History of Malaysia

Anthropologists support the notion that the Proto-Malays originated from what is today

In the first millennium AD, Malay became the dominant ethnicity on the peninsula. The small early states that were established were greatly influenced by Indian culture, as was most of Southeast Asia.

Trade relations with China and India were established in the 1st century BC.[51] Shards of Chinese pottery have been found in Borneo dating from the 1st century following the southward expansion of the Han dynasty.^[52] In the early centuries of the first millennium, the people of the Malay Peninsula adopted the Indian religions of Hinduism and Buddhism, which had a major effect on the language and culture of those living in Malaysia.^[53] The Sanskrit writing system was used as early as the 4th century.^[54]

Early kingdoms (3rd–7th centuries)

There were as many as 30 Malay kingdoms in the 2nd and 3rd centuries, mainly based on the eastern side of the Malay Peninsula.

Ptolemy, a Greek geographer, had written about the Golden Chersonese, which indicated that trade with India and China had existed since the 1st century AD.^[57] During this time, coastal city-states that existed had a trade network which encompassed the southern part of the Indochinese Peninsula and the western part of the Malay Archipelago. These coastal cities had ongoing trade as well as tributary relations with China, at the same time being in constant contact with Indian traders. They seem to have shared a common indigenous culture.^{[citation needed]}

Gradually, the rulers of the western part of the archipelago adopted Indian cultural and political models. Three inscriptions found in

Being on the maritime trade route between China and South India, the Malay Peninsula was involved in this trade. The Bujang Valley, being strategically located at the northwest entrance of the Strait of Malacca as well as facing the Bay of Bengal, was continuously frequented by Chinese and south Indian traders. Such was proven by the discovery of trade ceramics, sculptures, inscriptions and monuments dated from the 5th to 14th century.^{[citation needed]}

Srivijaya (7th–13th century)

Between the 7th and the 13th century, much of the

An excavation by Tom Harrisson in 1949 unearthed a series of Chinese ceramics at Santubong (near Kuching) that date to the Tang and Song dynasties. It is possible that Santubong was an important seaport in Sarawak during the period, but its importance declined during the Yuan dynasty, and the port was deserted during the Ming dynasty.^[69]

According to the

Islam came to the Malay Archipelago through the Arab and Indian traders in the 13th century, ending the age of Hinduism and Buddhism.^[74] It arrived in the region gradually and became the religion of the elite before it spread to the commoners. The syncretic form of Islam in Malaysia was influenced by previous religions and was originally not orthodox.^[47]

Malaccan Sultanate

Establishment

The port of

In 1404, the first official

After an initial period paying tribute to the

Within a few years of its establishment, Malacca officially adopted Islam. Parameswara became a Muslim, and because Malacca was under a Muslim prince, the conversion of Malays to Islam accelerated in the 15th century.

Malacca's reign lasted little more than a century, but during this time became the established centre of Malay culture. Most future Malay states originated from this period.[74] Malacca became a cultural centre, creating the matrix of the modern Malay culture: a blend of indigenous Malay and imported Indian, Chinese and Islamic elements. Malacca's fashions in literature, art, music, dance and dress, and the ornate titles of its royal court, came to be seen as the standard for all ethnic Malays. The court of Malacca also gave great prestige to the Malay language, which had originally evolved in Sumatra and been brought to Malacca at the time of its foundation. In time Malay came to be the official language of all the Malaysian states, although local languages survived in many places. After the fall of Malacca, the Sultanate of Brunei became the major centre of Islam.^[88][89]

Post-Malaccan sultanates

After the fall of Malacca to Portugal, the Johor Sultanate on the southern Malay Peninsula and the Sultanate of Aceh on northern Sumatra moved to fill the power vacuum left behind.^[47] The three powers struggled to dominate the Malay Peninsula and the surrounding islands.^[59] Meanwhile, the importance of the Strait of Malacca as an east–west shipping route was growing, while the islands of Southeast Asia were themselves prized sources of natural resources (metals, spices, etc.) whose inhabitants were being further drawn into the global economy.

In 1607, the Sultanate of Aceh rose as the most powerful and wealthiest state in the Malay Archipelago. Under Sultan Iskandar Muda's reign, the sultanate's control was extended over a number of Malay states. During the Battle of Duyon River, Iskandar Muda's disastrous campaign against Malacca in 1629, the combined Portuguese and Johor forces managed to destroy all the ships of his formidable fleet and 19,000 troops according to a Portuguese account.^[90]

In the early 17th century, the

In the 1690s the Bugis, who played an important role in defeating Jambi two decades earlier, had a major political influence in Johor. Both the Bugis and the Minangkabau realised how the death of Sultan Mahmud II in 1699 caused a power vacuum and allowed them to exert their power in Johor. The Minangkabau introduced a Minangkabau prince, Raja Kecil from Siak who claimed he was the posthumous son of Mahmud II. With the help of the Orang Laut, Raja Kecil then captured Riau in 1718, the then capital of the Johor Sultanate and installed himself as the new Johor Sultan, Jalil Rahmat Shah, without the knowledge of the Bugis. Raja Sulaiman of Johor dethroned Raja Kechil with help from the Bugis Daeng Parani and reclaimed the throne as Sultan Sulaiman Badrul Alam Shah (1722–1760), but he was a weak ruler and became a puppet of the Bugis.^[97] During the reign of Sultan Mahmud Shah III, the mid-to-late 18th century saw the Bugis attempting to expand their influence in the region. This brought them into conflicts with the Dutch, which resulted in a final major battle in 1784 between the two, which ended Bugis and Johor dominance in the region.^[100]

Perak Sultanate

Based on the Perak Royal Genealogy ("Salasilah Raja-Raja Perak"), the Perak Sultanate was formed in the early 16th century on the banks of the Perak River by the eldest son of Malaccan Sultan Mahmud Shah.^{[101][102][103]} He ascended to the throne as Muzaffar Shah I (1528–1549), first sultan of Perak, after surviving the capture of Malacca by the Portuguese in 1511 and living quietly for a period in Siak. He became sultan through the efforts of Tun Saban, a local leader and trader between Perak and Klang.^[102] There had been no sultans in Perak when Tun Saban first arrived in the area from Kampar in Sumatra.^[104] Most of the area's residents were traders from Malacca, Selangor and Sumatra. Perak's administration became more organised after the Sultanate was established. With the opening up of Perak in the 16th century, the state became a source of tin ore. It appears that anyone was free to trade in the commodity, although the tin trade did not attract significant attention until the 1610s.^[105][106]

Throughout the early 17th century, the Sultanate of Aceh subjected most parts of the Malay Peninsula to continual harassment.^[107][100] Although Perak did fall under the authority of Aceh, it remained entirely independent of Siamese control for over 200 years from 1612,^[100][108] in contrast with its neighbour, Kedah, and other northern Malay sultanates.^[109][110]

When the last Perak sultan of direct Malaccan lineage, Sallehuddin Riayat Shah died without an heir in 1635, a state of uncertainty prevailed in Perak. This was exacerbated by a deadly cholera epidemic.^[102] Perak chieftains were left with no alternative but to turn to Iskandar Thani of Aceh, who sent his relative, Raja Sulong, to become the new Perak Sultan, Muzaffar Shah II (1636–1653).

Aceh's influence on Perak began to wane when the Dutch East India Company (VOC) arrived, in the mid-17th century.^[111] When Perak refused to enter into a contract with the VOC as its northern neighbours had done, a blockade of the Perak River halted the tin trade, causing suffering among Aceh's merchants.^[112] In 1650, Aceh's Sultana Taj ul-Alam ordered Perak to sign an agreement with the VOC, on condition that the tin trade would be conducted exclusively with Aceh's merchants.^[113] By the following year, the VOC had secured a monopoly over the tin trade, setting up a store in Perak.^[114] Following the long competition between Aceh and the VOC over Perak's tin trade,^[115] on 15 December 1653, the two parties jointly signed a treaty with Perak granting the Dutch exclusive rights to tin extracted from mines located in the state.^[102][116]

In 1699, when Johor lost its last sultan of Malaccan lineage, Sultan Mahmud Shah II, Perak now had the sole claim of being the final heir of the old Sultanate of Malacca. However, Perak could not match the prestige and power of either the Malaccan or Johor Sultanates.^[97] Perak endured 40 years of civil war in the early 18th century, where rival princes were bolstered by local chiefs, the Bugis and Minang, all fighting for a share of tin revenues. The Bugis and several Perak chiefs were successful in ousting the Perak ruler, Sultan Muzaffar Riayat Shah III in 1743. In 1747, he only held power in north Perak and signed a treaty with the Dutch Commissioner Ary Verbrugge, under which Perak's ruler recognised Dutch monopoly over the tin trade and agreed to sell all the tin ore to Dutch traders.^[117]

Pahang Sultanate

The

During the reign of Sultan

In 1615, the Acehnese Iskandar Muda invaded Pahang, forcing Alauddin Riayat Shah to retreat into the interior of Pahang. He nevertheless continued to exercise some ruling powers. His reign in exile is considered to have officially ended after the installation of a distant Johorean relative, Raja Bujang (Abdul Jalil Shah III) to the Pahang throne in 1615 with the support of the Portuguese.^[120] However, he was eventually deposed in the Acehnese invasion of 1617, but restored to the Pahang throne and also installed as the new Sultan of Johor following the death of his uncle, Sultan Abdullah Ma'ayat Shah in 1623. This event led to the union of the crown of Pahang and Johor, and the formal establishment of Pahang-ruled Johor.^[120]

Selangor Sultanate

During the 17th century Johor-Jambi war, Sultan

Before its conversion to Islam, the oldest records of Brunei in Arabic sources defined it as "Sribuza" which was a Bornean Vassal-State to Srivijaya.^[124] The Arabic author Ya'qubi writing in the 9th century recorded that the kingdom of Musa (probably referring to Brunei) was in alliance with the kingdom of Mayd (either Ma-i or Madja-as in the Philippines), against the Tang dynasty.^[125]

One of the earliest Chinese records of an independent kingdom in Borneo was the 977 letter to the

In the 16th century, the Brunei empire's influence also extended as far as

By the early 19th century, Sarawak had become a loosely governed territory under the control of the Brunei Sultanate. Brunei only had authority along the coastal regions of Sarawak where it was held by semi-independent Malay leaders. Meanwhile, the interior of Sarawak suffered from tribal wars fought by Iban, Kayan, and Kenyah peoples, who aggressively fought to expand their territories.^[145]

Following the discovery of antimony ore in the Kuching region, Pangeran Indera Mahkota (a representative of the Sultan of Brunei) began to develop the territory between 1824 and 1830. When antimony production increased, the Brunei Sultanate demanded higher taxes from Sarawak, which led to civil unrest and chaos.^[146] In 1839, Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddin II (1827–1852), ordered his uncle the Pengiran Muda Hashim to restore order. It was around this time that James Brooke arrived in Sarawak, and Pengiran Muda Hashim requested his assistance in the matter, but Brooke refused.^[147] However, he agreed to a further request during his next visit to Sarawak in 1840. On 24 September 1841, Pengiran Muda Hashim agreed to depose Pangeran Indera Mahkota and bestow the title of governor on James Brooke. This appointment was later confirmed by the Sultan of Brunei in 1842.^[148]

Struggles for hegemony

The weakness of the small coastal Malay states led to the immigration of the

Around 1760, Long Yunus, an aristocratic warlord of Patani origin succeeded in unifying the territory of present-day Kelantan and was succeeded in 1795 by his son-in-law, Tengku Muhammad by Sultan Mansur of Terengganu. The enthronement of Tengku Muhammad by a noble from Terengganu was opposed by Long Yunus' sons, thus triggering a war against Terengganu by Long Muhammad, the eldest son of Long Yunus. The pro-Terengganu faction was defeated in 1800 and Long Muhammad ruled Kelantan with the new title of sultan as Sultan Muhammad I.

Before the mid-19th-century British interests in the region were predominantly economic, with little interest in territorial control. Already the

British in Malaya

Initially, the British followed a policy of non-intervention in relations between the Malay states.

By 1910, the pattern of British rule in the Malay lands was established. The Straits Settlements were a Crown colony, ruled by a governor under the supervision of the Colonial Office in London. Their population was about roughly 50% Chinese-Malaysian, but all residents, regardless of race, were British subjects. The first four states to accept British residents, Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, and Pahang, were termed the Federated Malay States: while technically independent, they were placed under a Resident-General in 1895. The Unfederated Malay States (Johore, Kedah, Kelantan, Perlis, and Terengganu) had a slightly larger degree of independence. Johor, as Britain's closest ally in Malay affairs, had the privilege of a written constitution, which gave the Sultan the right to appoint his own Cabinet, but he was generally careful to consult the British first.^[158]

British in Borneo

During the late 19th century the British also gained control of the north coast of Borneo. Development on the peninsula and Borneo were generally separate until the 19th century.^[159] The eastern part of this region (now Sabah) was under the nominal control of the Sultan of Sulu, who later became a vassal of the Spanish East Indies. The rest was the territory of the Sultanate of Brunei. In 1840, British adventurer James Brooke helped suppress a revolt, and in return received the title of Raja and the right to govern the Sarawak River District in 1841. In 1843, his title was recognised as hereditary, and the "White Rajahs" began ruling Sarawak as a de facto independent state in 1846. The Brookes expanded Sarawak at the expense of Brunei.^[47]

In 1881, the

Race relations during colonial era

In the pre-colonial period and in the first few decades after the imposition of formal colonial rule in British Malaya, 'Malay' was not a racial or even a fixed identity in the modern sense of these terms.^[161] The construct of race was imposed by the British on their colonial subjects.

Unlike some colonial powers, the British always saw their empire as an economic concern, and its colonies were expected to turn a profit for shareholders in London. The colonial capitalist ideas of development were largely based on unlimited greed for profit.

Workers were often treated violently by contractors, and sickness was frequent. Many Chinese labourers' debts increased through addictions to opium and gambling, which earned the British colonial government significant revenue, while Indian labourers' debts were increased through addiction to drink. Workers' debts acquired in this way meant that they were tied to their labour contracts for much longer.[162]

Some Chinese immigrant workers were connected with networks of

Traditional Malay society was greatly harmed by the loss of political sovereignty to the British colonisers. The Sultans, who were seen as collaborators with both the British and the Chinese, lost some of their traditional prestige, but the mass of rural Malays continued to revere the Sultans.[163] A small class of Malay nationalist intellectuals began to emerge during the early 20th century, and there was also a revival of Islam in response to the perceived threat of other imported religions, particularly Christianity. In fact few Malays converted to Christianity, although many Chinese did. The northern regions, which were less influenced by western ideas, became strongholds of Islamic conservatism.^[163]

The British gave elite Malays positions in the police and local

The Malay teacher's college had lectures and writings that nurtured Malay nationalist sentiments; it is known as the birthplace of Malay nationalism.^[167] In 1938, Ibrahim Yaacob, an alumnus of Sultan Idris College, established the Kesatuan Melayu Muda (Young Malays Union or KMM) in Kuala Lumpur. It was the first nationalist political organisation in British Malaya. A specific ideal the KMM held was Panji Melayu Raya, which called for the unification of British Malaya and the Dutch East Indies.^[167]

In the years before World War II, the colonial government were concerned with finding the balance between a centralised state and maintaining the power of the Sultans in Malaya.^[59] In 1935 the position of Resident-General of the Federated States was abolished, and its powers decentralised to the individual states. The colonial government regarded the Chinese as clever but dangerous—and indeed during the 1920s and 1930s, the Chinese Nationalist Party (the Kuomintang) and the Chinese Communist Party built rival clandestine organisations in Malaya, leading to regular disturbances in the Chinese towns.

Although a belligerent as part of the British Empire, Malaya saw little action during World War I, except for the sinking of the Russian cruiser Zhemchug by the German cruiser SMS Emden on 28 October 1914 during the Battle of Penang.

World War II and the state of emergency

The

Although the Japanese argued that they supported Malay nationalism, they offended Malay nationalism by allowing their ally Thailand to re-annex the four northern states, Kedah, Perlis, Kelantan, and Terengganu that had been transferred to British Malaya in 1909. The loss of Malaya's export markets soon produced mass unemployment which affected all races and made the Japanese increasingly unpopular.^[169]

During occupation, ethnic tensions were raised and nationalism grew.

In 1944, the British drew up plans for a Malayan Union, which would turn the Federated and Unfederated Malay States, plus Penang and Malacca (but not Singapore), into a single Crown colony, with a view towards independence. The Bornean territories and Singapore were left out as it was thought this would make union more difficult to achieve.^[59] There was however strong opposition from the Malays, who opposed the weakening of the Malay rulers and the granting of citizenship to the ethnic Chinese and other minorities.^[172] The British had decided on legalised equality between all races as they perceived the Chinese and Indians as more loyal to the British during the war than the Malays.^[59] The Sultans, who had initially supported it, backed down and placed themselves at the head of the resistance.

In 1946, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) was founded by Malay nationalists led by Dato Onn bin Jaafar, the Chief Minister of Johor.^[59] UMNO favoured independence for Malaya, but only if the new state was run exclusively by the Malays. Faced with Malay opposition, the British dropped the plan for equal citizenship. The Malayan Union was thus established in 1946, and was dissolved in 1948 and replaced by the Federation of Malaya, which restored the autonomy of the rulers of the Malay states under British protection.

Meanwhile, the Communists were moving towards open insurrection. The MPAJA had been disbanded in December 1945, and the MCP organised as a legal political party, but the MPAJA's arms were carefully stored for future use. The MCP policy was for immediate independence with full equality for all races. The Party's strength was in the Chinese-dominated trade unions, particularly in Singapore, and in the Chinese schools. In March 1947, reflecting the international Communist movement's "turn to left" as the

The war was precipitated by the new constitution desired by Britain, which condemned about 90 percent of ethnic Chinese to non-citizenship, and by the eviction of poor peasants to make way for plantations. But although the war was long portrayed in most analyses by British authorities as a struggle against communism in a Cold War context, the MNLA received very little support from either the Soviet or Chinese communists. Rather, the main concern of British governments was to protect their commercial interests in the colony.^[173]

The

Chinese reaction against the MCP was shown by the formation of the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) in 1949 as a vehicle for moderate Chinese political opinion. Its leader Tan Cheng Lock favoured a policy of collaboration with UMNO to win Malayan independence on a policy of equal citizenship, but with sufficient concessions to Malay sensitivities to ease nationalist fears. Tan formed a close collaboration with Tunku (Prince) Abdul Rahman, the Chief Minister of Kedah and from 1951 successor to Datuk Onn as leader of UMNO. Both leaders were determined to forge an agreement their communities could live with as a basis for a stable independent state. The UMNO-MCA Alliance, which was later joined by the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC), won convincing victories in local and state elections in both Malay and Chinese areas between 1952 and 1955.^[176] After Joseph Stalin's death in 1953, there was a split in the MCP leadership over the wisdom of continuing the armed struggle. Many MCP militants lost heart and went home, and by the time Templer left Malaya in 1954, the Emergency was over, although Chin Peng led a diehard group that lurked in the inaccessible country along the Thai border for many years. During 1955 and 1956 UMNO, the MCA and the British hammered out a constitutional settlement for a principle of equal citizenship for all races. In exchange, the MCA agreed that

The

At the time of independence, Malaya had great economic advantages. It was among the world's leading producers of three valuable commodities, rubber, tin, and palm oil, and was also a significant iron ore producer. These export industries gave the Malayan government a healthy surplus to invest in industrial development and infrastructure projects. Like other developing nations in the 1950s and 1960s, Malaya (and later Malaysia) placed great stress on state planning, although UMNO was never a socialist party. The First and Second Malayan Plans (1956–1960 and 1961–1965 respectively) stimulated economic growth through state investment in industry and repairing infrastructure. The government was keen to reduce Malaya's dependence on commodity exports and was aware that demand for natural rubber was bound to fall as the production and use of synthetic rubber expanded.

Both Indonesia and the Philippines withdrew their ambassadors from Malaya on 15 September 1963, the day before Malaysia's formation. In Jakarta the British and Malayan embassies were stoned, and the British consulate in Medan was ransacked with Malaya's consul taking refuge in the US consulate. Malaysia withdrew its ambassadors in response, and asked Thailand to represent Malaysia in both countries.^[190]

Indonesian President

The

The most vexed issues of independent Malaysia were education and the disparity of economic power among the ethnic communities. The Malays felt unhappy with the wealth of the Chinese community, even after the expulsion of Singapore. Malay political movements emerged based around this.[47] However, since there was no effective opposition party, these issues were contested mainly within the coalition government, which won all but one seat in the first post-independence Malayan Parliament. The two issues were related since the Chinese advantage in education played a large part in maintaining their control of the economy, which the UMNO leaders were determined to end. The MCA leaders were torn between the need to defend their own community's interests and the need to maintain good relations with UMNO. This produced a crisis in the MCA in 1959, in which a more assertive leadership under Lim Chong Eu defied UMNO over the education issue, only to be forced to back down when Tunku Abdul Rahman threatened to break up the coalition.

The Education Act of 1961 put UMNO's victory on the education issue into legislative form. Henceforward Malay and English would be the only teaching languages in secondary schools, and state primary schools would teach in Malay only. Although the Chinese and Indian communities could maintain their own Chinese and Tamil-language primary schools, all their students were required to learn Malay, and to study an agreed "Malayan curriculum". Most importantly, the entrance exam to the University of Malaya (which moved from Singapore to Kuala Lumpur in 1963) would be conducted in Malay, even though most teachings at the university was in English until the 1970s. This had the effect of excluding many Chinese students. At the same time, Malay schools were heavily subsidised, and Malays were given preferential treatment. This obvious defeat for the MCA greatly weakened its support in the Chinese community.

As in education, the UMNO government's unspoken agenda in the field of economic development aimed to shift economic power away from the Chinese and towards the Malays. The two Malayan Plans and the First Malaysian Plan (1966–1970) directed resources heavily into developments that would benefit the rural Malay community. Several agencies were set up to enable Malay smallholders to upgrade their production and to increase their incomes. The Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) helped many Malays to buy or upgrade farms. The state also provided a range of incentives and low-interest loans to help Malays start businesses, and government tendering systematically favoured Malay companies, leading many Chinese-owned businesses to "Malayanise" their management.

Crisis of 1969 and Communist insurgency

The collaboration of the MCA and the MIC in these policies weakened their hold on the Chinese and Indian electorates. At the same time, the effects of the government's

In 1971, the Parliament reconvened, and a new government coalition, the Barisan Nasional, was formed in 1973 to replace the Alliance party.^[47] Abdul Razak held office until he passed away in 1976. On July 16, 1981, Malaysia ushered in Mahathir Mohamad, the longest-serving Prime Minister. He ruled the country for a total of 22 years. During this period, he led the rapid economic development of Malaysia and the construction of many large-scale projects.

During these years policies were put in place which led to the rapid transformation of Malaysia's economy and society, such as the controversial

In 1970 three-quarters of Malaysians living below the poverty line were Malays, the majority of Malays were still rural workers, and Malays were still largely excluded from the modern economy. The government's response was the

To provide jobs for all these new Malay graduates, the government created several agencies for intervention in the economy. The most important of these were PERNAS (National Corporation Ltd.), PETRONAS (National Petroleum Ltd.), and HICOM (Heavy Industry Corporation of Malaysia), which not only directly employed many Malays but also invested in growing areas of the economy to create new technical and administrative jobs which were preferentially allocated to Malays. As a result, the share of Malay equity in the economy rose from 1.5% in 1969 to 20.3% in 1990.

Mahathir administration

The expiry of the Malaysian New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1990 allowed Mahathir to outline his economic vision for Malaysia. In 1991, he announced Vision 2020, under which Malaysia would aim to become a fully developed country within 30 years.^[201] The target would require average economic growth of approximately seven per cent of the gross domestic product per annum.^[202] Vision 2020 was accompanied by the NEP's replacement, the National Development Policy (NDP), under which some government programs designed to benefit the Bumiputera exclusively were opened up to other ethnicities.^[203] The NDP achieved success in one of its main aims, poverty reduction. By 1995, less than nine per cent of Malaysians lived in poverty, and income inequality had narrowed.^[204] Mahathir's government cut corporate taxes and liberalised financial regulations to attract foreign investment. The economy grew by over nine per cent per annum until 1997, prompting other developing countries to emulate Mahathir's policies.^[205]

Mahathir initiated a series of major infrastructure projects in the 1990s. One of the largest was the Multimedia Super Corridor, an area south of Kuala Lumpur, in the mould of Silicon Valley, designed to cater for the information technology industry. Other Mahathir's projects included the development of Putrajaya as the home of Malaysia's public service and bringing a Formula One Grand Prix to Sepang. One of the most controversial developments was the Bakun Dam in Sarawak. The ambitious hydroelectric project was intended to carry electricity across the South China Sea to satisfy electricity demand in Peninsular Malaysia. Work on the dam was eventually suspended due to the Asian financial crisis.^[206]

In 1997, the Asian financial crisis threatened to devastate Malaysia. The value of the ringgit plummeted due to currency speculation, foreign investment fled, and the main stock exchange index fell by over 75%. At the urging of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the government cut government spending. It raised interest rates, which only served to exacerbate the economic situation. In 1998, in a controversial approach, Mahathir increased government spending and fixed the ringgit to the US dollar. Malaysia recovered from the crisis faster than its Southeast Asian neighbours.

In the domestic sphere, it was a political triumph.^[207] Anwar Ibrahim and his supporters initiated the Reformasi movement. It consisted of several mass demonstrations and rallies against the long-standing Barisan Nasional coalition government.^[208] He was jailed in April 1999 after a trial for sodomy that was criticised by human rights groups and several foreign governments.^[209]

Having spent over 22 years in office, Mahathir was the world's longest-serving elected leader when he retired in October 2003.^[210]

Abdullah administration

Abdullah Ahmad Badawi promised to combat corruption when he became the fifth Prime Minister, thus empowering anti-corruption agencies and providing more avenues for the public to expose corrupt practices.^[211] He advocated an interpretation of Islam known as Islam Hadhari, which advocates the intercompatibility between Islam and economic and technological development.^[212] His administration also placed a strong emphasis on reviving Malaysia's agriculture industry and ensuring the country's food security.^{[213][214][215]} At the 2004 general election, the Barisan Nasional led by Abdullah Badawi had a massive victory.^[47]

In November 2007, Malaysia saw two anti-government rallies. The

Abdullah Badawi was re-elected as the prime minister in the 2008 general election.^[219] Abdullah came under growing criticism, primarily because of his failure to combat corruption and his subpar performance in the election. Hence, in October 2008, he announced his intention to resign. Abdullah was succeeded in office by his deputy, Najib Razak (son of Abdul Razak), in April 2009.^[220][221]

Najib administration

On 15 September 2011, Najib announced that the Internal Security Act 1960 will be repealed and replaced by two new laws.^[224] The ISA was replaced and repealed by the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 which has been passed by Parliament and given royal assent on 18 June 2012. The Act came into force on 31 July 2012.^[225] Najib's government came under criticism after SOSMA was misused to unfairly detain dissidents.^[226][227]

In early February 2013, there was an incursion in Lahad Datu, a military conflict that began when hundreds of militants, some of whom were armed, arrived by boats in Lahad Datu District, Sabah, Malaysia from Simunul Island, Tawi-Tawi, in the southern Philippines. The group was sent by Jamalul Kiram III, one of the claimants to the throne of the Sultanate of Sulu. In response to the incursion, Malaysian security forces launched a major operation to repel the militants, resulting in a decisive Malaysian victory which ended the conflict in late March 2013.^{[228][229][230]} Following the elimination of militants, the Eastern Sabah Security Command (ESSCOM) was established.^[231][232]

On March 8, 2014,

On 1 April 2015, Najib passed a controversial 6 per cent tax on goods and services.^[236] Later that year, his administration was engulfed in scandal when Najib and other officials were implicated in a multibillion-dollar embezzlement and money-laundering scheme involving 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB), a state-owned investment fund masterminded by Low Taek Jho, triggering widespread calls and protests from most Malaysians including the opposition parties for Najib's resignation.^{[237][238][239][240]} These protests culminated in the Malaysian Citizens' Declaration.^[241][242]

The Bersih movement also held four rallies from 2011 to 2016 during the Najib administration intending to reform Malaysia's electoral system. The movement expanded its demands to include issues such as clean governance and human rights.^[243] In response to accusations of corruption, Najib tightened his hold on power by removing Muhyiddin Yassin, the deputy prime minister at the time, suspending two newspapers, and forcing through the parliaments the controversial National Security Council Bill, which gives the prime minister unprecedented powers.^[244][245] Living costs have skyrocketed as a result of Najib's numerous subsidy cuts, while the Malaysian ringgit declined. After Barisan Nasional lost the 2018 general elections, these came to an end.

Relations between Malaysia and North Korea deteriorated in 2017, in the aftermath of the assassination of Kim Jong-nam in Malaysia, which made global headlines and sparked a major diplomatic row.^[246]

Second Mahathir administration

Mahathir Mohamad was sworn in as the seventh Prime Minister after winning the election on 10 May 2018. A number of issues contributed to Najib Razak's defeat, including the ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal, the 6% Goods and Services Tax, and the rising cost of living.^[247]

Mahathir promised to "restore the rule of law", and conduct elaborate and transparent investigations into the 1Malaysia Development Berhad scandal.^[248]

The unpopular tax was reduced to 0% on 1 June 2018. The government under Mahathir tabled the first reading Bill to repeal GST in Parliament on 31 July 2018 (Dewan Rakyat). GST was successfully replaced with Sales Tax and Service Tax starting 1 September 2018.^[251][252]

Mahathir's administration promised to review all Belt and Road Initiative projects in Malaysia that were initiated by the previous government. He characterised these as "unequal treaties" and said some were linked to misappropriated funds from the 1MDB scandal. The government suspended work on the East Coast Rail Link and continued it after terms had been renegotiated.^[253][254] Mahathir cancelled approximately $2.8 billion worth of deals with China Petroleum Pipeline Bureau altogether, stating that Malaysia would not be able to repay its obligations to China.^[255][256]

Mahathir was supportive of the 2018–19 Korean peace process and announced that Malaysia would reopen its embassy in North Korea and resume relations.^{[257][258][259]}

On 28 September 2018, Mahathir addressed the United Nations General Assembly, stating that his government would promise to ratify the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). However, after weeks of receiving racially and religiously charged demonstrations against the convention, particularly from Bumiputras, the Pakatan Harapan government chose not to accede to the ICERD on 23 November 2018.^[260]

Mahathir announced the

Political infightings within the Pakatan Harapan coalition, as well as the uncertainty of the date of the transition of power to his designated successor, Anwar Ibrahim, soon culminated in a political crisis known as the Sheraton Move in February 2020.^[264]

Muhyiddin administration

On 1 March 2020, a week after the country was thrown into a

During his administration, COVID-19 spread throughout the nation. In response, Muhyiddin implemented the Malaysian movement control order (MCO) on 18 March 2020.^[265][266]

On 28 July 2020, the High Court convicted former Prime Minister Najib Razak of abuse of power, money laundering and criminal breach of trust, becoming the first Prime Minister of Malaysia to be convicted of corruption.^[267][268] After failing several appeals, he entered Kajang Prison on August 23, 2022 to serve his sentence.^[269]

In mid-January 2021, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong declared a national state of emergency until at least 1 August in response to the COVID-19 crisis and political infighting. Parliament and elections were suspended while the Malaysian government was empowered to introduce laws without approval.^[270][271]

Muhyiddin commenced the country's vaccination programme against COVID-19 in late February 2021.^[272]

On 19 March 2021, North Korea announced the severance of diplomatic ties with Malaysia, after the Kuala Lumpur High Court rejected North Korean businessman Mun Chol Myong's appeal from extradition to the United States.^[273][274]

Muhyiddin officially resigned as prime minister on August 16, 2021, after losing the majority in parliament support due to the country's political crisis, as well as calls for his resignation due to economic stagnation and the government's failure to prevent COVID-19 infections and deaths.^[275] He was afterwards appointed back as caretaker Prime Minister by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong until a replacement can be selected.^[276][277]

Ismail Sabri administration

Ismail Sabri Yaakob was sworn in as the ninth Prime Minister on August 21, 2021.^[278][279] During his inaugural speech as prime minister on 22 August 2021, Ismail Sabri introduced the Keluarga Malaysia idea.^{[280][281][282]} During his tenure, he lifted the Movement Control Order (MCO) following the expansion of the vaccination programme and oversaw the Twelfth Malaysia Plan.^[283][284]

In late 2022, a constitutional amendment was passed, that prohibits members of parliament from switching political parties.^[285] Several UMNO lawmakers called for a snap election before the end of 2022 to resolve ongoing infighting in the party and obtain a stronger mandate.^[286] This led to an earlier general election in November 2022, which resulted in a hung parliament, the first federal election to have such a result in the nation's history.^[287][17]

Anwar administration

Anwar Ibrahim, the chairman of Pakatan Harapan (PH), was appointed and sworn in as the 10th Prime Minister on 24 November 2022 by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong as Anwar has obtained support for a grand coalition government.^[288][289]

Anwar Ibrahim launched the Malaysia Madani concept as a national policy on January 19, 2023, in Putrajaya which replaced the Keluarga Malaysia concept from the previous administration of Ismail Sabri Yaakob.^[290][291]

See also

• The formation of Malaysia
• History of Singapore
• History of Brunei
• History of the Philippines
• History of Southeast Asia
• Japanese occupation of Malaya
• Japanese occupation of British Borneo

Notes

References

Works cited

• Abdul Majid, Harun (2007). Rebellion in Brunei: The 1962 Revolt, Imperialism, Confrontation and Oil. I.B.Tauris.
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• Ahmad Sarji Abdul Hamid (2011), The Encyclopedia of Malaysia, vol. 16 – The Rulers of Malaysia, Editions Didier Millet,
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• Awang Juned, Awang Abdul Aziz bin (1992). Islam di Brunei: zaman pemerintahan Kebawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia Paduka Seri Baginda Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu'izzuddin Waddaulah, Sultan dan Yang Di-Pertuan Negara Brunei Darussalam (in Malay). Department of History of Brunei Darussalam.
• Borschberg, Peter (2010b). "Ethnicity, language and culture in Melaka during the transition from Portuguese to Dutch rule". Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 83 (2): 93–117.
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• Borschberg, Peter (2011). Hugo Grotius, the Portuguese and Free Trade in the East Indies. Singapore: NUS Press.
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• Church, Peter (2012). A Short History of South-East Asia. John Wiley & Sons.
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• Herbert, Patricia; Milner, Anthony Crothers (1989). South-East Asia: Languages and Literatures : a Select Guide. University of Hawaii Press.
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• Hicks, Nigel (2007). The Philippines. New Holland Publishers.
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• History for Brunei Darussalam: Sharing our Past. Curriculum Development Department, Ministry of Education. 2009.
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• Lea, David; Milward, Colette (2001). A Political Chronology of South-East Asia and Oceania. Psychology Press.
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• Linehan, William (1973), History of Pahang, Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Kuala Lumpur,
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• Saunders, Graham E. (2002). A history of Brunei. Routledge.
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• Saunders, Graham (2013). A History of Brunei. Taylor & Francis.
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• Suyatno (2008). "Naskah Nagarakretagama" (in Indonesian). National Library of Indonesia. Archived from the original on 23 May 2017. Retrieved 27 October 2014.
• Suzalina Halid (18 March 2015). "Sultan Kubang Pasu". Berita Harian.
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• Welman, Frans (2013). Borneo Trilogy Brunei: Vol 1. Booksmango.
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Further reading

• Andaya, Barbara Watson, and Leonard Y. Andaya. (2016) A history of Malaysia (2nd ed. Macmillan International Higher Education, 2016).
• Baker, Jim. (2020) Crossroads: a popular history of Malaysia and Singapore (4th ed. Marshall Cavendish International Asia Pte Ltd, 2020) excerpt
• Clifford, Hugh Charles; Graham, Walter Armstrong (1911). "Malay States (British)" . Encyclopædia Britannica
  . Vol. 17 (11th ed.). pp. 478–484.
• De Witt, Dennis (2007). History of the Dutch in Malaysia. Malaysia: Nutmeg Publishing.
  ISBN 978-983-43519-0-8
  .
• Goh, Cheng Teik (1994). Malaysia: Beyond Communal Politics. Pelanduk Publications.
  ISBN 967-978-475-4
  .
• Hack, Karl. "Decolonisation and the Pergau Dam affair." History Today (Nov 1994), 44#11 pp. 9–12.
• Hooker, Virginia Matheson. (2003) A Short History of Malaysia: Linking East and West (2003) excerpt
• Kheng, Cheah Boon. (1997) "Writing Indigenous History in Malaysia: A Survey on Approaches and Problems", Crossroads: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 10#2 (1997): 33–81.
• Milner, Anthony. Invention of Politics in Colonial Malaya (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
• Musa, M. Bakri (1999). The Malay Dilemma Revisited. Merantau Publishers.
  ISBN 1-58348-367-5
  .
• Roff, William R. Origins of Malay Nationalism (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1967).
• Shamsul, Amri Baharuddin. (2001) "A history of an identity, an identity of a history: the idea and practice of 'Malayness' in Malaysia reconsidered." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 32.3 (2001): 355–366. online
• Ye, Lin-Sheng (2003). The Chinese Dilemma. East West Publishing.
  ISBN 0-9751646-1-9
  .

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to History of Malaysia.

• Economic History of Malaysia
• "Malaysia" entry at Library of Congress