Pierre-Joseph Proudhon
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon | |
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Born | |
Died | 19 January 1865 | (aged 56)
Era | 19th-century philosophy |
Region | Western philosophy |
School | |
Main interests | |
Notable ideas |
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Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (
Proudhon, who was born in
Proudhon favored
Biography
Early life and education
Proudhon was born in Besançon, France, on 15 January 1809 at 23 Rue du Petit Battant in the suburb of Battant.[21] His father Claude-François Proudhon, who worked as a brewer and a cooper,[22] was originally from the village of Chasnans, near the border with Switzerland. His mother Catherine Simonin was from Cordiron.[21] Claude-François and Catherine had five boys together, two of whom died at a very young age. Proudhon's brothers Jean-Etienne and Claude were born in 1811 and 1816 respectively and both maintained a very close relationship with Proudhon.[22]
As a boy, he mostly worked in the family tavern, helped with basic agricultural work and spent time playing outdoors in the countryside. Although Proudhon received no formal education as a child, he was taught to read by his mother, who had him spelling words by age three. The only books that Proudhon was exposed to until he was 10 were the
Entrance into the printing trade
In 1827, Proudhon began an apprenticeship at a printing press in the house of Bellevaux in Battant. On Easter of the following year, he transferred to a press in Besançon owned by the family of one of his schoolmates, Antoine Gauthier.[24] Besançon was an important center of religious thought at the time and most of the works published at Gauthier were ecclesiastical works. During the course of his work, Proudhon spent hours every day reading this Christian literature and began to question many of his long-held religious beliefs which eventually led him to reject Christianity altogether.[25] In his first book, What is Property?, he revealed that his religious journey began with Protestantism and ended with being a Neo Christian.[26][27]
Over the years, Proudhon rose to be a corrector for the press, proofreading publications. By 1829, he had become more interested in social issues than in religious theory. Of particular importance during this period was his encounter with Charles Fourier, who in 1829 came to Gauthier as a customer seeking to publish his work Le Nouveau Monde Industriel et Sociétaire. Proudhon supervised the printing of the book, which gave him ample opportunity to talk with Fourier about a variety of social and philosophical issues. These discussions left a strong impression on Proudhon and influenced him throughout his life.[28] It was also during this time that Proudhon formed one of his closest friendships with Gustave Fallot, a scholar from Montebéliard who came from a family of wealthy French industrialists. Impressed by Proudhon's corrections of one of his Latin manuscripts, Fallot sought out his friendship and the two were soon regularly spending their evenings together discussing French literature by Michel de Montaigne, François Rabelais, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Voltaire, Denis Diderot and many other authors to whom Proudhon had not been exposed during his years of theological readings.[29]
Decision to pursue philosophy and writing
In September 1830, Proudhon became certified as a journeyman compositor. The period following this was marked by unemployment and poverty, with Proudhon travelling around France (also briefly to Neuchâtel, Switzerland) where he unsuccessfully sought stable employment in printing and as a schoolteacher.[30] During this period, Fallot offered financial assistance to Proudhon if he came to Paris to study philosophy. Proudhon accepted his offer despite concerns about how it might disrupt his career in the printing trade.[31] He walked from Besançon to Paris, arriving in March at the Rue Mazarin in the Latin Quarter, where Fallot was living at the time. Proudhon began mingling amongst the circle of metropolitan scholars surrounding Fallot, but he felt out of place and uncomfortable amidst people who were both wealthier and more accustomed to scholarly debate. Ultimately, Proudhon found that he preferred to spend the majority of his time studying alone and was not fond of urban life, longing to return home to Besançon.[32] The cholera outbreak in Paris granted him his wish as Fallot was struck with the illness, making him unable to financially support Proudhon any longer. After Proudhon left, he never saw Fallot (who died in 1836) again.[33] However, this friendship was one of the most important events in Proudhon's life as it is what motivated him to leave the printing trade and pursue his studies of philosophy instead.[34]
After an unsuccessful printing business venture in 1838, Proudhon decided to dedicate himself fully to scholarly pursuits. He applied for the Suard Pension, a bursary that would enable him to study at the Academy of Besançon. Proudhon was selected out of several candidates primarily due to the fact that his income was much lower than the others and the judges were extremely impressed by his writing and the level of education he had given himself while working as an artisan. Proudhon arrived in Paris towards the end of autumn in 1838.[35]
Early writings
In 1839, the Academy of Besançon held an essay competition on the subject of the utility of the celebration of Sunday in regard to hygiene, morality and the relationship of the family and the city. Proudhon's entry, titled De la Célébration du dimanche, essentially used the essay subject as a pretext for discussing a variety of political and philosophical ideas and in it one can find the seeds of his later revolutionary ideas. Many of his ideas on authority, morality and property disturbed the essay judges at the Academy and Proudhon was only awarded the bronze medal (something in which Proudhon took pride because he felt that this was an indicator that his writing made elite academics uncomfortable).[36]
In 1840, Proudhon published his first work Qu'est-ce que la propriété?, or
For some time, Proudhon ran a small printing establishment at Besançon, but without success. Afterwards, he became connected as a kind of manager with a commercial firm in
In Spain, Ramón de la Sagra established the anarchist journal El Porvenir in La Coruña in 1845 which was inspired by Proudhon's ideas.
Later life and death
Proudhon died in
Philosophy
Anarchism
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Proudhon was the first person known to refer to himself as an "
In What Is Property?, published in 1840, Proudhon defined
To be GOVERNED is to be watched, inspected, spied upon, directed, law-driven, numbered, regulated, enrolled, indoctrinated, preached at, controlled, checked, estimated, valued, censured, commanded, by creatures who have neither the right nor the wisdom nor the virtue to do so. To be GOVERNED is to be at every operation, at every transaction noted, registered, counted, taxed, stamped, measured, numbered, assessed, licensed, authorized, admonished, prevented, forbidden, reformed, corrected, punished. It is, under pretext of public utility, and in the name of the general interest, to be place[d] under contribution, drilled, fleeced, exploited, monopolized, extorted from, squeezed, hoaxed, robbed; then, at the slightest resistance, the first word of complaint, to be repressed, fined, vilified, harassed, hunted down, abused, clubbed, disarmed, bound, choked, imprisoned, judged, condemned, shot, deported, sacrificed, sold, betrayed; and to crown all, mocked, ridiculed, derided, outraged, dishonored. That is government; that is its justice; that is its morality.[50]
Towards the end of his life, Proudhon modified some of his earlier views. In The Principle of Federation (1863), Proudhon modified his earlier anti-state position, arguing for "the balancing of authority by liberty" and put forward a decentralized "theory of federal government". Proudhon also defined anarchy differently as "the government of each by himself" which meant "that political functions have been reduced to industrial functions, and that social order arises from nothing but transactions and exchanges". This work also saw Proudhon call his economic system an "agro-industrial federation", arguing that it would provide "specific federal arrangements [...] to protect the citizens of the federated states from capitalist and financial feudalism, both within them and from the outside" and so stop the re-introduction of "wage labour". This was because "political right requires to be buttressed by economic right". In the posthumously published Theory of Property, Proudhon argued that "property is the only power that can act as a counterweight to the State". Hence, "Proudhon could retain the idea of property as theft, and at the same time offer a new definition of it as liberty. There is the constant possibility of abuse, exploitation, which spells theft. At the same time property is a spontaneous creation of society and a bulwark against the ever-encroaching power of the State."[51]
Daniel Guérin criticized Proudhon's later life by stating that "many of these masters were not anarchists throughout their lives and their complete works include passages which have nothing to do with anarchism. To take an example: in the second part of his career Proudhon's thinking took a conservative turn. His verbose and monumental De la Justice dans la Revolution et dans l'Eglise (1858) was mainly concerned with the problem of religion and its conclusion was far from libertarian."[52]
Dialectics
In What Is Property?, Proudhon moved on from the rejection of communism and private property in a dialectical manner, looking for a "third form of society. [...] This third form of society, the synthesis of communism and property, we will call liberty."[53] In his System of Economic Contradiction, Proudhon described mutuality as "the synthesis of the notions of private property and collective ownership."[54][55][56][57][58]
Proudhon's rejection of compulsory communism and privileged property led him towards a synthesis of libertarian communism and possession, just as the apparent contradiction between his theories of property represents an antithesis which still needs synthesizing. Proudhon stated that in presenting the "property is liberty" theory, he is not changing his mind about the earlier "property is theft" definition. Proudhon did not only rely on "synthesis", but also emphasized "balance" between approaches such as communism and property that apparently cannot be fully reconciled.[16] American mutualist William Batchelder Greene took a similar approach in his 1849–1850 works.[59]
Free association
For Proudhon,
As
Mutualism
Proudhon adopted the term mutualism for his brand of anarchism and socialism which involved control of the means of production by the workers. In his vision, self-employed artisans, peasants and cooperatives would trade their products on the market. For Proudhon, factories and other large workplaces would be run by "labor associations" operating on directly democratic principles. The state would be abolished and instead society would be organized by a federation of "free communes" (a commune is a local municipality in French). In 1863, Proudhon wrote: "All my economic ideas as developed over twenty-five years can be summed up in the words: agricultural-industrial federation. All my political ideas boil down to a similar formula: political federation or decentralization".[64]
Proudhon called this use-ownership possession (possession) and this economic system mutualism (mutualisme), having many arguments against entitlement to land and capital, including reasons based on morality, economics, politics and individual liberty. One such argument was that it enabled profit which in turn led to social instability and war by creating cycles of debt that eventually overcame the capacity of labor to pay them off. Another was that it produced despotism and turned workers into wage workers subject to the authority of a boss. In What Is Property?, Proudhon described the liberty he pursued as "the synthesis of communism and property",[16] further writing:
Property, acting by exclusion and encroachment, while population was increasing, has been the life-principle and definitive cause of all revolutions. Religious wars, and wars of conquest, when they have stopped short of the extermination of races, have been only accidental disturbances, soon repaired by the mathematical progression of the life of nations. The downfall and death of societies are due to the power of accumulation possessed by property.[65]
Proudhon continued to oppose both capitalist and state property. In Theory of Property, Proudhon maintained that "[n]ow in 1840, I categorically rejected the notion of property for both the group and the individual", but then he also states his new theory of property that "property is the greatest revolutionary force which exists, with an unequaled capacity for setting itself against authority" and the "principal function of private property within the political system will be to act as a counterweight to the power of the State, and by so doing to insure the liberty of the individual". However, the authors of An Anarchist FAQ write that "this is a common anarchist position. Anarchists are well aware that possession is a source of independence within capitalism and so should be supported".[66] At the same time, Proudhon continued to oppose concentrations of wealth and property, arguing for small-scale property ownership associated with peasants and artisans. Proudhon also still opposed private property in land, writing: "What I cannot accept, regarding land, is that the work put in gives a right to ownership of what has been worked on." In addition, Proudhon still believed that property should be more equally distributed and limited in size to that actually used by individuals, families and workers associations.[67] Proudhon supported the right of inheritance and defended it "as one of the foundations of the family and society",[68] but he refused to extend this beyond personal possessions, arguing that "[u]nder the law of association, transmission of wealth does not apply to the instruments of labour".[60]
As a consequence of his opposition to profit, wage labour, worker exploitation, ownership of land and capital as well as to state property, Proudhon rejected both
Nationalism
Proudhon opposed dictatorship, militarism, nationalism and war, arguing that the "end of militarism is the mission of the nineteenth century, under pain of indefinite decadence"[71] and that the "workers alone are capable of putting an end to war by creating economic equilibrium. This presupposes a radical revolution in ideas and morals."[72] As Robert L. Hoffman notes, War and Peace "ends by condemning war without reservation" and its "conclusion [is] that war is obsolete".[73] Marxist philosopher John Ehrenberg summarized Proudhon's position that "[i]f injustice was the cause of war, it followed that conflict could not be eliminated until society was reorganised along egalitarian lines. Proudhon had wanted to prove that the reign of political economy would be the reign of peace, finding it difficult to believe that people really thought he was defending militarism."[74]
Proudhon argued that under mutualism "[t]here will no longer be nationality, no longer fatherland, in the political sense of the words: they will mean only places of birth. Man, of whatever race or colour he may be, is an inhabitant of the universe; citizenship is everywhere an acquired right."
According to historian of anarchism George Woodcock, some positions Proudhon took "sorted oddly with his avowed anarchism". Woodcock cited as an example Proudhon's proposition that each citizen perform one or two years militia service.[78] The proposal appeared in the Programme Revolutionaire, an electoral manifesto issued by Proudhon after he was asked to run for a position in the provisional government. The text reads: "7° 'L'armée. – Abolition immédiate de la conscription et des remplacements; obligation pour tout citoyen de faire, pendant un ou deux ans, le service militaire; application de l'armée aux services administratifs et travaux d'utilité publique" ("Military service by all citizens is proposed as an alternative to conscription and the practice of 'replacement', by which those who could avoided such service"). In the same document, Proudhon also described the "form of government" he was proposing as "a centralization analogous with that of the State, but in which no one obeys, no one is dependent, and everyone is free and sovereign".[79]
Private property and the state
Proudhon saw the privileged
In his earliest works, Proudhon analyzed the nature and problems of the
Property is physically and mathematically impossible.
Property is impossible, because it demands something for nothing.
Property is impossible because wherever it exists production costs more than it is worth.
Property is impossible, because, with a given capital, production is proportional to labor, not to property.
Property is impossible, because it is homicide.
Yes, I have attacked property, and shall attack it again.
Property is robbery.
The people finally legalized property. God forgive them, for they knew not what they did![85]
Proudhon believed that illegitimate property was based on dominion (i.e. entitlement) and that this was backed by force. While this force can take the form of police in the employ of a state, it is the fact of its enforcement, not its form, that makes it what it is. Proudhon rejected entitlement regardless of the source and accepted possession based on occupancy. According to Proudhon, "[t]here are different kinds of property: 1. Property pure and simple, the dominant and seigniorial power over a thing; or, as they term it, naked property. 2. Possession. 'Possession,' says Duranton, 'is a matter of fact, not of right.' Toullier: 'Property is a right, a legal power; possession is a fact.' The tenant, the farmer, the commandité, the usufructuary, are possessors; the owner who lets and lends for use, the heir who is to come into possession on the death of a usufructuary, are proprietors."[86]
In Confessions of a Revolutionary, Proudhon also wrote:
"Capital" [...] in the political field is analogous to "government". [...] The economic idea of capitalism, the politics of government or of authority, and the theological idea of the Church are three identical ideas, linked in various ways. To attack one of them is equivalent to attacking all of them. [...] What capital does to labour, and the State to liberty, the Church does to the spirit. This trinity of absolutism is as baneful in practice as it is in philosophy. The most effective means for oppressing the people would be simultaneously to enslave its body, its will and its reason.[87][88]
In asserting that property is freedom, Proudhon was referring not only to the product of an individual's labor, but also to the peasant or artisan's home and tools of his trade and the income he received by selling his goods. For Proudhon, the only legitimate source of property is labor. What one produces is one's property and anything beyond that is not. Proudhon advocated workers' self-management and was opposed to the private ownership of the means of production. In 1848, Proudhon wrote:
Under the law of association, transmission of wealth does not apply to the instruments of labour, so cannot become a cause of inequality. [...] We are socialists [...] under universal association, ownership of the land and of the instruments of labour is social ownership. [...] We want the mines, canals, railways handed over to democratically organised workers' associations. [...] We want these associations to be models for agriculture, industry and trade, the pioneering core of that vast federation of companies and societies, joined together in the common bond of the democratic and social Republic.[89]
Proudhon also warned that a society with private property would lead to statist relations between people,[90] arguing:
The purchaser draws boundaries, fences himself in, and says, 'This is mine; each one by himself, each one for himself.' Here, then, is a piece of land upon which, henceforth, no one has right to step, save the proprietor and his friends; which can benefit nobody, save the proprietor and his servants. Let these multiply, and soon the people [...] will have nowhere to rest, no place of shelter, no ground to till. They will die of hunger at the proprietor's door, on the edge of that property which was their birth-right; and the proprietor, watching them die, will exclaim, 'So perish idlers and vagrants.'[91][92]
According to Proudhon, "[t]he proprietor, the robber, the hero, the sovereign—for all these titles are synonymous—imposes his will as law, and suffers neither contradiction nor control; that is, he pretends to be the legislative and the executive power at once [...] [and so] property engenders despotism. [...] That is so clearly the essence of property that, to be convinced of it, one need but remember what it is, and observe what happens around him. Property is the right to use and abuse. [...] [I]f goods are property, why should not the proprietors be kings, and despotic kings—kings in proportion to their facultes bonitaires? And if each proprietor is sovereign lord within the sphere of his property, absolute king throughout his own domain, how could a government of proprietors be any thing but chaos and confusion?"[93]
Property
George Crowder writes that the property anarchists including Proudhon oppose "is basically that which is unearned", i.e. "such things as interest on loans and income from rent. This is contrasted with ownership rights in those goods either produced by the work of the owner or necessary for that work, for example his dwelling-house, land and tools. Proudhon initially refers to legitimate rights of ownership of these goods as 'possession,' and although in his latter work he calls this 'property,' the conceptual distinction remains the same."[94]
Late in his life, Proudhon argued for increasing the powers of government while also strengthening property, by making it more
Revolution
While Proudhon identified as a
About the
Although the revolutionary concept of
Socialism
Proudhon self-identified as a
By the 1840s and 1850s, socialism came to cover a broad range. Proudhon's writings from the years following the
Proudhon made no public criticism of
More than Proudhon's anarchism, Marx did take issue with what he saw as Proudhon's misunderstanding of the relationship between labor, value and price as well as believing that Proudhon's attack on bourgeois property was framed in terms of bourgeois ethics rather than transcending these ethics altogether. Anarchists, among others, have since criticized Marx and Marxists for having distorted Proudhon's views.
Social ownership
While favoring individual ownership for small-property holdings, Proudhon advocated
In his election manifesto for the 1848 French Constituent Assembly election, Proudhon wrote:
For this value or wealth, produced by the activity of all, is by the very fact of its creation collective wealth, the use of which, like that of the land, may be divided, but which as property remains undivided. [...] In short, property in capital is indivisible, and consequently inalienable, not necessarily when the capital is uncreated, but when it is common or collective. [...] [T]his non-appropriation of the instruments of production [...] I, in accordance with all precedent, call [...] a destruction of property. In fact, without the appropriation of instruments, property is nothing.[16]
In a letter to Pierre Leroux in 1849, Proudhon wrote:
Under the law of association, transmission of wealth does not apply to the instruments of labour, so cannot become a cause of inequality. [...] We are socialists [...] under universal association, ownership of the land and of the instruments of labour is social ownership. [...] You have me saying, and I really do not know where you could have found this, that ownership of the instruments of labour must forever stay vested in the individual and remain unorganised. These words are set in italics, as if you had lifted them from somewhere in my books. [...] But it does not follow at all [...] that I want to see individual ownership and non-organisation of the instruments of labour endure for all eternity. I have never penned nor uttered any such thing: and have argued the opposite a hundred times over. [...] I deny all kinds of proprietary domain. I deny it, precisely because I believe in an order wherein the instruments of labour will cease to be appropriated and instead become shared; where the whole earth will be depersonalised.[16]
Controversial positions
Proto-fascism
Although long considered a founding father of anarchism and part of the
, noted this use of Proudhon by the far-right:[T]he Action Française [...] from its inception regarded the author of La philosophie de la misère as one of its masters. He was given a place of honour in the weekly section of the journal of the movement entitled, precisely, 'Our Masters.' Proudhon owed this place in L'Action française to what the Maurrassians saw as his antirepublicanism, his anti-Semitism, his loathing of Rousseau, his disdain for the French Revolution, democracy, and parliamentarianism: and his championship of the nation, the family, tradition, and the monarchy.[115]
In response, K. Steven Vincent states that "to argue that Proudhon was a proto-fascist suggests that one has never looked seriously at Proudhon's writings".
Anarchist Albert Meltzer has argued that although Proudhon used the term anarchist, he was not one and that he never engaged in "anarchist activity or struggle", but rather in "parliamentary activity".[118] Proudhon also engaged in an exchange of published letters between 1849 and 1850 with the French Liberal School economist Frédéric Bastiat discussing the legitimacy of interest.[119] As Robert Leroux argued, Bastiat had the conviction that Proudhon's anti-interest doctrine "was the complete antithesis of any serious approach".[120] Proudhon famously lost his temper and declared to Bastiat: "Your intelligence is asleep, or rather it has never been awake. You are a man for whom logic does not exist. You do not hear anything, you do not understand anything. You are without philosophy, without science, without humanity. Your ability to reason, like your ability to pay attention and make comparisons is zero. Scientifically, Mr. Bastiat, you are a dead man."[121]
Anti-Semitism
Stewart Edwards, the editor of the Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, remarks that "Proudhon's diaries (Carnets, ed. P. Haubtmann, Marcel Rivière, Paris 1960 to date) reveal that he had almost paranoid feelings of hatred against the Jews. In 1847, he considered publishing an article against the Jewish race, which he said he 'hated'. The proposed article would have "called for the expulsion of the Jews from France". It would have stated: "The Jew is the enemy of the human race. This race must be sent back to Asia, or exterminated.
In 1945,
In an introduction to Proudhon's works titled Property Is Theft! A Pierre-Joseph Proudhon Anthology, Iain McKay, author of An Anarchist FAQ, cautions readers by saying that "[t]his is not to say that Proudhon was without flaws, for he had many"[126][127] and adding the following note:
He was not consistently libertarian in his ideas, tactics and language. His personal bigotries are disgusting and few modern anarchists would tolerate them—Namely, racism and sexism. He made some bad decisions and occasionally ranted in his private notebooks (where the worst of his anti-Semitism was expressed). While he did place his defence of the patriarchal family at the core of his ideas, they are in direct contradiction to his own libertarian and egalitarian ideas. In terms of racism, he sometimes reflected the less-than-enlightened assumptions and prejudices of the nineteenth century. While this does appear in his public work, such outbursts are both rare and asides (usually an extremely infrequent passing anti-Semitic remark or caricature). In short, "racism was never the basis of Proudhon's political thinking" (Gemie, 200–201) and "anti-Semitism formed no part of Proudhon's revolutionary programme." (Robert Graham, "Introduction", General Idea of the Revolution, xxxvi) To quote Proudhon: "There will no longer be nationality, no longer fatherland, in the political sense of the words: they will mean only places of birth. Man, of whatever race or colour he may be, is an inhabitant of the universe; citizenship is everywhere an acquired right." (General Idea of the Revolution, 283)[128]
Showcasing an extensive French language selection of quotes from Proudhon's published works, historian Frédéric Krier[129] makes clear the antisemitic elements contained therein:
- feelings of alleged Christian superiority and Jewish inferiority, e.g. in Essai de grammaire générale (1837) or 'Le Miserere, ou la pénitence d’un roi' (1845);
- classic tenets of anti-Judaism, such as blaming 'the Jews' for the crucifixion of Jesus, e.g. in the contributions to the Encyclopédie catholique (1839–40) and in De la Justice dans la Révolution et dans l’Église (1858);
- the association of Jews with money, speculation and exploitation, e.g. in Qu’est-ce que la propriété ? Premier Mémoire (1840), Résumé de la question sociale. Banque d’échange (1848) and Manuel du spéculation à la bourse (1853);
- the propagation of conspiracies and paranoia: Jews are said to control the press and to act as the secret masters of world politics, regardless of whether the state is ruled democratically or by a monarch, e.g. in a letter to Mathey (January 1862) and in Résumé de la question sociale. Banque d’echange (1848);
- a völkisch, racist and xenophobic notion of citizenship, in which Jews are vilified as parasitic, homeless people who can never be citizens of France, will always remain 'foreigners', and are inherently incapable of creative acts, e.g. in Césarisme et christianisme (1883) and in the Carnets (1960-1973);
- a belief in Jews as inventors of constitutions, as protectors of political authority and as instigators of 'moral decline' in modern society: homosexuality, idolatry and adultery, e.g. in Les confessions d’un revolutionaire (1851) and in De la Justice dans la Révolution et dans l’Église (1858).[130]
Anti-feminism
Proudhon expressed strongly
Proudhon's defense of patriarchy did not go unchallenged in his lifetime; libertarian communist Joseph Déjacque attacked Proudhon's anti-feminism as a contradiction of anarchist principles. Déjacque directed Proudhon "either to 'speak out against man's exploitation of woman' or 'do not describe yourself as an anarchist'".[132]
Works
- Qu'est ce que la propriété? (What Is Property?, 1840)
- Avertissement aux Propriétaires (Warning to Proprietors, 1842)
- De la création de l'ordre dans l'humanité ou principes d'organisation politique (Of the creation of order in humanity or principles of political organization, 1843)
- Système des contradictions économiques ou Philosophie de la misère (The System of Economic Contradictions, or The Philosophy of Poverty, 1846)
- Solution du problème social (Solution of the Social Problem, 1849)
- Idée générale de la révolution au XIXe siècle (General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth Century, 1851)
- Le manuel du spéculateur à la bourse (The Manual of the Stock Exchange Speculator, 1853)
- Philosophie du progrès (Philosophy of Progress, 1853)
- De la justice dans la révolution et dans l'Eglise (Of Justice in the Revolution and the Church, 1858)
- La Guerre et la Paix (War and Peace, 1861)
- Du principe Fédératif (Principle of Federation, 1863)
- De la capacité politique des classes ouvrières (Of the Political Capacity of the Working Class, 1865)
- Théorie de la propriété (Theory of Property, 1866)
- Théorie du mouvement constitutionnel (Theory of the Constitutionalist Movement, 1870)
- Du principe de l'art (The Principle of Art, 1875)
- Correspondence (Correspondences, 1875)
- La Pornocratie ou les femmes dans les temps modernes (The Pornocracy or the women in modern times, 1875, posthumously)
See also
- Cost the limit of price
- Left-wing market anarchism
- Market socialism
- Socialist economics
- Workers' self-management
References
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- ^ Woodcock 1972, pp. 5–6.
- ^ Woodcock 1972, p. 9.
- ^ Woodcock 1972, pp. 11–12.
- ^ Proudhon, P.J. (2022). What Is Property?. p. 446. Retrieved 6 February 2023.
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- ^ Woodcock 1972, p. 13.
- ^ Woodcock 1972, pp. 14–15.
- ^ Woodcock 1972, p. 15.
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- ^ Woodcock 1972, p. 17.
- ^ Woodcock 1972, p. 18.
- ^ Woodcock 1972, p. 19.
- ^ Woodcock 1972, pp. 28–30.
- ^ Woodcock 1972, pp. 39–42.
- ^ a b "Pierre-Joseph Proudhon". Encyclopedia Britannica.
- ^ Henri du Bac. The Un-Marxian Socialist: A Study of Proudhon . New York: Sheed and Ward, 1848. p. 9.
- ^ a b "anarchism | Definition & History". Encyclopedia Britannica. 25 August 2023.
- Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements. p. 357.
- ^ George Woodcock. Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements. p. 357
- ISBN 9781849350242– via Google Books.
- ISBN 9781592135745.
- ISBN 9780826451736.
- ^ Gambone, Larry. "Pierre Joseph Proudhon's basic ideas". International Institute for Organization Research. Retrieved 27 September 2020.
- ISBN 9781604862706.
- ^ Larned, Josephus Nelson (1922). The New Larned History for Ready Reference, Reading and Research. C.A. Nichols Publishing Company. pp. 336–337.
- ^ Gray, Alexander (1946). The Socialist Tradition: Moses to Lenin (reprinted ed.). Auburn: Mises Institute.
p. 246. ISBN 9781610163385.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph. General Idea of Revolution in the Nineteenth Century. Cosimo Classics: NY. 2007. pp. 254.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1923). [1851]. "What Is Government?" General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth Century. Translated by Robinson, John Beverly. London: Freedom Press. pp. 293–294.
- ^ Copleston, Frederick (1994). Social Philosophy in France. A History of Philosophy. IX. New York: Image/Doubleday. p. 67.
- ISBN 9781583674925.
- ISBN 9781849350242.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph. System of Economic Contradictions. I. pp. 410–411.
- ^ Lichtheim, George (1975). A Short History of Socialism. p.76.
- ISBN 9781604862706.
- ISBN 9781412814010.
- Project MUSE.
- ^ ISBN 9783319756202.
- ^ ISBN 9781904859253.
- ISBN 9781853050671.
- ISBN 9781853050671.
- ^ Vincent 1984, pp. 156, 230.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1863). Du principe Fédératif [Principle of Federation].
- ISBN 9781783470310.
- ^ ISBN 9781849351225.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph. "Theory of Property". Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. pp. 129, 133, 135–136.
- ^ Edwards, Steward. "Introduction". Selected Writings of P.J. Proudhon.
- ISBN 9781849351225.
- ^ Cohen, Henry, ed. (1927). Proudhon's Solution of the Social Problem. New York: Vanguard Press.
- ^ Woodcock, George. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. p. 233.
- ^ Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. p. 214.
- ^ Hoffman 1972, pp. 210–211.
- ^ Ehrenberg 1996, p. 145.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph. General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth Century. p. 283.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph. Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. p. 201.
- ^ de Lubac 1978, pp. 28–29.
- ISBN 9780921689089.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1868). "Programme révolutionnaire". Mélanges. Tome I. Paris: Lacroix. pp. 70–72.
- ISBN 9781849350242. "From the distinction between possession and property arise two sorts of rights: the jus in re, the right in a thing, the right by which I may reclaim the property which I have acquired, in whatever hands I find it; and the jus ad rem, the right to a thing, which gives me a claim to become a proprietor. Thus the right of the partners to a marriage over each other's person is the jus in re; that of two who are betrothed is only the jus ad rem. In the first, possession and property are united; the second includes only naked property. With me who, as a laborer, have a right to the possession of the products of Nature and my own industry,—and who, as a proletaire, enjoy none of them,—it is by virtue of the jus ad rem that I demand admittance to the jus in re."
- ISBN 9781849350242.
- OCLC 182529204. "Tucker and Bakunin both shared Proudhon's opposition to private property (in the capitalist sense of the word), although Tucker confused this opposition (and possibly the casual reader) by talking about possession as 'property.'"
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1851). General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth Century. Sixth Study. § 3 ¶ 5. Retrieved 29 September 2020 – via Fair Use.
- ISBN 9781849350242.
- ISBN 9780791448656.
- ISBN 9781849350242.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (181). Les confessions d'un révolutionnaire. Paris: Garnier. p. 271.
- ^ Nettlau, Max. A Short History of Anarchism. pp. 43–44.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph. Oeuvres Complètes (Lacroix ed.). 17. pp. 188–189.
- ISBN 9781452034355.
- ISBN 9781849350242.
- OCLC 182529204.
- ISBN 9781849350242.
- ISBN 9780198277446.
- ISBN 9780429582363.
- ^ Hopper, John P. (1978). The Ethical Socialism of Saint-Simon, Fourier, and Proudhon. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- ^ Canto-Sperber, Monique (2004). "Proudhon, the First Liberal Socialist". Stanford University. pp. 1–16. Retrieved 3 September 2020.
- ISBN 9780231541480.
- ^ Boyle, James (1912). What Is Socialism? The Shakespeare Press. p. 35.
- ^ Darimon, Alfred; Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1849). Idées révolutionnaires. Paris: Garnier.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1849). Résumé de la question sociale: banque d'échange. Paris: Rignoux.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1852). Les confessions d'un révolutionnaire (3rd ed.). Paris: Garnier frères.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1869). Mélanges: articles de journaux 1848–1852. 2. Librairie internationale.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1872). Oeuvres complétes. 4.
- ISBN 9780304335961.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1970). What Is Property? Dover. p. 109.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1970). What Is Property? Dover. p. 92.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1970). What Is Property? Dover. p. 120.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph. Selected Writings. p. 70.
- JSTOR 2707371.
- ISBN 9781412837385.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (17 May 1846). "Proudhon to Karl Marx". Lyon. Retrieved 27 September 2020 – via Marxists Internet Archive.
- ^ Marx, Karl (February 1865). "On Proudhon". Der Social-Demokrat (16/17/18). Retrieved 28 September 2020 – via Marxists Internet Archive.
- ^ Engels, Friedrich; Marx, Karl (1962). Marx Engels Selected Works. 2. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House.
- ^ Griffiths, Richard (2005). The Birth of Fascist Ideology. Continuum International Publishing Group. pp. 23–24.
- ^ Vincent 1984, p. 234.
- ISBN 9781551116297.
- ^ Albert Meltzer. Anarchism: Arguments for and Against, AK Press, 2000, p. 12.
- ^ "Bastiat-Proudhon Debate on Interest". Praxeology.net. Retrieved 2 December 2008.
- ^ Leroux, Robert. "Political Economy and Liberalism: The Economic Contribution of Frédéric Bastiat", Routledge, 2011, p. 118.
- ^ Roche, Charles George. "Frederic Bastiat: A Man Alone". Arlington House, 1971, p. 153.
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1847). "On the Jews". In Proudhon, Pierre, Joseph (1960). Carnets de P. J. Proudhon. Translated by Abido, Mitchell. Paris: M. Rivière. Retrieved 28 September 2020 – via Marxists Internet Archive.
- ^ Roth, John K.; Rubenstein, Richard L. (1987). Approaches to Auschwitz: The Legacy of the Holocaust. London: SCM. p. 71.
- ^ Schapiro 1945, pp. 714–737.
- ^ Graham, Robert. "Introduction". General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth Century. p. xxxvi.
- . Retrieved 28 September 2020 – via AK Press.
- OCLC 182529204. Retrieved 28 September 2020 – via Anarchist Writers.
- ISBN 9781849350242.
- ISBN 9783412202866.
- ^ Miething, Dominique (2018). "Antisemitism in the anarchist tradition". Anarchist Studies. 26 (1): 105–108.
- ^ Nochlin, Linda (2007). Courbet. Thames & Hudson. p. 220. n. 34.
- ^ Cohn, Jesse (2009). "Anarchism and gender". In Ness, Immanuel, ed. The International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest.
Bibliography
- Ehrenberg, John (1996). Proudhon and His Age. ISBN 978-03910-3891-2.
- Hoffman, Robert Louis (1972). Revolutionary Justice: The Social and Political Theory of P.-J. Proudhon. ISBN 978-02520-0240-3.
- de Lubac, Henri (1978) [1948]. The Un-Marxian Socialist: A Study of Proudhon. Octagon Books.
- Prichard, Alex (2013). Justice, Order and Anarchy: The International Political Theory of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Routledge.
- Schapiro, Jacob Salwyn (July 1945). "Pierre Joseph Proudhon, Harbinger of Fascism". OCLC 5545163007.
- Vincent, K. Stephen (1984). Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Rise of French Republican Socialism. ISBN 978-01950-3413-4.
- ISBN 0805203729.
Further reading
- Allen, Mary B. “P. J. Proudhon in the Revolution of 1848.” The Journal of Modern History 24, no. 1 (1952): 1–14. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1871978.
- OCLC 17727270.
- OCLC 1811474.
- George, William H. “Proudhon and Economic Federalism.” Journal of Political Economy 30, no. 4 (1922): 531–42. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1822922.
- Hoffman, Robert. “Marx and Proudhon: A Reappraisal of Their Relationship.” The Historian 29, no. 3 (1967): 409–30. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24442608.
- OCLC 5676538.
- Lu, Shi Yung (1922). The Political Theories of P. J. Proudhon. M.R. Gray.
- Noland, Aaron. “Proudhon’s Sociology of War.” The American Journal of Economics and Sociology 29, no. 3 (1970): 289–304. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3485658.
- Reichert, William O. “Proudhon and Kropotkin on Church and State.” Journal of Church and State 9, no. 1 (1967): 87–100. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23913385.
- Ritter, Alan (2016). The Political Thought of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. ISBN 978-06916-4862-0.
- Steelman, Aaron (2008). "Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1809–1865)". In OCLC 750831024.
- ISBN 978-09216-8908-9.
External links
- Works by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in eBook form at Standard Ebooks
- Pierre-Joseph Proudhon entry at the Anarchy Archives
- "The General Idea of Proudhon's Revolution" by Robert Graham
- Works by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon at Project Gutenberg
- Works by or about Pierre-Joseph Proudhon at Internet Archive
- Works by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
- "Works by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon" at Marxists Internet Archive
- "Proudhon and Anarchism" Archived 4 June 2021 at the Wayback Machine (PDF) by Larry Gambone
- "Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1809-1865)" by K. Steven Vincent
- "Works by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon" at RevoltLib
- "The Philosophy of Progress" (PDF)
- Property is Theft! A Pierre-Joseph Proudhon Anthology by Iain McKay
- Où est passé Proudhon ? (video documentary in French)