

ROC sovereignty

The ROC fulfills all requirements for a state according to the
Convention of Montevideo
, which means it has a territory, a people, and a government.

The ROC continues to exist since its establishment in 1911, only on a reduced territory after 1949.

The creation and continuity of a state is only a factual issue, not a legal question. Declarations and recognition by other states cannot have any impact on their existence. According to the declaratory theory of recognition, the recognition of third states is not a requirement for being a state. Most of the cited declarations by American or British politicians are not legal statements but solely political intents.

The PRC has never exercised control over Taiwan.

The Treaty of Taipei formalized the peace between Japan and the ROC. In it, Japan reaffirmed Cairo Declaration and Potsdam Declaration and voided all treaties conducted between China and Japan (including the Treaty of Shimonoseki).

Article 4 of the ROC Constitution clearly states that "The territory of the Republic of China" is defined "according to its existing national boundaries..." Taiwan was historically part of China and is, therefore, naturally included therein. Also, as Treaty of Shimonoseki is void ab initio, China has never legally dispossessed of the sovereignty of the territory. There is, accordingly, no need to have a National Assembly resolution to include the territory.

The
ROC – USA Mutual Defense Treaty of 1955
states that "the terms "territorial" and "territories" shall mean in respect of the Republic of China, Taiwan, and the Pescadores" and thus can be read as implicitly recognizing the ROC sovereignty over Taiwan. However, the treaty was terminated in 1980.

PRC sovereignty

The PRC does not recognize the validity of any of the unequal treaties the Qing signed in the "century of humiliation," as it considers them all unjust and illegal, as is the position during
transfer of sovereignty over Hong Kong
from the United Kingdom to the PRC. As such, the cession of Taiwan in the 1895 Treaty of Shimonoseki actually never took place in a de jure fashion. The PRC, as the successor to the Qing and ROC in that order, therefore inherited the sovereignty of Taiwan.

The return of the sovereignty of Taiwan to the ROC was confirmed on 25 October 1945 on the basis of the Cairo Declaration, Potsdam Proclamation, Japanese Instrument of Surrender, and the invalidity of the Treaty of Shimonoseki. According to United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758, the PRC became the successor government to the ROC in representing China, and as such, the PRC should hold the sovereignty of Taiwan.

In the
Joint Communique of the Government of Japan and the Government of the People's Republic of China to the end of the Treaty of Taipei, the document signifying the commencement of the PRC and Japan's formal relations, Japan in article 3 stated that it fully understands and respects the position of the Government of the People's Republic of China that Taiwan is an inalienable part of the territory of the People's Republic of China. Japan also firmly maintains its stand under Article 8 of the Potsdam Declaration, which says, "the terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out". The Cairo Declaration says, "All territories Japan has stolen from China, including Manchuria, Taiwan, and the Pescadores, shall be restored to the Republic of China". The PRC argues that it is a successor state of the ROC and is therefore entitled to all of the ROC's holdings and benefits.^[126]

Taiwanese independence

Taiwan already is sovereign and independent

The peace that was brokered in the Treaty of Shimonoseki was breached by the
taels
were not returned to China from Japan, and Korea had not become a Chinese-dependent country again, the cession in the treaty was executed and cannot be nullified. The disposition of Formosa and the Pescadores in this treaty was a legitimate cession by conquest, confirmed by treaty, and thus is not a theft, as described as "all the territories Japan has stolen from the Chinese" in Cairo Declaration.

It should also be noted that the Qing court exercised effective sovereignty over primarily the west coast of Taiwan only, and even then did not regard the area as an integral part of national Chinese territory.

The "Cairo Declaration" was merely an unsigned press communiqué which does not carry a legal status, while the Potsdam Proclamation and Instrument of Surrender are simply modus vivendi and armistice that function as temporary records and do not bear legally binding power to transfer sovereignty. Good faith of interpretation only takes place at the level of treaties.

The "retrocession" proclaimed by ROC in 1945 was legally null and impossible since Taiwan was still de jure part of Japan before the post-war San Francisco Peace Treaty came into effect on 28 April 1952. Consequently, the announcement of the mass-naturalization of native Taiwanese persons as ROC citizens in January 1946 is unjust and void Ab initio. After the San Francisco Peace Treaty came into effect, the sovereignty of Taiwan naturally belonged to the Taiwanese people.

Some of Taiwan independence supporters once used arguments not in favor of Chinese sovereignty to dispute to legitimacy of the Kuomintang-controlled government that ruled over Taiwan; they have dropped these arguments due to the democratization of Taiwan. This has allowed the more moderate supporters of independence to stress the popular sovereignty theory in order to accept the legitimacy of the ROC government in Taiwan; they hold that the island of Taiwan is already an independent state which is formally called the Republic of China. President Lai Ching-te and former President Chen Shui-bian (both members of the moderate pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party) have supported this position, which is known in Taiwanese politics as Huadu.

Sovereignty transfer to the ROC by
prescription
does not apply to Taiwan's case since:
Prescription is the manner of acquiring property by a long, honest, and uninterrupted possession or use during the time required by law. The possession must have been possessio longa, continua, et pacifica, nec sit ligitima interruptio (long, continued, peaceable, and without lawful interruption). For prescription to apply, the state with title to the territory must acquiesce to the action of the other state. Yet, PRC has never established an occupation on Taiwan and exercised sovereignty;

Prescription as a rule for acquiring sovereignty itself is not universally accepted. The International Court of Justice ruled that Belgium retained its sovereignty over territories even by non-assertion of its rights and by acquiescence to acts of sovereign control alleged to have been exercised by the Netherlands over a period of 109 years;^[128]

Also by way of comparison, even after 38 years of continuous control, the international community did not recognize sovereignty rights to the Gaza Strip by Israel, and the Israeli cabinet formally declared an end to military rule there as of 12 September 2005, with a removal of all Israeli settlers and military bases from the Strip;

A pro-independence group, which formed a Provisional Government of Formosa in 2000, argued that both the
228 incident of 1947 and the Provisional Government of Formosa have constituted protests against ROC government's claim of retrocession within a reasonable twenty-five-year (or more) acquiescence period;^[129]

Taiwanese residents were unable to make a protest after the
228 incident
due to the authoritarian rule under KMT regime which suppressed all pro-independence opinion; and

Japan was not able to cast a protest as it was under military occupation at the time; however, it did not renounce its sovereignty over Taiwan until 28 April 1952.^[130]

Controversies and media coverage

Many political leaders who have maintained some form of the One-China Policy have committed slips of the tongue in referring to Taiwan as a country or as the Republic of China. United States presidents
U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee on 9 March 2001.^[131] In the People's Republic of China Premier Zhu Rongji's farewell speech to the National People's Congress, Zhu accidentally referred to Mainland China and Taiwan as two countries.^[132] Zhu says in his speech at MIT University on April 15, 1999, "These raw materials and the components are mainly imported from Japan, [Korea], Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, while the value-added parts in China is very, very insignificant. That is to say, Chinese exports to the United States actually represent a transfer of the exports to the United States by the above-mentioned countries and the regions that I mentioned."^[133] There are also those from the PRC who informally refer to Taiwan as a country.^[134] South Africa delegates once referred to Taiwan as the "Republic of Taiwan" during Lee Teng-hui's term as President of the ROC.^[135] In 2002, Michael Bloomberg, the mayor of New York City, referred to Taiwan as a country.^[136] Most recently, former U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld stated in a local Chinese newspaper in California in July 2005 that Taiwan is "a sovereign nation". The People's Republic of China discovered the statement about three months after it was made.^{[citation needed}
]
In a controversial speech on 4 February 2006,
liberal economics is deeply ingrained, so it is a law-abiding country. In various ways, it is a country that shares a sense of values with Japan." At the same time, he admitted that "I know there will be a problem with calling [Taiwan] a country".^[138]

Taiwan was classified as a province of the People's Republic of China in the Apple Maps application in 2013; searches for "Taiwan" were changed automatically to "China Taiwan province" in Simplified Chinese, prompting the Taiwanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs to demand a correction from Apple.^[139]
On October 24, 2021,
Japanese; path to becoming a prominent Asian democracy; and the strained relation with modern-day China. Oliver also highlighted Taiwan as the birthplace of bubble tea, apologies made by John Cena after referring to Taiwan as a country, and the hesitation of international organizations like the World Health Organization and the Olympics in properly representing Taiwan. He concluded the episode by emphasizing Taiwanese citizens' point of view and their right to determine the country's own future.^[140]

To avoid controversy, multiple mainstream American media outlets refer to Taiwan as an island or democracy.[141]
In 2021, the China's Taiwan Affairs Office stated that they would not allow pro-Taiwan independence people into China, including Hong Kong and Macau, naming Taiwanese Premier Su Tseng-chang, Legislative Yuan Speaker You Si-kun and Foreign Minister Joseph Wu as people who are "stubbornly pro-Taiwan independence".^[142]
In 2020, the
DDOS attack from unidentified sources, which was speculated to be from within Chinese authorities, causing the release to be put off.^[148]

Developments since 2004

Political

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Although the situation is complex, most observers believe that it is stable with enough understandings and
Chinese unification would come to power. Partly to counter this, Chen Shui-bian announced in July 2002 that if the PRC does not respond to Taiwan's goodwill, Taiwan may "go on its own ... road." ^{[citation needed]} What ROC president, Chen Shui-bian, means by this is that there are other ways of combatting China as a powerful hegemon. For example, "If Taiwan's Chen Shui-bian had declared legal independence by a popular referendum, scholars agree that is could have immediately triggered a crisis in China, due to its political sensitivity on the mainland".^[149] Taiwan's forced establishment of sovereignty scares the PRC; so when they implement laws, such as the Anti-secession law, it angers ROC's public opinion, and actually creates a "rallying around the flag" effect^[150]
in support of the Taiwanese independence movement.
With Chen's re-election in 2004, Beijing's prospects for a speedier resolution were dampened, though they seemed strengthened again following the Pan-Blue majority in the
2005 National Assembly elections, but the Pan-Blue Coalition scoring a landslide victory in the 2005 municipal elections.^{[citation needed}
]
Legislative elections were held in Taiwan on
Taiwan Solidarity Union, won no seats.^{[citation needed}
]
The election for the 12th President of ROC was held on
22 March 2008. Kuomintang candidate Ma Ying-jeou won, with 58% of the vote, ending eight years of Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) leadership. Along with the 2008 legislative election, Ma's landslide victory brought the Kuomintang back to power in Taiwan. This new political situation has led to a decrease of tension between both sides of the Taiwan Strait and the increase of cross-strait relations, making a declaration of independence, or war, something unlikely.^{[citation needed}
]
Taiwan's
Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) – signed four agreements in Taipei on 4 November 2008. Both SEF and ARATS have agreed to address direct sea links, daily charter flights, direct postal service, and food safety.^[151]

It has been reported that China has set a 2049 deadline for the unification of Taiwan with Mainland China, which is the 100th anniversary of the founding of the PRC.[152] CCP general secretary Xi Jinping has been saying that unification was part of the Chinese Dream.^[153]
In 2021, the China's Taiwan Affairs Office stated that they would not allow pro-Taiwan independence people into China, including Hong Kong and Macau, naming Taiwanese Premier Su Tseng-chang, Legislative Yuan Speaker You Si-kun and Foreign Minister Joseph Wu as people who are "stubbornly pro-Taiwan independence".^[154]

Taiwanese public opinion

Further information: Opinion polling on Taiwanese identity

Public opinion in Taiwan regarding relations with the PRC is notoriously difficult to gauge, as poll results tend to be extremely sensitive to how the questions are phrased and what options are given, and there is a tendency by all political parties to
spin the results to support their point of view.^[155]

According to a November 2005 poll from the
One Country, Two Systems" model, which was used for Hong Kong and Macau, while 10.4% is in favor.^[156] However, it is essential to consider current events or newly developing positions when determining public opinion in order to maintain accuracy and efficiency, especially when it comes to conducting foreign policy and determining Taiwan's political status and hopeful eventual independence. For example, "Large jumps in the proportion of independence supporters after China's missile test in mid-1996 (from 13% in February to 21% in March) and Lee Teng-hui's "special state-to-state" speech in mid-1999 (from 15% in March to 28% in August) suggest that the cross-Strait tension influenced the Taiwanese to become more independence-minded".^[157] According to a June 2008 poll from a Taiwanese mainstream media TVBS, 58% of people living in Taiwan favor maintaining the status quo, 19% favors independence, and 8% favors unification. According to the same poll, if status quo is not an option and the ones who were surveyed must choose between "Independence" or "Unification", 65% are in favor of independence while 19% would opt for unification. The same poll also reveals that, in terms of self-identity, when the respondents are not told that a Taiwanese person can also be a Chinese person, 68% of the respondents identify themselves as "Taiwanese" while 18% would call themselves "Chinese". However, when the respondents are told that duo identity is an option, 45% of the respondents identify themselves as "Taiwanese only", 4% of the respondents call themselves "Chinese only" while another 45% of the respondents call themselves "both Taiwanese as well as Chinese". Furthermore, when it comes to preference in which national identity to be used in international organizations, 54% of people in the survey indicated that they prefer "Taiwan", and only 25% of the people voted for "Chinese Taipei".^[158]

According to an October 2008 poll from the Mainland Affairs Council, on the question of Taiwan's status, 36.17% of respondents favor maintaining the status quo until a decision can be made in the future, 25.53% favors maintaining the status quo indefinitely, 12.49% favors maintaining the status quo until eventual independence, 4.44% favors maintaining the status quo until eventual unification, 14.80% favors independence as soon as possible, and 1.76% favors unification as soon as possible. In the same poll, on the question of the PRC government's attitude towards the ROC government, 64.85% of the respondents consider the PRC government hostile or very hostile, 24.89% consider the PRC government friendly or very friendly, while 10.27% did not express an opinion. On the question of the PRC government's attitude towards the people in Taiwan, 45.98% of the respondents consider the PRC government hostile or very hostile, 39.6% consider the PRC government friendly or very friendly, while 14.43% did not express an opinion.[159]
In May 2009, Taiwan's (Republic of China) Department of the Interior published a survey examining whether people in Taiwan see themselves as Taiwanese, Chinese, or both. 64.6% see themselves as Taiwanese, 11.5% as Chinese, 18.1% as both, and 5.8% were unsure.^[160]
According to a December 2009 poll from a Taiwanese mainstream media TVBS, if status quo is not an option and the ones who were surveyed must choose between "Independence" or "Unification", 68% are in favor of independence while 13% would opt for unification.^[161]
A June 2013 poll conducted by DPP showed that 77.6% consider themselves as Taiwanese.^[162] On the independence-unification issue, the survey found that 25.9 percent said they support unification, 59 percent support independence, and 10.3 percent prefer the "status quo." When asked whether Taiwan and China are parts of one country, the party said the survey found 78.4 percent disagree, while 15 percent agreed. As for whether Taiwan and China are two districts in one country, 70.6 percent disagree, while 22.8 percent agree, the survey showed. When asked which among four descriptions—"one country on each side," "a special state-to-state relationship," "one country, two areas," and "two sides are of one country"—they find the most acceptable, 54.9 percent said "one country on each side," 25.3 percent chose "a special state-to-state relationship," 9.8 percent said "one country, two areas", and 2.5 percent favor "two sides are of one country," the survey showed.^[162]
A June 2023 poll conducted by the National Chengchi University showed 62.8% identified as Taiwanese, 2.5% as Chinese, and 30.5% as both.^[163] Regarding independence, 32.1% indicated status quo forever, 28.6% wanted to decide later, 21.4% said status quo moving toward independence, and 5.8% said status quo moving toward unification.^[164]

Military operations

Second Taiwan Strait crises
.

Third Taiwan Strait crisis

Main article: Third Taiwan Strait Crisis

ROCS Kang Ding-class frigate with S-70C helicopter

In 1996, the PRC began conducting military exercises near Taiwan, and launched several ballistic missiles over the island. The saber-rattling was done in response to the possible re-election of then President Lee Teng-hui.^[165] The United States, under President Clinton, sent two aircraft carrier battle groups to the region, reportedly sailing them into the Taiwan Strait.^[166] The PRC, unable to track the ships' movements, and probably unwilling to escalate the conflict, quickly backed down. The event had little impact on the outcome of the election, since none of Lee's contestants were strong enough to defeat him, but it is widely believed that the PRC's aggressive acts, far from intimidating the Taiwanese population, gave Lee a boost that pushed his share of votes over 50 percent.^[167] This was an aggressively serious escalation in response to the Taiwan Strait and the ongoing conflict between China and Taiwan. This hostile reaction by mainland China is the result of China implementing Putnam's Two-level game theory. This theory suggests that the chief negotiator of a state must balance and abide by both international and domestic interests, and in some cases must focus more on domestic interests. In the case of China, "a serious escalation of tensions in the Taiwan Strait and raised the specter of war—one that could conceivably draw in the United States. This turn of events is either the result of pressure by hawkish, hardline soldiers on moderate, mild-mannered statesmen for a tougher, more aggressive response to Taiwan, or a strong consensus among both civilian and military leaders in the Politburo."^[168]

PRC's condition on future military intervention

Main article:
PRC threat of military operation against Taiwan

Notwithstanding, the PRC government has issued triggers for an immediate war with Taiwan, most notably via its controversial
Anti-Secession Law of 2005
. These conditions are:

if events occur leading to the "separation" of Taiwan from China in any name, or

if a major event occurs which would lead to Taiwan's "separation" from China, or

if all possibility of peaceful unification is lost.

It has been interpreted^{[by whom?]} that these criteria encompass the scenario of Taiwan developing nuclear weapons (see main article Taiwan and weapons of mass destruction also Timeline of the Republic of China's nuclear program).^{[citation needed]}
The third condition has especially caused a stir in Taiwan as the term "indefinitely" is open to interpretation.^{[citation needed]} It has also been viewed by some^[who?] as meaning that preserving the ambiguous status quo is not acceptable to the PRC, although the PRC stated on a number of occasions that there is no explicit timetable for unification.^{[citation needed]}
Concern over a formal declaration of de jure Taiwan independence is a strong impetus for the military buildup between Taiwan and mainland China. The former US Bush administration publicly declared that given the status quo, it would not aid Taiwan if it were to declare independence unilaterally.^[169]
According to the US Department of Defense report "Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China 2011", the conditions that mainland China has warned that may cause the use of force have varied. They have included "a formal declaration of Taiwan independence; undefined moves "toward independence"; foreign intervention in Taiwan's internal affairs; indefinite delays in the resumption of cross-Strait dialogue on unification; Taiwan's acquisition of nuclear weapons; and, internal unrest on Taiwan. Article 8 of the March 2005 "Anti-Secession Law" states Beijing would resort to "non-peaceful means" if "secessionist forces ... cause the fact of Taiwan's secession from China," if "major incidents entailing Taiwan's secession" occur, or if "possibilities for peaceful reunification" are exhausted".^[170]^{[check quotation syntax]}

Balance of power

The possibility of war, the close geographic proximity of ROC-controlled Taiwan and PRC-controlled mainland China, and the resulting flare-ups that occur every few years, conspire to make this one of the most watched focal points in the Pacific. Both sides have chosen to have a strong naval presence. However, naval strategies between both powers greatly shifted in the 1980s and 1990s, while the ROC assumed a more defensive attitude by building and buying frigates and missile destroyers, and the PRC a more aggressive posture by developing long-range cruise missiles and supersonic surface-to-surface missiles.^{[citation needed]}
Although the
BVR combat missions with BVR missiles, but the level of technology in mainland Chinese fighters is catching up. Also, the United States Defense Intelligence Agency has reported that few of Taiwan's 400 total fighters are operationally capable.^[173]^[174]

In 2003, the ROC purchased four missile destroyers—the former
spy satellites, for example.^[177] Early surveillance may effectively identify PRC's massive military movement, which may imply PRC's preparation for a military assault against Taiwan.^{[citation needed}
]
Naturally, war contingencies are not being planned in a vacuum. In 1979, the
Seventh Fleet, operating primarily out of various bases in Japan, is a powerful naval contingent built upon the world's only permanently forward-deployed aircraft carrier USS George Washington. Although the stated purpose of the fleet is not Taiwanese defense, it can be safely assumed from past actions that it is one of the reasons why the fleet is stationed in those waters.^{[citation needed]} It is written into the strategy of the United States department of defense within this region that, "First, we are strengthening our military capacity to ensure the United States can successfully deter conflict and coercion and respond decisively when needed. Second, we are working together with our allies and partners from Northeast Asia to the Indian Ocean to build their capacity to address potential challenges in their waters and across the region. Third, we are leveraging military diplomacy to build greater transparency, reduce the risk of miscalculation or conflict, and promote shared maritime rules of the road."^[178]

Starting in 2000, Japan renewed its defense obligations with the US and embarked on a rearmament program, partly in response to fears that Taiwan might be invaded. Some analysts^[
preemptive strikes on military bases in Japan to deter US and Japanese forces from coming to the ROC's aid. Japanese strategic planners also see an independent Taiwan as vital, not only because the ROC controls valuable shipping routes, but also because its capture by PRC would make Japan more vulnerable. During World War II, the US invaded the Philippines, but another viable target to enable direct attacks on Japan would have been Taiwan (then known as Formosa). However, critics of the preemptive strike theory assert that the PRC would be loath to give Japan and the US such an excuse to intervene.^[179]

The United States Department of Defense in a 2011 report stated that the primary mission of the PRC military is a possible military conflict with Taiwan, including also possible US military assistance. Although the risk of a crisis in the short-term is low, in the absence of new political developments, Taiwan will likely dominate future military modernization and planning. However, also other priorities are becoming increasingly prominent and possible due to increasing military resources. A number of mainland China's most advanced military systems are stationed in areas opposite Taiwan. The rapid military modernization is continually changing the military balance of power towards mainland China.^[180]
A 2008 report by the RAND Corporation analyzing a theoretical 2020 attack by mainland China on Taiwan suggested that the US would likely not be able to defend Taiwan. Cruise missile developments may enable China to partially or completely destroy or make inoperative US aircraft carriers and bases in the Western Pacific. New Chinese radars will likely be able to detect US stealth aircraft and China is acquiring stealthy and more effective aircraft. The reliability of US beyond-visual-range missiles as a mean to achieve air superiority is questionable and largely unproven.^[181]
In 2021, Admiral Phillip Davidson said in a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing that China could take military action on Taiwan some time in the next 6 years.^[182]^[183] A spokesperson for China's foreign ministry later responded stating that Davidson was trying to "hype up China's military threat."^[184]
In the wake of
US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's 2022 visit to Taiwan, China increased its air and naval crossings of the Taiwan Strait median line, an unofficial understanding between the two sides when relations are good. In 2024 China moved civil aviation routes closer to the line, which is expected to further “squeeze” the airspace controlled by Taiwan within 12 nautical miles of its coast.^[185]^[186]

See also

China portal
Taiwan portal

History of the Republic of China

Federalism in China

Secession in China

United front in Taiwan

Han Taiwanese

Taiwanese indigenous peoples

China Military Power Report

China and weapons of mass destruction

Foreign relations of Taiwan

TAIPEI Act

Three Communiqués

Notes

^ Established by Cairo Declaration, Potsdam Proclamation and Japanese Instrument of Surrender, according to the PRC's claim.

^ See: China and the United Nations

^ The CCP leadership considered the Taiwanese people ... a distinct "minzu." To be sure, the exact meaning of the term "minzu" ... is subject to debate.^[20]

^ In this sense, peoples whose political links to Chinese culture were severed and, as in Taiwan's case, replaced by an alternative cultural tradition, transmitted through instruction in the Japanese language, ceased to be an integral part of the Chinese nation and emerged as a different "nationality," yet without losing all of their Chinese qualities.^[20]

^ Van der Wees references Hsiao and Sullivan as the original source.

^ If CCP support for Taiwan's ethnic separateness and political independence was based solely on strategic considerations during a period when all potential allies needed to be drawn into a broad anti-Japanese coalition and under Comintern pressure, then once in power they would naturally assume the role of the protective state and shift to an integrationist policy position.^[20]

^ Was this an off-the-cuff statement by Mao ...? Without supporting documentary evidence we cannot prove conclusively that the CCP supported Taiwan independence in the period between 1928 and 1943 ... the CCP is not legally bound by pronouncements made when out of power and over thirty years ago.^[20]

References

^ "MOFA reaffirms ROC sovereignty over Taiwan, Penghu". 5 September 2011.

^ HC Deb 26 July 1950, vol. 478 c60W. "Formosa is still de jure Japanese territory and there is no Government of Formosa as such. Following on the surrender of Japan, the Chinese Government of the day assumed, with the consent of the remaining Allies, the provisional administration of the territory pending the final determination of its status at a peace settlement."

^ Han Cheung (25 April 2021). "Taiwan in Time: The 'communist rebellion' finally ends". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 22 October 2021. Retrieved 2 July 2022. ...Most importantly, with the repeal of the temporary provisions, the Chinese Communist Party would no longer be seen as a rebel group. "From now on, we will see the Chinese Communist Party as a political entity that controls the mainland region and we will call them the 'mainland authorities' or the 'Chinese Communist authorities'," President Lee said during the press conference

^ MacLeod, Andrew (12 July 2022). "When people say the West should support Taiwan, what exactly do they mean?". The Conversation. Retrieved 2 February 2025.

^ "Talking Points: What Does ROC Law Say About Taiwan?". U.S.-Asia Law Institute. 6 June 2025. Retrieved 11 June 2025.

^ 中华人民共和国国务院台湾事务办公室. "一个中国的原则与台湾问题" (in Chinese (China)). 一九四九年十月一日，中华人民共和国中央人民政府宣告成立，取代中华民国政府成为全中国的唯一合法政府和在国际上的唯一合法代表，中华民国从此结束了它的历史地位。这是在同一国际法主体没有发生变化的情况下新政权取代旧政权，中国的主权和固有领土疆域并未由此而改变，中华人民共和国政府理所当然地完全享有和行使中国的主权，其中包括对台湾的主权。国民党统治集团退踞台湾以来，虽然其政权继续使用"中华民国"和"中华民国政府"的名称，但它早已完全无权代表中国行使国家主权，实际上始终只是中国领土上的一个地方当局。

^ "The United States 'One China Policy' is NOT the same as the PRC 'One China Principle'". US-Taiwan Business Council. 1 January 2022. Archived from the original on 12 April 2022. Retrieved 29 April 2022.

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doi:10.1080/09592296.2024.2303855
. In contrast, the 2005 law designed to forestall Taiwanese 'secession' ... left out the third part. This formulation, reiterated in the 2022 PRC white paper on Taiwan ....

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^ Lowther, William (9 June 2013). "CIA report shows Taiwan concerns". Taipei Times. p. 1. Archived from the original on 13 July 2013. Retrieved 28 September 2015. [Quoting from a declassified CIA report on Taiwan written in March 1949] From the legal standpoint, Taiwan is not part of the Republic of China. Pending a Japanese peace treaty, the island remains occupied territory in which the US has proprietary interests.

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^
OCLC 38016893
. In any case, there appears to be strong legal ground to support the view that since the entry into force of the 1952 ROC-Japan bilateral peace treaty, Taiwan has become the de jure territory of the ROC. This interpretation of the legal status of Taiwan is confirmed by several Japanese court decisions. For instance, in the case of Japan v. Lai Chin Jung, decided by the Tokyo High Court on December 24, 1956, it was stated that 'Formosa and the Pescadores came to belong to the Republic of China, at any rate on August 5, 1952, when the [Peace] Treaty between Japan and the Republic of China came into force...'...the principles of prescription and occupation that may justify the ROC's claim to Taiwan certainly are not applicable to the PRC because the application of these two principles to the Taiwan situation presupposes the validity of the two peace treaties by which Japan renounce its claim to Taiwan and thus makes the island terra nullius.

CIA (14 March 1949). "Probable Developments in Taiwan" (PDF). pp. 1–3. Archived
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^ 衆議院会議録情報第038回国会外務委員会第2号. 2 February 1961. p. 23. (in Japanese) "従って日華条約によりまして日本が台湾及び澎湖島を中華民国に帰属せしめたという意思表示はしていないのでございます。"

^ 衆議院会議録情報第046回国会予算委員会第17号. 2 February 1964. p. 24. (in Japanese) "日華条約におきましても、これを、サンフランシスコできめた、日本が放棄したということに反するようなことはできないのであります。"

^ 衆議院会議録情報第046回国会外務委員会第1号. 6 February 1964. p. 11. (in Japanese) "台湾の帰属の問題につきましては、御指摘のように、カイロ宣言では、中華民国に返させるというカイロ宣言の当事国の意思の表明がありました。これはポツダム宣言で確認されておりますが、最終的な領有権の問題については、日本の平和条約で、日本から放棄されるだけであって、将来の連合国間の決定にまかされておるというのが連合国の見解でございます。"

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United States Government Printing Office. p. 896
. The legal position is different, as I think I pointed out in my last press conference, by virtue of the fact that technical sovereignty over Formosa and the Pescadores has never been settled. That is because the Japanese peace treaty merely involves a renunciation by Japan of its right and title to these island. But the future title is not determined by the Japanese peace treaty, nor is it determined by the peace treaty which was concluded between the Republic of China and Japan. Therefore, the juridical status of these islands, Formosa and the Pescadores, is different from the juridical status of the offshore islands which have always been Chinese territory.

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^ ^a ^b Maurer, Ely. "Legal Problems Regarding Formosa and the Offshore Islands", Department of State Bulletin, Vol. 39, pp. 1005–1011 (December 22, 1958) (transcript of speech on November 20, 1958) ("Neither this agreement [of April 28, 1952] nor any other agreement thereafter has purported to transfer the sovereignty of Formosa to [the Republic of] China....The situation is, then, one where the Allied Powers still have to come to some agreement or treaty with respect to the status of Formosa. Any action, therefore, of the Chinese Communist regime to seize Formosa constitutes an attempt to seize by force territory which does not belong to it.").

ISBN 90-411-0929-3. Archived
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^ Jian-De Shen [in Chinese] (23 November 2004). "Untitled Document" 馬英九愛中國不惜斷送台灣 [Ma Ying-Jeou Loves China and Would Surrender Taiwan at Any Cost]. Taiwan Daily (in Chinese). Taichung. Archived from the original on 2 April 2015. Retrieved 30 March 2015. 馬英九所言「保持佔有」的定義是，戰後征服領土之割讓，雖未成為和平條約的條件之一(如舊金山和約的放棄台灣)，在法律上，即可因其被戰勝國持有、占據而被併吞。但二次大戰的戰勝國是同盟國全體，不是單指中國……中華民國對台「保持佔有」不成立。

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Further reading

Library resources about
Political status of Taiwan

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English Wikisource has original text related to this article:
US-PRC Joint Communique

Bush, Richard C.; O'Hanlon, Michael E. (2007). A War Like No Other: The Truth About China's Challenge to America. Hoboken, N.J:
ISBN 978-0-471-98677-5
.

Bush, Richard C. (2005). Untying the Knot: Making Peace in the Taiwan Strait. Washington, D.C:
ISBN 978-0-8157-9781-4
.

Carpenter, Ted Galen (2006). America's Coming War with China: A Collision Course over Taiwan. New York:
ISBN 978-1-4668-9301-6
.

Cole, Bernard (2006). Taiwan's Security: History and Prospects. London:
ISBN 978-1-134-21423-5
.

Copper, John F. (2006). Playing with Fire: The Looming War with China over Taiwan. Westport, Conn:
ISBN 978-0-313-05639-0
.

Kristensen, Hans M.; Norris, Robert S.; McKinzie, Matthew G. (2006). Chinese Nuclear Forces and U.S. Nuclear War Planning (PDF). Washington, DC:
ISBN 978-0-9653386-4-6
.

Gill, Bates (2010). Rising Star: China's New Security Diplomacy (Rev. ed.). Washington, DC:
ISBN 978-0-8157-3146-7
.

Knapp, Ronald G., ed. (2019) [1980]. China's Island Frontier: Studies in the Historical Geography of Taiwan. Honolulu:
ISBN 978-0-8248-8004-0
.

Shirk, Susan (2008). China: How China's Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise. New York ; Oxford:
ISBN 978-0-19-537319-6
.

Tsang, Steve Yui-Sang, ed. (2006). If China Attacks Taiwan: Military Strategy, Politics and Economics. Asian security studies. Hoboken:
ISBN 978-0-415-40785-4
.

Tucker, Nancy Bernkopf, ed. (2005). Dangerous Strait: The U.S.-Taiwan-China Crisis. New York:
ISBN 978-0-231-13564-1
.

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Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Political_status_of_Taiwan&oldid=1297980872"

[66] Established by Cairo Declaration, Potsdam Proclamation and Japanese Instrument of Surrender, according to the PRC's claim.

[81] See: China and the United Nations

[21] The CCP leadership considered the Taiwanese people ... a distinct "minzu." To be sure, the exact meaning of the term "minzu" ... is subject to debate.^[20]

[22] In this sense, peoples whose political links to Chinese culture were severed and, as in Taiwan's case, replaced by an alternative cultural tradition, transmitted through instruction in the Japanese language, ceased to be an integral part of the Chinese nation and emerged as a different "nationality," yet without losing all of their Chinese qualities.^[20]

[23] Van der Wees references Hsiao and Sullivan as the original source.

[24] If CCP support for Taiwan's ethnic separateness and political independence was based solely on strategic considerations during a period when all potential allies needed to be drawn into a broad anti-Japanese coalition and under Comintern pressure, then once in power they would naturally assume the role of the protective state and shift to an integrationist policy position.^[20]

[25] Was this an off-the-cuff statement by Mao ...? Without supporting documentary evidence we cannot prove conclusively that the CCP supported Taiwan independence in the period between 1928 and 1943 ... the CCP is not legally bound by pronouncements made when out of power and over thirty years ago.^[20]

[1] "MOFA reaffirms ROC sovereignty over Taiwan, Penghu". 5 September 2011.

[2] HC Deb 26 July 1950, vol. 478 c60W. "Formosa is still de jure Japanese territory and there is no Government of Formosa as such. Following on the surrender of Japan, the Chinese Government of the day assumed, with the consent of the remaining Allies, the provisional administration of the territory pending the final determination of its status at a peace settlement."

[3] Han Cheung (25 April 2021). "Taiwan in Time: The 'communist rebellion' finally ends". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 22 October 2021. Retrieved 2 July 2022. ...Most importantly, with the repeal of the temporary provisions, the Chinese Communist Party would no longer be seen as a rebel group. "From now on, we will see the Chinese Communist Party as a political entity that controls the mainland region and we will call them the 'mainland authorities' or the 'Chinese Communist authorities'," President Lee said during the press conference

[4] MacLeod, Andrew (12 July 2022). "When people say the West should support Taiwan, what exactly do they mean?". The Conversation. Retrieved 2 February 2025.

[5] "Talking Points: What Does ROC Law Say About Taiwan?". U.S.-Asia Law Institute. 6 June 2025. Retrieved 11 June 2025.

[6] 中华人民共和国国务院台湾事务办公室. "一个中国的原则与台湾问题" (in Chinese (China)). 一九四九年十月一日，中华人民共和国中央人民政府宣告成立，取代中华民国政府成为全中国的唯一合法政府和在国际上的唯一合法代表，中华民国从此结束了它的历史地位。这是在同一国际法主体没有发生变化的情况下新政权取代旧政权，中国的主权和固有领土疆域并未由此而改变，中华人民共和国政府理所当然地完全享有和行使中国的主权，其中包括对台湾的主权。国民党统治集团退踞台湾以来，虽然其政权继续使用"中华民国"和"中华民国政府"的名称，但它早已完全无权代表中国行使国家主权，实际上始终只是中国领土上的一个地方当局。

[7] "The United States 'One China Policy' is NOT the same as the PRC 'One China Principle'". US-Taiwan Business Council. 1 January 2022. Archived from the original on 12 April 2022. Retrieved 29 April 2022.

[ccpwatch-8] Drun, Jessica (28 December 2017). "One China, Multiple Interpretations". Center for Advanced China Research. Archived from the original on 9 March 2020. Retrieved 29 April 2022.

[9] :10.1080/09592296.2024.2303855
. In contrast, the 2005 law designed to forestall Taiwanese 'secession' ... left out the third part. This formulation, reiterated in the 2022 PRC white paper on Taiwan ....

[10] Bush, Richard; Hass, Ryan. "Policy Brief: Taiwan's democracy and the China challenge" (PDF). "Democracy & Disorder" ser. Archived (PDF) from the original on 24 January 2020. Retrieved 19 November 2019.

[11] "Taiwan leader rejects China's 'one country, two systems' offer". Reuters. 10 October 2019. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 21 September 2023.

[12] ISBN 978-1-134-24021-0
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[13] ISBN 978-0-472-07353-5
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[14] Chong, Ja Ian (9 February 2023). "The Many 'One China's': Multiple Approaches to Taiwan and China". Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Archived from the original on 3 May 2023. Retrieved 6 May 2023.

[15] "Crossroads of Commerce: How the Taiwan Strait Propels the Global Economy".

[FOOTNOTEKnapp198010-16] Knapp 1980, p. 10.

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[18] ISBN 978-0-19-992008-2
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[:3-19] van der Wees, Gerrit (3 May 2022). "When the CCP Thought Taiwan Should Be Independent". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 8 November 2023. Retrieved 9 November 2023.

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[britannica-26] "Taiwan | History, Flag, Map, Capital, Population, & Facts | Britannica". 14 June 2024.

[Henckaerts1996c-27] 
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from the original on 12 April 2023. Retrieved 4 July 2023. p. 4. "On October 25, 1945, the government of the Republic of China took over Taiwan and the P'eng-hu Islands from the Japanese and on the next day announced that Taiwan had become a province of China."

[28] ISSN 0099-9660. Archived
from the original on 15 September 2023. Retrieved 9 November 2023.

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[31] Drun, Jessica (28 December 2017). "One China, Multiple Interpretations". Center for Advanced China Research. Archived from the original on 9 March 2020. Retrieved 5 July 2023.

[Hansard-32] "Far East (Formosa and the Pescadores)", Parliamentary Debates (Hansard), 4 May 1955, archived from the original on 18 October 2017, retrieved 9 December 2015

[33] ”Ministry of Foreign Affairs clarifies legally binding status of Cairo Declaration” (January 21, 2014).

[unhcr.org-34] "UNHCR | Refworld | World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples – Taiwan: Overview". Archived from the original on 28 July 2011. Retrieved 14 March 2010. UNHCR

[Lowther_William-35] Lowther, William (9 June 2013). "CIA report shows Taiwan concerns". Taipei Times. p. 1. Archived from the original on 13 July 2013. Retrieved 28 September 2015. [Quoting from a declassified CIA report on Taiwan written in March 1949] From the legal standpoint, Taiwan is not part of the Republic of China. Pending a Japanese peace treaty, the island remains occupied territory in which the US has proprietary interests.

[FOOTNOTETsai2009173-36] Tsai 2009, p. 173.

[Henckaerts1996-37] 
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