Anti-globalization movement

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Thousands of people gathered for a demonstration in Warsaw, the capital of Poland, as the country prepared to enter the European Union in 2004.

The anti-globalization movement, or counter-globalization movement,

neoliberal globalization. There are many definitions of anti-globalization.[4][5][6]

Participants base their criticisms on a number of related ideas.

).

Ideology and causes

Supporters believe that by the late 20th century those they characterized as "ruling elites" sought to harness the expansion of world markets for their own interests; this combination of the Bretton Woods institutions, states, and multinational corporations has been called "globalization" or "globalization from above." In reaction, various social movements emerged to challenge their influence; these movements have been called "anti-globalization," "alter-globalization" or "globalization from below."[9]

Opposition to international financial institutions and transnational corporations

People opposing globalization believe that international agreements and global financial institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organization, undermine local decision-making. Corporations that use these institutions to support their own corporate and financial interests, can exercise privileges that individuals and small businesses cannot,[10] including the ability to:

  • Move freely across borders
  • Extract desired
    natural resources
  • Use a wide variety of human resources

The movement aims for an end to the legal status of "

free market fundamentalism and the radical economic privatization measures of the World Bank
, the IMF, and the World Trade Organization.

Protest against the G8-meeting in Heiligendamm, 2007

Activists are especially opposed to the various abuses which they think are perpetuated by globalization and the international institutions that, they say, promote

wealth gap.[12]

A report by

UN Special Rapporteur on the right to food, notes that "millions of farmers are losing their livelihoods in the developing countries, but small farmers in the northern countries are also suffering" and concludes that "the current inequities of the global trading system are being perpetuated rather than resolved under the WTO, given the unequal balance of power between member countries."[13]
Activists point to the unequal footing and power between developed and developing nations within the WTO and with respect to global trade, most specifically in relation to the protectionist policies towards agriculture enacted in many developed countries. These activists also point out that heavy subsidization of developed nations' agriculture and the aggressive use of export subsidies by some developed nations to make their agricultural products more attractive on the international market are major causes of declines in the agricultural sectors of many developing nations.

Global opposition to neoliberalism

Through the

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) proposed liberalization of cross-border investment and trade restrictions through its Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI). This treaty was prematurely exposed to public scrutiny and subsequently abandoned in November 1998 in the face of strenuous protest and criticism by national and international civil society
representatives.

The neoliberal position argued that free trade and reduction of public-sector regulation would bring benefits to poor countries and to disadvantaged people in rich countries. Anti-globalization advocates urge that preservation of the natural environment, human rights (especially workplace rights and conditions) and democratic institutions are likely to be placed at undue risk by globalization unless mandatory standards are attached to liberalization. Noam Chomsky stated in 2002 that:

The term "globalization" has been appropriated by the powerful to refer to a specific form of international economic integration, one based on investor rights, with the interests of people incidental. That is why the business press, in its more honest moments, refers to the "free trade agreements" as "free investment agreements" (Wall St. Journal). Accordingly, advocates of other forms of globalization are described as "anti-globalization"; and some, unfortunately, even accept this term, though it is a term of propaganda that should be dismissed with ridicule. No sane person is opposed to globalization, that is, international integration. Surely not the left and the workers movements, which were founded on the principle of international solidarity—that is, globalization in a form that attends to the rights of people, not private power systems.[14]

Anti-war movement

By 2002, many parts of the movement showed wide opposition to the impending

protests against the imminent Iraq war. Other anti-war demonstrations were organized by the antiglobalization movement: see for example the large demonstration, organized against the impending war in Iraq, which closed the first European Social Forum in November 2002 in Florence, Italy.[15]

Anti-globalization militants worried for a proper functioning of democratic institutions as the leaders of many democratic countries (Spain, Italy, Poland and the United Kingdom) were acting against the wishes of the majorities of their populations in supporting the war.[16][17] Chomsky asserted that these leaders "showed their contempt for democracy". Critics[who?] of this type of argument have tended to point out that this is just a standard criticism of representative democracy — a democratically elected government will not always act in the direction of greatest current public support — and that, therefore, there is no inconsistency in the leaders' positions given that these countries are parliamentary democracies.[citation needed]

The economic and military issues are closely linked in the eyes of many within the movement.

Appropriateness of the term

The movement has no singular name, chiefly because it has no singular leader or consensus to give it one. It has been called a variety of names based on its general advocation for social change, justice, and radical activism, and its general opposition to capitalism, neoliberalism, and corporate globalization. Activists also resisted using a name conferred by corporate media to smear the intention of their protests. Some activists were also not necessarily against globalization.[18]

Many participants (see Noam Chomsky's quotes above) consider the term "anti-globalization" to be a

alter-globalist and the alter-globalization).[19] He argues that the three latter ideal-typical visions can be categorized under the title of global justice movement. According to him, while the first two visions (the alter-globalism and the anti-globalism) represent the reconstructed forms of old and new left ideologies, respectively, in the context of current globalization, only the third one has shown the capacity to respond more effectively to the intellectual requirements of today's global complexities. Underlying this vision is a new conception of justice, coined accommodative justice by Hosseini,[20] a new approach towards cosmopolitanism (transversal cosmopolitanism), a new mode of activist knowledge (accommodative consciousness), and a new format of solidarity, interactive solidarity
.

Some activists, notably

corporate globalization
". He argues that the term "anti-globalization" is a term coined by the media, and that radical activists are actually more in favor of globalization, in the sense of "effacement of borders and the free movement of people, possessions and ideas" than are the IMF or WTO. He also notes that activists use the terms "globalization movement" and "anti-globalization movement" interchangeably, indicating the confusion of the terminology. The term "alter-globalization" has been used to make this distinction clear.

While the term "anti-globalization" arose from the movement's opposition to

Nationalist opposition against globalization

The term "anti-globalization" does not distinguish the international

Peoples Global Action and anti-fascist movements such as antifa. In response, the nationalist movements against globalization argue that the leftist anti-globalization position is actually support for alter-globalization
.

Influences

Arundhati Roy
Anti-WEF graffiti in Lausanne. The writing reads: La croissance est une folie ("Growth is madness").

Several influential critical works have inspired the anti-globalization movement.

United States foreign policy such as Noam Chomsky, Susan Sontag, and anti-globalist pranksters The Yes Men
are widely accepted inside the movement.

Although they may not recognize themselves as antiglobalists and are pro-capitalism, some economists who don't share the neoliberal approach of international economic institutions have strongly influenced the movement.

transparency, for debt relief, land reform, and restructuring corporate accountability systems. Korten and Stiglitz's contribution to the movement include involvement in direct actions
and street protest.

In some Roman Catholic countries such as Italy there have been religious influences, especially from missionaries who have spent a long time in the Third World (the most famous being Alex Zanotelli).

Internet sources and free-information websites, such as Indymedia, are a means of diffusion of the movement's ideas. The vast array of material on spiritual movements, anarchism, libertarian socialism and the Green Movement that is now available on the Internet has been perhaps more influential than any printed book. [citation needed]

Organization

Anti-globalization protests in Edinburgh during the start of the 31st G8 summit

Although over the past years more emphasis has been given to the construction of grassroots alternatives to (capitalist) globalization, the movement's largest and most visible mode of organizing remains mass decentralized campaigns of direct action and civil disobedience. This mode of organizing, sometimes under the banner of the Peoples' Global Action network, tries to tie the many disparate causes together into one global struggle. In many ways the process of organizing matters overall can be more important to activists than the avowed goals or achievements of any component of the movement.

At corporate summits, the stated goal of most demonstrations is to stop the proceedings. Although the demonstrations rarely succeed in more than delaying or inconveniencing the actual summits, this motivates the mobilizations and gives them a visible, short-term purpose. This form of publicity is expensive in police time and the public purse. Rioting has occurred at some protests, for instance in Genoa, Seattle and London – and extensive damage was done to the area, especially targeting corporations, including McDonald's and Starbucks restaurants.[citation needed]

Despite, or perhaps because of, the lack of formal coordinating bodies, the movement manages to successfully organize large protests on a global basis, using

anti-IMF and World Bank protests in September 2000 demonstrators split into three distinct groups, approaching the conference center from three directions: one engaging in various forms of civil disobedience (the Yellow march), one (the Pink/Silver march) advancing through "tactical frivolity" (costume, dance, theatre, music, and artwork), and one (the Blue march) engaging in violent conflicts with the baton-armed police, with the protesters throwing cobblestones lifted from the street.[26]

These demonstrations come to resemble small societies in themselves.

Independent Media Center
, a collective of protesters reporting on the actions as they happen.

Key grassroots organizations

Demonstrations and appointments

Berlin88

The Annual Meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, that took place in West Berlin in 1988, saw strong protests that can be categorized as a precursor of the anti-globalization movement.[28] One of the main and failed objectives (as it was to be so many times in the future) was to derail the meetings.[29]

Paris89

A counter summit against G7 was organized in Paris in July 1989. The event was called "ça suffit comme ça" ("that is enough") and principally aimed at cancelling the debt contracted by southern countries. A demonstration gathered 10,000 people and an important concert was held in la Bastille square with 200 000 people. It was the first anti-G7 event, fourteen years before that of Washington. The main political consequence was that France took position to favor debt cancellation.[30]

Madrid94

The 50th anniversary of the IMF and the

Carabanchel prison
.

J18

One of the first international anti-globalization protests was organized in dozens of cities around the world on June 18, 1999, with those in

anarchists drove police out of a small park. One anarchist, Robert Thaxton, was arrested and convicted of throwing a rock at a police officer.[32]

Seattle/N30

The second major mobilization of the movement, known as N30, occurred on November 30, 1999, when protesters blocked delegates' entrance to WTO meetings in

AFL–CIO, and other unauthorized marches by assorted affinity groups who converged around the Convention Center.[33][34] The protesters and Seattle riot police clashed in the streets after police fired tear gas at demonstrators who blocked the streets and refused to disperse. Over 600 protesters were arrested and thousands were injured.[35] Three policemen were injured by friendly fire, and one by a thrown rock. Some protesters destroyed the windows of storefronts of businesses owned or franchised by targeted corporations such as a large Nike shop and many Starbucks windows. The mayor put the city under the municipal equivalent of martial law and declared a curfew. As of 2002, the city of Seattle had paid over $200,000 in settlements of lawsuits filed against the Seattle Police Department
for assault and wrongful arrest, with a class action lawsuit still pending.

Washington A16

In April 2000, around 10,000 to 15,000 protesters

Pulitzer Prize winning, The Washington Post photographer Carol Guzy was detained by police and arrested on April 15, and two journalists for the Associated Press also reported being struck by police with batons.[45] On April 16 and 17 the demonstrations and street actions around the IMF that followed, the number of those arrested grew to 1,300 people.[46] A class action lawsuit was filed for false arrest.[47] In June 2010, the class action suit for the April 15 events called 'Becker, et al. v. District of Columbia, et al.' were settled, with $13.7 million damages awarded.[48][49][50]

Washington, D.C., 2002

In September 2002, estimated number of 1,500 to 2,000 people gathered to demonstrate against the Annual Meetings of IMF and World Bank in the streets of Washington, D.C. Protesting groups included the Anti-Capitalist Convergence, the Mobilization for Global Justice.[51] 649 people were reported arrested, five were charged with destruction of property, while the others were charged with parading without a permit, or failing to obey police orders to disperse.[52][53] At least 17 reporters were in the round-up.[54][55] Protestors sued in Federal Court about the arrests.[56] The D.C. Attorney General had outside counsel investigate apparent destruction of evidence,[57][58] and forensic investigations continue,[59][60][61] and the testimony of the Chief of Police.[62] In 2009, the city agreed to pay $8.25 million to almost 400 protesters and bystanders to end a class-action lawsuit over kettling and mass arrests in Pershing Park during 2002 World Bank protests[63][64]

Law enforcement reaction

Although local police were surprised by the size of N30, law enforcement agencies have since reacted worldwide to prevent the disruption of future events by a variety of tactics, including sheer weight of numbers, infiltrating the groups to determine their plans, and preparations for the use of force to remove protesters.

At the site of some of the protests, police have used tear gas, pepper spray, concussion grenades, rubber and wooden bullets, night sticks, water cannons, dogs, and horses to repel the protesters. After the November 2000 G20 protest in Montreal, at which many protesters were beaten, trampled, and arrested in what was intended to be a festive protest, the tactic of dividing protests into "green" (permitted), "yellow" (not officially permitted but with little confrontation and low risk of arrest), and "red" (involving direct confrontation) zones was introduced.[citation needed]

In

Summit of the Americas was being held, which only residents, delegates to the summit, and certain accredited journalists were allowed to pass through.[citation needed
]

Gothenburg

Attack of police during the riots in Gothenburg, June 15, 2001

On June 15 and 16, 2001, a strong demonstration took place in

black-blocs. Images of devastation bounced through the mass media, putting a negative shadow on the movement, and increasing a sense of fear through common people.[65]

Genoa

Protesters burning a Carabinieri vehicle in Genoa

The

Carlo Giuliani—who was shot while trying to throw a fire extinguisher on a policeman—during two days of violence and rioting by groups supported by the nonchalance of more consistent and peaceful masses of protesters, and the hospitalization of several of those peaceful demonstrators just mentioned. Police have subsequently been accused of brutality, torture and interference with the non-violent protests as a collateral damage provoked by the clash between the law enforcement ranks themselves and the more violent and brutal fringes of protesters, who repeatedly hid themselves amongst peaceful protesters of all ages and backgrounds. Several hundred peaceful demonstrators, rioters, and police were injured and hundreds were arrested during the days surrounding the G8 meeting; most of those arrested have been charged with some form of "criminal association" under Italy's anti-mafia and anti-terrorist
laws.

International social forums

The first World Social Forum (WSF) in 2001 was an initiative of Oded Grajew [pt], Chico Whitaker, and Bernard Cassen. It was supported by the city of Porto Alegre (where it took place) and the Brazilian Worker's Party. The motivation was to constitute a counter-event to the World Economic Forum held in Davos at the same time. The slogan of the WSF is "Another World Is Possible". An International Council (IC) was set up to discuss and decide major issues regarding the WSF, while the local organizing committee in the host city is responsible for the practical preparations of the event.[66][67] In June 2001, the IC adopted the World Social Forum Charter of Principles, which provides a framework for international, national, and local Social Forums worldwide.[68]

The WSF became a periodic meeting: in 2002 and 2003 it was held again in Porto Alegre and became a rallying point for worldwide protest against the American invasion of Iraq. In 2004 it was moved to Mumbai, India), to make it more accessible to the populations of Asia and Africa. This Forum had 75,000 delegates. In 2006 it was held in three cities: Caracas, Venezuela, Bamako, Mali, and Karachi, Pakistan. In 2007, the Forum was hosted in Nairobi, Kenya, in 2009 it was in Belém, Brazil, and in 2011 it was in Dakar, Senegal. In 2012, the WSF returned to Porto Alegre.

The idea of creating a meeting place for organizations and individuals opposed to Neoliberalism was soon replicated elsewhere. The first European Social Forum (ESF) was held in November 2002 in Florence. The slogan was "Against the war, against racism and against neo-liberalism". It saw the participation of 60,000 delegates and ended with a huge demonstration against the war (1,000,000 people according to the organizers). The following ESFs took place in Paris (2003), London (2004), Athens (2006), Malmö (2008), and the latest ESF in Istanbul (2010).

In many countries Social Forums of national and local scope were also held.

Recently there has been some discussion behind the movement about the role of the social forums. Some see them as a "popular university", an occasion to make many people aware of the problems of globalization. Others would prefer that delegates concentrate their efforts on the coordination and organization of the movement and on the planning of new campaigns. However it has often been argued that in the dominated countries (most of the world) the WSF is little more than an 'NGO fair' driven by Northern NGOs and donors most of which are hostile to popular movements of the poor.[69]

North Korea

After the Second World War, North Korea followed a policy of anti-globalization. However, in recent decades have shown a distinctive rise in globalization movements in North Korea, introducing a number of reforms in areas such as technology and trade.[when?] The reform that had the most significance to North Korea was trade; a change in trading partnerships resulted in the country not only traded with themselves but also with South Korea and China. North Korea introduced these reforms because it was lacking in areas of technology and trade and realized that it could not maintain itself as a society without help from other nations, but even with these new reforms North Korea still remains the most isolated society in the world.[70]

Impact

The global justice movement has been quite successful in achieving some of its key aims, according to academic and global justice movement activist David Graeber.[71] For example, many countries no longer rely on IMF loans and so, by the mid-2000s, IMF lending was at its lowest share of world GDP since the 1970s.[72][73]

Criticisms

Lack of evidence

Critics assert that the empirical evidence does not support the views of the anti-globalization movement. These critics point to statistical trends which are interpreted to be results of globalization, capitalism, and the economic growth they encourage:

  • There has been an absolute decrease in the percentage of people in developing countries living below $1 per day in east Asia (adjusted for inflation and purchasing power). Sub Saharan Africa, as an area that felt the consequences of poor governance and was less responsive to globalization, has seen an increase in poverty while all other areas of the world have seen no change in rates.[74]
  • The world income per head has increased by more over period 2002–2007 than during any other period on the record.[75]
  • The increase in universal suffrage, from no nations in 1900 to 62.5% of all nations in 2000.[76]
  • There are similar trends for electric power, cars, radios, and telephones per capita as well as the percentage of the population with access to clean water;[77] however, 2.6 billion of the world's population in 2008 lacked access to proper sanitation,[78] and billions of people ("around 1 in 4 people") still live without clean drinking water as of 2020.[79]

Members of the anti-globalization movement argue that positive data from countries which largely ignored neoliberal prescriptions, notably China, discredits the evidence that pro-globalists present. Concerning the parameter of per capita income growth, development economist

strawman arguments, ignoring counter-data, and failing to employ basic scientific controls to his claims.[81][82]

Economist Jagdish Bhagwati argues that reforms that opened up the economies of China and India contributed to their higher growth in 1980s and 1990s. From 1980 to 2000 their GDP grew at average rate of 10 and 6 percent respectively. This was accompanied by reduction of poverty from 28 percent in 1978 to 9 percent in 1998 in China, and from 51 percent in 1978 to 26 percent in 2000 in India.[83] Speaking not only on China but East Asia in general, economist Joseph Stiglitz commented: "The countries that have managed globalization on their own, such as those in East Asia, have, by and large, ensured that they reaped huge benefits and that those benefits were equitably shared; they were able substantially to control the terms on which they engaged with the global economy. By contrast, the countries that have, by and large, had globalization managed for them by the International Monetary Fund and other international economic institutions have not done so well."[84] According to The Heritage Foundation, development in China was anticipated by Milton Friedman, who predicted that even a small progress towards economic liberalization would produce dramatic and positive effects. China's economy had grown together with its economic freedom.[85] Critics of corporate-led globalization have expressed concern about the methodology used in arriving at the World Bank's statistics and argue that more detailed variables measuring poverty should be studied.[86][87] According to the Center for Economic and Policy Research, the period from 1980 to 2005 has seen diminished progress in terms of economic growth, life expectancy, infant and child mortality, and to a lesser extent education.[88]

Disorganization

One of the most common criticisms of the movement, which does not necessarily come from its opponents, is simply that the anti-globalization movement lacks coherent goals, and that the views of different protesters are often in opposition to each other.

multitude
: humans coming together for shared causes, but lacking the complete sameness of the notion of "the people".

Lack of effectiveness

One argument often made by the opponents of the anti-globalization movement (especially by

WTO is an organization set up to work towards removing those trade barriers. Therefore, it is argued, people really concerned about the plight of the third world should actually be encouraging free trade, rather than attempting to fight it. Specifically, commodities such as sugar are heavily distorted by subsidies on behalf of powerful economies (the United States, Europe, and Japan), which have a disproportionate influence in the WTO. As a result, producers in these countries often receive two to three times the world market price. As Amani Elobeid and John Beghin note, the world price might decline by as much as 48% (by 2011–2012 baselines) were these distortions to be removed.[90]

Many supporters of globalization think that policies different from those of today should be pursued, although not necessarily those advocated by the anti-globalization movement. For example, some see the World Bank and the IMF as corrupt bureaucracies which have given repeated loans to dictators who never do any reforms. Some, like

property rights. De Soto argues that because of the legal barriers, poor people in those countries can not utilize their assets to produce more wealth.[91]

Lack of widespread support in developing countries

Critics have asserted that people from poor and developing countries have been relatively accepting and supportive of globalization while the strongest opposition to globalization has come from activists, unions, and NGOs in wealthier developed countries. Alan Shipman, author of "The Globalization Myth" accuses the anti-globalization movement of "defusing the Western class war by shifting alienation and exploitation to developing-country sweatshops." He later goes on to claim that the anti-globalization movement has failed to attract widespread support from poor and working people from the developing nations, and that its "strongest and most uncomprehending critics had always been the workers whose liberation from employment they were trying to secure."[92]

These critics assert that people from the Third World see the anti-globalization movement as a threat to their jobs, wages, consuming options and livelihoods, and that a cessation or reversal of globalization would result in many people in poor countries being left in greater poverty.

Jesús F. Reyes Heroles the former Mexican Ambassador to the US, stated that "in a poor country like ours, the alternative to low-paid jobs isn't well-paid ones, it's no jobs at all."[93]

Egypt's Ambassador to the UN has also stated "The question is why all of a sudden, when

third world labor has proved to be competitive, why do industrial countries start feeling concerned about our workers? When all of a sudden there is a concern about the welfare of our workers, it is suspicious."[94]

On the other hand, there have been notable protests against certain globalization policies by workers in developing nations as in the cause of Indian farmers protesting against patenting seeds.[95]

In the last few years, many developing countries (esp. in Latin America and Caribbean) created alter-globalization organizations as economic blocs Mercosur and Unasur, political community CELAC or Bank of the South which are supporting development of low income countries without involvement from IMF or World Bank.

See also

Nongovernmental organizations

Publications

Notes

  1. ^ Jacques Derrida (May 2004) Enlightenment past and to come, speech at the party for 50 years of Le Monde diplomatique
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  3. .
  4. ^ Morris, Douglas Globalization and Media Democracy: The Case of Indymedia Archived March 4, 2009, at the Wayback Machine (pre-publication version)
  5. ^ Podobnik, Bruce, Resistance to Globalization: Cycles and Evolutions in the Globalization Protest Movement Archived February 28, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, p. 2. Podobnik states that "the vast majority of groups that participate in these protests draw on international networks of support, and they generally call for forms of globalization that enhance democratic representation, human rights, and egalitarianism."
  6. ^ Stiglitz, Joseph & Andrew Charlton. 2005. Fair Trade for All: How Trade Can Promote Development. p. 54 n. 23 (writing that "The anti-globalization movement developed in opposition to the perceived negative aspects of globalization. The term 'anti-globalization' is in many ways a misnomer, since the group represents a wide range of interests and issues and many of the people involved in the anti-globalization movement do support closer ties between the various peoples and cultures of the world through, for example, aid, assistance for refugees, and global environmental issues.")
  7. ^ No Logo: No Space, No Choice, No Jobs by Canadian journalist Naomi Klein.
  8. Casino Capitalism
    . Oxford: Blackwell, 1986.
  9. ^ Korzeniewicz, Roberto Patricio & Smith, William C., 2001, Protest and Collaboration: Transnational Civil Society Networks and the Politics of Summitry and Free Trade in the Americas, pp. 4-6.
  10. ^ Stiglitz, Joseph E., "Globalism's Discontents", The American Prospect, 13, 1, January 2002, PP. 1-14
  11. S2CID 154786395
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  12. ^ O'Byrne, Hensby, Darren J., Alexander (2011). Theorizing Global Studies. UK: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 57.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  13. ^ Ziegler, Jean, 2004, Economic, social and cultural rights - The right to food, page 9
  14. ^ Noam Chomsky Znet May 07, 2002 / The Croatian Feral Tribune April 27, 2002 "ZNet | Terror War | Noam Chomsky Interviewed". Archived from the original on August 7, 2007. Retrieved 2009-03-23.
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  33. ^ de Armond, Paul, Storming Seattle & Netwar in the Emerald City: WTO Protest Strategy and Tactics.
  34. ^ Gillham, Patrick F. & Marx, Gary T., 2000, Complexity and Irony in Policing and Protest: The World Trade Organization in Seattle.
  35. ^ "Orpheus," Battle of Seattle, part 3.
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References

Further reading

External links