Spanish language in the United States
United States Spanish | |
---|---|
US Spanish | |
Español estadounidense | |
Pronunciation | [espaˈɲol estaðowniˈðense] |
Native to | United States |
Speakers | 42 million (2022)[1] |
Indo-European
| |
Early forms | |
Spanish alphabet) | |
Official status | |
Regulated by | North American Academy of the Spanish Language |
Language codes | |
ISO 639-1 | es |
ISO 639-2 | spa[2] |
ISO 639-3 | – |
Glottolog | None |
IETF | es-US |
Percentage of the U.S. population aged 5 and over who speak the Spanish language at home in 2019, by states. | |
Part of a series on |
Hispanic and Latino Americans |
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In the United States there are more speakers of Spanish than speakers of
Spanish has been spoken in what is now the United States since the 15th century, with the arrival of
After the incorporation of those areas into the United States in the first half of the 19th century, Spanish was later reinforced in the country by the acquisition of Puerto Rico in 1898. Waves of immigration from Mexico, Cuba, Venezuela, El Salvador, and elsewhere in Latin America have strengthened the prominence of Spanish in the country. Today, Hispanics are one of the fastest growing ethnic groups in the United States, which has increased the use and importance of Spanish in the United States. However, there is a marked decline in the use of Spanish among Hispanics in America, declining from 78% in 2006 to 73% in 2015, with the trend accelerating as Hispanics undergo language shift to English.[8]
History
Early Spanish settlements
The Spanish arrived in what would later become the United States in 1493, with the Spanish arrival to Puerto Rico. Ponce de León explored Florida in 1513. In 1565, the Spaniards founded St. Augustine, Florida. The Spanish later left but others moved in and it is the oldest continuously occupied European settlement in the continental United States. Juan Ponce de León founded San Juan, Puerto Rico, in 1508. Historically, the Spanish-speaking population increased because of territorial annexation of lands claimed earlier by the Spanish Empire and by wars with Mexico and by land purchases.[9][10]
Spanish Louisiana
During the late 18th and early 19th centuries, land claimed by Spain encompassed a large part of the contemporary U.S. territory, including the French colony of Louisiana from 1769 to 1800. In order to further establish and defend Louisiana, Spanish Governor
Annexation of Texas and the Mexican–American War
In 1821,
After the Mexican War of Independence from Spain, California, Nevada, Arizona, Utah, western Colorado and southwestern Wyoming also became part of the Mexican territory of Alta California. Most of New Mexico, western Texas, southern Colorado, southwestern Kansas, and the Oklahoma panhandle were part of the territory of Santa Fe de Nuevo México. The geographical isolation and unique political history of this territory led to New Mexican Spanish differing notably from both Spanish spoken in other parts of the United States of America and Spanish spoken in the present-day United Mexican States.
Mexico lost almost half of the northern territory gained from Spain in 1821 to the United States in the Mexican–American War (1846–1848). This included parts of contemporary Texas, and Colorado, Arizona, New Mexico, Wyoming, California, Nevada, and Utah. Although the lost territory was sparsely populated, the thousands of Spanish-speaking Mexicans subsequently became U.S. citizens. The war-ending Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) does not explicitly address language. Although Spanish initially continued to be used in schools and government, the English-speaking American settlers who entered the Southwest established their language, culture, and law as dominant, displacing Spanish in the public sphere.[17]
The California experience is illustrative. The first California constitutional convention in 1849 had eight
Such magnanimity did not last very long. As early as February 1850, California adopted the Anglo-American common law as the basis of the new state's legal system.[21] In 1855, California declared that English would be the only medium of instruction in its schools.[12] These policies were one way of ensuring the social and political dominance of Anglos.[9]
The state's second constitutional convention in 1872 had no Spanish-speaking participants; the convention's English-speaking participants felt that the state's remaining minority of Spanish-speakers should simply learn English; and the convention ultimately voted 46–39 to revise the earlier clause so that all official proceedings would henceforth be published only in English.[18]
Despite the displacement of Spanish from the public sphere, much of the border region, including most of Southern California, Arizona, New Mexico, and south Texas, was home to Spanish speaking communities until at least the beginning of the 20th century.[22]
Spanish–American War (1898)
In 1898, consequent to the Spanish–American War, the United States took control of Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines as American territories. In 1902, Cuba became independent from the United States, while Puerto Rico remained a U.S. territory. The American government required government services to be bilingual in Spanish and English, and attempted to introduce English-medium education to Puerto Rico, but the latter effort was unsuccessful.[23]
Once Puerto Rico was granted autonomy in 1948, even mainlander officials who came to Puerto Rico were forced to learn Spanish. Only 20% of Puerto Rico's residents understand English, and although the island's government had a policy of official bilingualism, it was repealed in favor of a Spanish-only policy in 1991. This policy was reversed in 1993 when a
Hispanics as the largest minority in the United States
The relatively recent but large influx of Spanish-speakers to the United States has increased the overall total of Spanish-speakers in the country. They form majorities and large minorities in many political districts, especially in California, Arizona, New Mexico and Texas (the American states bordering Mexico), and also in South Florida.
Mexicans first moved to the United States as refugees in the turmoil of the
At over 5 million, Puerto Ricans are easily the second largest Hispanic group. Of all major Hispanic groups, Puerto Ricans are the least likely to be proficient in Spanish, but millions of
The
The exodus of Salvadorans was a result of both economic and political problems. The largest immigration wave occurred as a result of the Salvadoran Civil War in the 1980s, in which 20 to 30 percent of El Salvador's population emigrated. About 50 percent, or up to 500,000 of those who escaped, headed to the United States, which was already home to over 10,000 Salvadorans, making Salvadoran Americans the fourth-largest Hispanic and Latino American group, after the Mexican-American majority, stateside Puerto Ricans, and Cubans.
As civil wars engulfed several Central American countries in the 1980s, hundreds of thousands of Salvadorans fled their country and came to the United States. Between 1980 and 1990, the Salvadoran immigrant population in the United States increased nearly fivefold from 94,000 to 465,000. The number of Salvadoran immigrants in the United States continued to grow in the 1990s and 2000s as a result of family reunification and new arrivals fleeing a series of natural disasters that hit El Salvador, including earthquakes and hurricanes. By 2008, there were about 1.1 million Salvadoran immigrants in the United States.
Until the 20th century, there was no clear record of the number of Venezuelans who emigrated to the United States. Between the 18th and early 19th centuries, there were many European immigrants who went to Venezuela, only to later migrate to the United States along with their children and grandchildren who were born and/or grew up in Venezuela speaking Spanish. From 1910 to 1930, it is estimated that over 4,000 South Americans each year emigrated to the United States; however, there are few specific figures indicating these statistics. Many Venezuelans settled in the United States with hopes of receiving a better education, only to remain there following graduation. They are frequently joined by relatives. However, since the early 1980s, the reasons for Venezuelan emigration have changed to include hopes of earning a higher salary and due to the economic fluctuations in Venezuela which also promoted an important migration of Venezuelan professionals to the US.[26] In the 2000s, dissident Venezuelans migrated to South Florida, especially the suburbs of Doral and Weston.[27] Other main states with Venezuelan American populations are, according to the 1990 census, New York, California, Texas (adding to their existing Hispanic populations), New Jersey, Massachusetts and Maryland.[26]
Refugees from Spain also migrated to the U.S. due to the
The publication of data by the United States Census Bureau in 2003 revealed that Hispanics were the largest minority in the United States and caused a flurry of press speculation in Spain about the position of Spanish in the United States.[citation needed] That year, the Instituto Cervantes, an organization created by the Spanish government in 1991 to promote Spanish language around the globe, established a branch in New York.[28]
Historical demographics
Year | Number of native Spanish-speakers | Percent of US population |
---|---|---|
1980 | 11 million | 5% |
1990 | 17.3 million | 7% |
2000 | 28.1 million | 10% |
2010 | 37 million | 13% |
2015 | 41 million | 13% |
2022 | 42 million | 13.3% |
Sources:[29][30][31][32] |
In total, there were 36,995,602 people aged five or older in the United States who spoke Spanish at home (12.8% of the total U.S. population) according to the 2010 census.[33]
Current status
Although the United States has no de jure official language, English is the dominant language of business, education, government, religion, media, culture, and the public sphere. Virtually all state and federal government agencies and large corporations use English as their internal working language, especially at the management level. Some states, such as Arizona, California, Florida, New Mexico, and Texas provide bilingual legislated notices and official documents in Spanish and English and in other commonly-used languages. English is the home language of most Americans, including a growing proportion of Hispanics. Between 2000 and 2015, the proportion of Hispanics who spoke Spanish at home decreased from 78 to 73 percent.[34] As noted above, the only major exception is the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in which Spanish is the official and the most commonly-used language.
Throughout the history of the Southwest United States, the controversial issue of language as part of cultural rights and bilingual state government representation has caused sociocultural friction between Anglophones and Hispanophones. Spanish is now the most widely-taught second language in the United States.[35]
Possibly at least partially as a result of a language barrier, children from Spanish-speaking households in the United States experience 50% higher rates of obesity than those in English-speaking households, according to the U.S. National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey. Families may not have access to health education materials or resources in Spanish, and food labels are typically in English only.[36][37]
California
California's first constitution recognized Spanish-language rights:
All laws, decrees, regulations, and provisions emanating from any of the three supreme powers of this State, which from their nature require publication, shall be published in English and Spanish.
—California Constitution, 1849, Art. 11 Sec. 21.
By 1870, English-speakers were a majority in California; in 1879, the state promulgated a new constitution with a clause under which all official proceedings were to be conducted exclusively in English, which remained in effect until 1966. In 1986, California voters added a new constitutional clause by referendum:
English is the official language of the State of California.
— California Constitution, Art. 3, Sec. 6
Spanish remains widely spoken throughout the state, and many government forms, documents, and services are bilingual in English and Spanish. Although all official proceedings are to be conducted in English:
A person unable to understand English who is charged with a crime has a right to an interpreter throughout the proceedings.
— California Constitution, Art. 1. Sec. 14
Arizona
The state, like its neighbors in the Southwest, has had close linguistic and cultural ties with Mexico. The state, except for the 1853
Florida
During the 1990s and 2000s, Miami emerged as a global city with a majority Hispanic bilingual population.
New Mexico
New Mexico is commonly thought to have Spanish as an official language alongside English because of its wide usage and legal promotion of Spanish in the state; however, the state has no official language. New Mexico's laws are promulgated in both Spanish and English. English is the state government's paper working language, but government business is often conducted in Spanish, particularly at the local level.[citation needed] Spanish has been spoken in New Mexico since the 16th century.[40]
Because of its relative isolation from other Spanish-speaking areas over most of its 400-year existence, New Mexico Spanish, particularly the Spanish of northern New Mexico and Colorado has retained many elements of 16th- and 17th-century Spanish lost in other varieties and has developed its own vocabulary.
Texas
In Texas, English is the state's
Kansas
Spanish has been spoken in the state of
Puerto Rico
The Commonwealth of Puerto Rico recognizes Spanish and English as official languages, but Spanish is the dominant first language. This is largely due to the fact that the territory was under Spanish control for 400 years, and was inhabited by mainly Spanish-speaking settlers prior to being ceded to the United States in 1898.
Place names
Because much of the US was once under Spanish, and later Mexican sovereignty, many places have Spanish names dating to these times. These include the names of several states and major cities. Some of these names preserve older features of Spanish orthography, such as San Ysidro, which would be Isidro in modern Spanish. Later, many other names were created in the American period by non-Spanish speakers, often violating Spanish syntax. This includes names such as Sierra Vista.
Learning trends
In 1917, the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese was founded, and the academic study of Spanish literature was helped by negative attitudes towards German due to World War I.[50]
Spanish is currently the most widely taught language after English in American secondary schools and higher education.
Radio and media
Spanish language radio is the largest non-English broadcasting media.[54] While foreign language broadcasting declined steadily, Spanish broadcasting grew steadily from the 1920s to the 1970s.
The 1930s were boom years.[55] The early success depended on the concentrated geographical audience in Texas and the Southwest.[56] American stations were close to Mexico, which enabled a steady circular flow of entertainers, executives and technicians and stimulated the creative initiatives of Hispanic radio executives, brokers, and advertisers. Ownership was increasingly concentrated in the 1960s and 1970s. The industry sponsored the now-defunct trade publication Sponsor from the late 1940s to 1968.[57] Spanish-language radio has influenced American and Latino discourse on key current affairs issues such as citizenship and immigration.[58]
Variation
There is a great diversity of accents of Spanish in the United States.
The
Varieties
Linguists distinguish the following varieties of the Spanish spoken in the United States:
- Caribbean Spanish: Spanish as spoken by Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Dominicans. It is largely heard throughout the Northeast and Florida, especially New York City and Miami, and in other cities in the East.
- Central American Spanish: Spanish as spoken by Hispanics with origins in Central American countries such as El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama. It is largely heard in major cities throughout California and Texas, as well as Washington, DC; New York; and Miami.
- New York State, California, Texas, and Florida.
- Colonial Spanish: Spanish as spoken by descendants of Spanish colonists and early Mexicans before the United States expanded and annexed the Southwest and other areas.
- Californian Spanish (1769–present): California, especially the Central Coast
- St. Bernard Parish, Louisiana
- Sabine River Spanish: Parts of Sabine and Natchitoches Parishes, Louisiana, and the Moral community west of Nacogdoches. Moribund, originated from rural Mexican Spanish.
- New Mexican Spanish: Central and north-central New Mexico and south-central Colorado and the border regions of Arizona, Texas, and New Mexico, and southeastern Colorado
Many Spanish speakers in the US speak it as a heritage language. Many of these heritage speakers are
Transitional bilinguals often produce errors which are rarely found among native Spanish speakers but which are common among second-language learners. Transitional bilinguals often face difficulties in Spanish classrooms since teaching materials designed for English monolinguals and those designed for fluent heritage speakers are both inadequate.[66][67]
Heritage speakers in general have a native or near-native phonology.[68][69][70]
Dialect contact
Spanish in the US shows mixing and
Los Angeles has its own vernacular Spanish variety, the result of dialect leveling between speakers of different, mainly central Mexican varieties. The children of Salvadoran parents who grow up in Los Angeles typically grow up speaking this variety.[65] Other cities may have their own vernacular Spanish varieties as well.[74]
Common English words derived from Spanish
Many standard American English words are of Spanish etymology, or originate from third languages but entered English via Spanish.
- Admiral (originally from Arabic)
- Avocado (aguacate from Nahuatl aguacatl)
- Aficionado
- Banana (originally from Wolof)
- Buckaroo (vaquero)
- Cafeteria (cafetería)
- Chili (from Nahuatl chīlli)
- Chocolate (from Nahuatl xocolatl)
- Cigar (cigarro)
- Corral
- Coyote (from Nahuatl coyotl)
- Desperado (desesperado)
- Guerrilla
- Guitar (guitarra)
- Hurricane (huracán from the Juracán)
- Junta
- Lasso (lazo)
- Patio
- Potato (patata; see Etymology of "potato")
- Ranch (rancho)
- Rodeo
- Siesta
- Tomato (tomate from Nahuatl tomatl)
- Tornado
- Vanilla (vainilla)
Phonology
This article may contain embedded lists. by removing items or incorporating them into the text of the article. (April 2024) |
Spanish in the US often has some phonological influence from English. For example, bilinguals who grew up in the Mesilla Valley in southern New Mexico most often merge the two rhotic consonants /r/ and /ɾ/ as [ɾ]. The use of a trill is even less frequent in northern New Mexico, where contact with monolingual Mexican Spanish is lesser.[76]
[v] has been reported as an allophone of /b/ in Chicano Spanish in the Southwest, both when spelled ⟨b⟩ and when spelled ⟨v⟩. This is primarily due to English influence.[77][78][79] Although Mexican Spanish generally pronounces /x/ as a velar fricative, Chicano Spanish often realizes it as a glottal [h], like English's h sound. In addition, /d/ may occasionally be realized as a fricative in initial position.[78]
The
Much of the variation in US Spanish pronunciation reflects the differences between other Spanish dialects and varieties:
- As in most of Hispanic America, ⟨z⟩ and ⟨c⟩ (before /seseo (the act of not distinguishing /s/ from /θ/) is not only typical of the speech of Latino Americans but is also typical among Hispanic Americans of Andalusian and Canarian descent.
- Spanish in Spain, particularly the regions with a distinctive /s̺], with a weak "hushing" sound that is reminiscent of retroflex fricatives. In the Americas and in Andalusia and the Canary Islands, both in Spain, Standard European Spanish /s/ may sound similar to [ʃ] like English sh as in she. However, that apico-alveolar realization of /s/ is common in some Latin American Spanish dialects which lack [θ]. Some inland Colombian Spanish, particularly Antioquia, and Andean regions of Peru and Bolivia also have an apico-alveolar /s/.
- Spanish in the Americas usually features European Spanish as well, particularly in urban speech (Madrid, Toledo) and in Andalusia and the Canary Islands, but [ʎ] is still preserved in some rural areas of northern Spain. Speakers of Rioplatense Spanish pronounce both ⟨ll⟩ and ⟨y⟩ as [ʒ] or [ʃ]. The traditional pronunciation of the digraph ⟨ll⟩, [ʎ], is preserved in some dialects along the Andes range, especially in inland Peru and the highlands of Colombia highlands, northern Argentina, and all of Bolivia and Paraguay.
- Most speakers with ancestors born in the coastal regions may ).
- ⟨g⟩ (before /].
- In many Caribbean dialects, the phonemes /non-rhoticity. That occurs left often happens as well in Ecuador and Chile[citation needed] and is a feature brought from Extremaduraand westernmost Andalusia, in Spain.
- In many Andean regions, the substrateand is quite common in Andean regions, especially in inland Ecuador, Peru, most of Bolivia, and parts of northern Argentina and Paraguay.
- In r/ is usually one of the following:
- a trill, a tap, an approximant, [l], or silent before a consonant or a pause, as in amo[r ~ ɾ ~ ɹ ~ l ~ ∅] paterno ('paternal love');
- a tap, an approximant, or [l] before a vowel-initial word, as in amo[ɾ ~ ɹ ~ l] eterno ('eternal love').
- a trill, a tap, an approximant, [
- approximant characteristic of most other dialects), as in pardo [ˈpaɾdo], barba [ˈbaɾba], algo [ˈalɡo], peligro [peˈliɡɾo], desde [ˈdezde/ˈdehde], rather than [ˈpaɾðo], [ˈbaɾβa], [ˈalɣo], [peˈliɣɾo], [ˈdezðe/ˈdehðe]. A notable exception is the Nariño Department and most Costeño speech(Atlantic coastal dialects), which feature the soft fricatives that are common to all other Hispanic American and European dialects.
- Word-finally, /n/ is also frequent in Spain, especially in the South (Andalusia and the Canary Islands) and in the Northwest: Galicia, Asturias, and León.
Vocabulary and grammar
The vocabulary and grammar of US Spanish reflect English influence, accelerated change, and the Latin American roots of most US Spanish. One example of English influence is that the usage of Spanish words by American bilinguals shows a convergence of
- Loan translations such as correr para 'to run for', aplicar para 'to apply for', and soñar de instead of soñar con 'to dream of' frequently occur.[83]
- Expressions with patrás, such as llamar patrás, are widespread. Though these appear to be calques, they likely represent a semantic extension.[83]
- Spanish speakers in the US tend to use estar more often instead of ser. This is an extension of an ongoing trend within Spanish, since historically estar was used far less often.[84] For more information, see Spanish copulas.
- Spanish speakers in the southwest tend to use the morphological periphrastic construction 'ir + a + infinitive' is used for speaking about events that will occur in the future.[85]
- While varieties of Spanish in the US have traditionally not used voseo, this feature has been introduced by Central American immigrants. While the children of these immigrants use voseo much less often than their parents, the pronoun vos remains as a symbol of identity. Verbal voseo is often found among linguistically insecure second-generation Salvadoran-Americans in contact with speakers of other varieties, while pronominal voseo is often found among third-generation Salvadoran-Americans who have adopted the tú-related verb forms but maintain the pronoun vos as a symbol of identity.[75]
- Spanish-speakers who are more proficient in English tend to use the subjunctive mood less often. This same preference for the indicative also correlates independently with lower education in Spanish, reflecting variation in monolingual Spanish.[86]
- Disappearance of de (of) in certain expressions, as is the case with Canarian Spanish: esposo Rosa for esposo de Rosa, gofio millo for gofio de millo, etc.[citation needed]
- Doublets of Arabic-Latin synonyms, with the Arabic form being more common in American Spanish, which derives from Latin American Spanish and so is influenced by Andalusian Spanish, like Andalusian and Latin American alcoba for standard peninsular habitación or dormitorio ('bedroom') or alhaja for standard joya ('jewel').[citation needed]
- See List of words having different meanings in Spain and Hispanic America.
Future
Spanish is the most commonly spoken non-English language in the United States. Continued immigration is a key reason for the continued presence and use of Spanish, since the descendants of early immigrants and those incorporated into the United States as a result of annexation have largely undergone language shift to English.[9] The economic importance and social vitality of Spanish sustain its use in US public life, especially in commerce, education and mass media.[87]
Spanish-language mass media (such as
Besides the specialized businesses that have long catered to Hispanophone immigrants, a small but increasing number of mainstream American retailers also now advertise bilingually in Spanish-speaking areas and offer bilingual customer services. One common indicator of such businesses is Se Habla Español, which means "Spanish Is Spoken".
The annual
Historically, immigrants' languages tend to disappear or to be reduced by generational assimilation, with English monolingualism predominant by the third generation. This pattern has largely held steady among more recent immigrants—including Spanish-speakers—and their descendants.[9]
Spanish disappeared in several countries and US territories during the 20th century, notably in the
The English-only movement seeks to establish English as the sole official language of the United States. Generally, they exert political public pressure upon Hispanophone immigrants to learn English and speak it publicly. As universities, business, and the professions use English, there is much social pressure to learn English for upward socio-economic mobility. These social pressures and policies contribute to the loss of Spanish and the shift to English.
Generally, Hispanics (13.4% of the 2002 US population) are bilingual to a degree. A Simmons Market Research survey recorded that 19 percent of Hispanics speak only Spanish, 9 percent speak only English, 55 percent have limited English proficiency, and 17 percent are fully English-Spanish bilingual.[88]
Intergenerational transmission of Spanish is a more accurate indicator of Spanish's future in the United States than raw statistical numbers of Hispanophones. Although Hispanics hold varying English proficiency levels, almost all second-generation Hispanics speak English, but about 50 percent speak Spanish at home. Two thirds of third-generation
Literature
American literature in Spanish dates back to 1610 when a Spanish explorer Gaspar Pérez de Villagrá first published his epic poem History of New Mexico.[90] However, it was not until the late 20th century that Spanish, Spanglish, and bilingual poetry, plays, novels, and essays were readily available on the market through independent, trade, and commercial publishing houses and theaters. Cultural theorist Christopher González identifies Latina/o authors—such as Oscar “Zeta” Acosta, Gloria Anzaldúa, Piri Thomas, Gilbert Hernandez, Sandra Cisneros, and Junot Díaz—as having written innovative works that created new audiences for Hispanic Literature in the United States.[91][92]
See also
- List of most commonly learned foreign languages in the United States
- List of U.S. cities with diacritics
- List of U.S. communities with Hispanic majority populations
- List of Spanish-language newspapers published in the United States
- Biennial academic conference of Spanish in the United States
General:
- Bilingual education
- Spanglish
- Spanish language in the Americas
- Spanish language in science and technology
- List of colloquial expressions in Honduras
- Spanish language in the Philippines
- History of the Spanish language
- Languages in the United States
- Hispanic
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- ^ Melgarejo & Bucholtz (2020) mentions "Miami Spanish"
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: Cite journal requires|journal=
(help) - ^ Waltermire & Valtierrez (2017), citing Vigil (2008) for the low frequency of the trill in northern New Mexico
- ^ Torres Cacoullos, Rena; Ferreira, Fernanda (2000). "Lexical frequency and voiced labiodental-bilabial variation in New Mexican Spanish" (PDF). Southwest Journal of Linguistics. 19 (2): 1–17. Archived from the original (PDF) on 15 January 2022. Retrieved 15 January 2022.
- ^ JSTOR 25743678.
- ^
Phillips, Robert (1982) [1974]. "Influences of English on /b/ in Los Angeles Spanish". In Amastae, Jon; Elías-Olivares, Lucia (eds.). Spanish in the United States: Sociolinguistic Aspects. New York: Cambridge University Press. pp. 71–81. ISBN 9780521286893.
- ISSN 2226-471X.
- ^ Willis, Erik W. (2005). "An Initial Examination of Southwest Spanish Vowels". Southwest Journal of Linguistics. 24: 185–198.
- ^ Smead, Robert; Clegg, J Halvor. "English Calques in Chicano Spanish". In Roca, Ana; Jensen, John (eds.). Spanish in Contact: Issues in Bilingualism. p. 127.
- ^ a b Lipski 2008, pp. 226–229.
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- ^ Roque Mateos, Ricardo (2017). A Good Spanish Book. University Academic Editions. p. 37.
- ^ Faries, David (2015). A Brief History of the Spanish Language. University of Chicago Press. p. 198.
- JSTOR 25745738.
- OCLC 1003108988.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - ISSN 1946-3170.
Further reading
- Abernathy, Francis (1976). "The Spanish on the Moral". The Bicentennial Commemorative History of Nacogdoches. Nacogdoches: Nacogdoches Jaycees. pp. 21–33.
- Cobos, Rubén (2003). A Dictionary of New Mexico & Southern Colorado Spanish (2nd ed.). Museum of New Mexico Press. ISBN 0-89013-452-9.
- Escobar, Anna María (2015). El español de los Estados Unidos. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107451179.
- Fuller, Janet M.; Leeman, Jennifer (2020). Speaking Spanish in the US : the sociopolitics of language (2nd ed.). Bristol, UK. ISBN 9781788928298.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - JSTOR 40298730.
- ISBN 9781589012134.
- Lozano, Rosina (2018). An American language : the history of Spanish in the United States. Oakland, California: University of California Press. ISBN 9780520297074.
- Lynch, Andrew (2022). Spanish in Miami: Sociolinguistic Dimensions of Postmodernity. London and New York: Routledge. ISBN 9781032252339.
- Melgarejo, Victoria; Bucholtz, Mary (2020). "Oh, I don't even know how to say this in Spanish" (PDF). Spanish in Context. 17 (3): 488–510. S2CID 225015729.
- Vigil, Donny (2008). The traditional Spanish of Taos, New Mexico: Acoustic, phonetic and phonological analyses (PhD). Purdue University.
- Waltermire, Mark; Valtierrez, Mayra (2017). "The trill isn't gone: Rhotic variation in southern New Mexican Spanish". Journal of the Linguistic Association of the Southwest. 32 (2): 133–161.