Anti-globalization movement
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The anti-globalization movement, or counter-globalization movement,
Participants base their criticisms on a number of related ideas.).
Ideology and causes
Supporters believe that by the late 20th century those they characterized as "ruling elites" sought to harness the expansion of world markets for their own interests; this combination of the Bretton Woods institutions, states, and multinational corporations has been called "globalization" or "globalization from above." In reaction, various social movements emerged to challenge their influence; these movements have been called "anti-globalization," "alter-globalization" or "globalization from below."[9]
Opposition to international financial institutions and transnational corporations
People opposing globalization believe that international agreements and global financial institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organization, undermine local decision-making. Corporations that use these institutions to support their own corporate and financial interests, can exercise privileges that individuals and small businesses cannot,[10] including the ability to:
- Move freely across borders
- Extract desired natural resources
- Use a wide variety of human resources
The movement aims for an end to the legal status of "
Activists are especially opposed to the various abuses which they think are perpetuated by globalization and the international institutions that, they say, promote
A report by
Global opposition to neoliberalism
Through the
The neoliberal position argued that free trade and reduction of public-sector regulation would bring benefits to poor countries and to disadvantaged people in rich countries. Anti-globalization advocates urge that preservation of the natural environment, human rights (especially workplace rights and conditions) and democratic institutions are likely to be placed at undue risk by globalization unless mandatory standards are attached to liberalization. Noam Chomsky stated in 2002 that:
The term "globalization" has been appropriated by the powerful to refer to a specific form of international economic integration, one based on investor rights, with the interests of people incidental. That is why the business press, in its more honest moments, refers to the "free trade agreements" as "free investment agreements" (Wall St. Journal). Accordingly, advocates of other forms of globalization are described as "anti-globalization"; and some, unfortunately, even accept this term, though it is a term of propaganda that should be dismissed with ridicule. No sane person is opposed to globalization, that is, international integration. Surely not the left and the workers movements, which were founded on the principle of international solidarity—that is, globalization in a form that attends to the rights of people, not private power systems.[14]
Anti-war movement
By 2002, many parts of the movement showed wide opposition to the impending
Anti-globalization militants worried for a proper functioning of democratic institutions as the leaders of many democratic countries (Spain, Italy, Poland and the United Kingdom) were acting against the wishes of the majorities of their populations in supporting the war.[16][17] Chomsky asserted that these leaders "showed their contempt for democracy". Critics[who?] of this type of argument have tended to point out that this is just a standard criticism of representative democracy — a democratically elected government will not always act in the direction of greatest current public support — and that, therefore, there is no inconsistency in the leaders' positions given that these countries are parliamentary democracies.[citation needed]
The economic and military issues are closely linked in the eyes of many within the movement.
Appropriateness of the term
The movement has no singular name, chiefly because it has no singular leader or consensus to give it one. It has been called a variety of names based on its general advocation for social change, justice, and radical activism, and its general opposition to capitalism, neoliberalism, and corporate globalization. Activists also resisted using a name conferred by corporate media to smear the intention of their protests. Some activists were also not necessarily against globalization.[18]
Many participants (see Noam Chomsky's quotes above) consider the term "anti-globalization" to be a
Some activists, notably
While the term "anti-globalization" arose from the movement's opposition to
Nationalist opposition against globalization
The term "anti-globalization" does not distinguish the international
Influences
Several influential critical works have inspired the anti-globalization movement.
Although they may not recognize themselves as antiglobalists and are pro-capitalism, some economists who don't share the neoliberal approach of international economic institutions have strongly influenced the movement.
In some Roman Catholic countries such as Italy there have been religious influences, especially from missionaries who have spent a long time in the Third World (the most famous being Alex Zanotelli).
Internet sources and free-information websites, such as Indymedia, are a means of diffusion of the movement's ideas. The vast array of material on spiritual movements, anarchism, libertarian socialism and the Green Movement that is now available on the Internet has been perhaps more influential than any printed book. [citation needed]
Organization
Although over the past years more emphasis has been given to the construction of grassroots alternatives to (capitalist) globalization, the movement's largest and most visible mode of organizing remains mass decentralized campaigns of direct action and civil disobedience. This mode of organizing, sometimes under the banner of the Peoples' Global Action network, tries to tie the many disparate causes together into one global struggle. In many ways the process of organizing matters overall can be more important to activists than the avowed goals or achievements of any component of the movement.
At corporate summits, the stated goal of most demonstrations is to stop the proceedings. Although the demonstrations rarely succeed in more than delaying or inconveniencing the actual summits, this motivates the mobilizations and gives them a visible, short-term purpose. This form of publicity is expensive in police time and the public purse. Rioting has occurred at some protests, for instance in Genoa, Seattle and London – and extensive damage was done to the area, especially targeting corporations, including McDonald's and Starbucks restaurants.[citation needed]
Despite, or perhaps because of, the lack of formal coordinating bodies, the movement manages to successfully organize large protests on a global basis, using
These demonstrations come to resemble small societies in themselves.
Key grassroots organizations
- Abahlali baseMjondolo in South Africa
- The EZLN in Mexico
- Fanmi Lavalas in Haiti
- The Homeless Workers' Movement in Brazil
- The Landless Peoples Movementin South Africa
- The Landless Workers' Movement in Brazil
- United States of America
- Narmada Bachao Andolan in India
- The Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign in South Africa
Demonstrations and appointments
Berlin88
The Annual Meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, that took place in West Berlin in 1988, saw strong protests that can be categorized as a precursor of the anti-globalization movement.[28] One of the main and failed objectives (as it was to be so many times in the future) was to derail the meetings.[29]
Paris89
A counter summit against G7 was organized in Paris in July 1989. The event was called "ça suffit comme ça" ("that is enough") and principally aimed at cancelling the debt contracted by southern countries. A demonstration gathered 10,000 people and an important concert was held in la Bastille square with 200 000 people. It was the first anti-G7 event, fourteen years before that of Washington. The main political consequence was that France took position to favor debt cancellation.[30]
Madrid94
The 50th anniversary of the IMF and the
J18
One of the first international anti-globalization protests was organized in dozens of cities around the world on June 18, 1999, with those in
Seattle/N30
The second major mobilization of the movement, known as N30, occurred on November 30, 1999, when protesters blocked delegates' entrance to WTO meetings in
Washington A16
In April 2000, around 10,000 to 15,000 protesters
Washington, D.C., 2002
In September 2002, estimated number of 1,500 to 2,000 people gathered to demonstrate against the Annual Meetings of IMF and World Bank in the streets of Washington, D.C. Protesting groups included the Anti-Capitalist Convergence, the Mobilization for Global Justice.[51] 649 people were reported arrested, five were charged with destruction of property, while the others were charged with parading without a permit, or failing to obey police orders to disperse.[52][53] At least 17 reporters were in the round-up.[54][55] Protestors sued in Federal Court about the arrests.[56] The D.C. Attorney General had outside counsel investigate apparent destruction of evidence,[57][58] and forensic investigations continue,[59][60][61] and the testimony of the Chief of Police.[62] In 2009, the city agreed to pay $8.25 million to almost 400 protesters and bystanders to end a class-action lawsuit over kettling and mass arrests in Pershing Park during 2002 World Bank protests[63][64]
Law enforcement reaction
Although local police were surprised by the size of N30, law enforcement agencies have since reacted worldwide to prevent the disruption of future events by a variety of tactics, including sheer weight of numbers, infiltrating the groups to determine their plans, and preparations for the use of force to remove protesters.
At the site of some of the protests, police have used tear gas, pepper spray, concussion grenades, rubber and wooden bullets, night sticks, water cannons, dogs, and horses to repel the protesters. After the November 2000 G20 protest in Montreal, at which many protesters were beaten, trampled, and arrested in what was intended to be a festive protest, the tactic of dividing protests into "green" (permitted), "yellow" (not officially permitted but with little confrontation and low risk of arrest), and "red" (involving direct confrontation) zones was introduced.[citation needed]
In
Gothenburg
On June 15 and 16, 2001, a strong demonstration took place in
Genoa
The
International social forums
The first World Social Forum (WSF) in 2001 was an initiative of Oded Grajew , Chico Whitaker, and Bernard Cassen. It was supported by the city of Porto Alegre (where it took place) and the Brazilian Worker's Party. The motivation was to constitute a counter-event to the World Economic Forum held in Davos at the same time. The slogan of the WSF is "Another World Is Possible". An International Council (IC) was set up to discuss and decide major issues regarding the WSF, while the local organizing committee in the host city is responsible for the practical preparations of the event.[66][67] In June 2001, the IC adopted the World Social Forum Charter of Principles, which provides a framework for international, national, and local Social Forums worldwide.[68]
The WSF became a periodic meeting: in 2002 and 2003 it was held again in Porto Alegre and became a rallying point for worldwide protest against the American invasion of Iraq. In 2004 it was moved to Mumbai, India), to make it more accessible to the populations of Asia and Africa. This Forum had 75,000 delegates. In 2006 it was held in three cities: Caracas, Venezuela, Bamako, Mali, and Karachi, Pakistan. In 2007, the Forum was hosted in Nairobi, Kenya, in 2009 it was in Belém, Brazil, and in 2011 it was in Dakar, Senegal. In 2012, the WSF returned to Porto Alegre.
The idea of creating a meeting place for organizations and individuals opposed to Neoliberalism was soon replicated elsewhere. The first European Social Forum (ESF) was held in November 2002 in Florence. The slogan was "Against the war, against racism and against neo-liberalism". It saw the participation of 60,000 delegates and ended with a huge demonstration against the war (1,000,000 people according to the organizers). The following ESFs took place in Paris (2003), London (2004), Athens (2006), Malmö (2008), and the latest ESF in Istanbul (2010).
In many countries Social Forums of national and local scope were also held.
Recently there has been some discussion behind the movement about the role of the social forums. Some see them as a "popular university", an occasion to make many people aware of the problems of globalization. Others would prefer that delegates concentrate their efforts on the coordination and organization of the movement and on the planning of new campaigns. However it has often been argued that in the dominated countries (most of the world) the WSF is little more than an 'NGO fair' driven by Northern NGOs and donors most of which are hostile to popular movements of the poor.[69]
North Korea
After the Second World War, North Korea followed a policy of anti-globalization. However, in recent decades have shown a distinctive rise in globalization movements in North Korea, introducing a number of reforms in areas such as technology and trade.[when?] The reform that had the most significance to North Korea was trade; a change in trading partnerships resulted in the country not only traded with themselves but also with South Korea and China. North Korea introduced these reforms because it was lacking in areas of technology and trade and realized that it could not maintain itself as a society without help from other nations, but even with these new reforms North Korea still remains the most isolated society in the world.[70]
Impact
The global justice movement has been quite successful in achieving some of its key aims, according to academic and global justice movement activist David Graeber.[71] For example, many countries no longer rely on IMF loans and so, by the mid-2000s, IMF lending was at its lowest share of world GDP since the 1970s.[72][73]
Criticisms
Lack of evidence
Critics assert that the empirical evidence does not support the views of the anti-globalization movement. These critics point to statistical trends which are interpreted to be results of globalization, capitalism, and the economic growth they encourage:
- There has been an absolute decrease in the percentage of people in developing countries living below $1 per day in east Asia (adjusted for inflation and purchasing power). Sub Saharan Africa, as an area that felt the consequences of poor governance and was less responsive to globalization, has seen an increase in poverty while all other areas of the world have seen no change in rates.[74]
- The world income per head has increased by more over period 2002–2007 than during any other period on the record.[75]
- The increase in universal suffrage, from no nations in 1900 to 62.5% of all nations in 2000.[76]
- There are similar trends for electric power, cars, radios, and telephones per capita as well as the percentage of the population with access to clean water;[77] however, 2.6 billion of the world's population in 2008 lacked access to proper sanitation,[78] and billions of people ("around 1 in 4 people") still live without clean drinking water as of 2020.[79]
Members of the anti-globalization movement argue that positive data from countries which largely ignored neoliberal prescriptions, notably China, discredits the evidence that pro-globalists present. Concerning the parameter of per capita income growth, development economist
Economist Jagdish Bhagwati argues that reforms that opened up the economies of China and India contributed to their higher growth in 1980s and 1990s. From 1980 to 2000 their GDP grew at average rate of 10 and 6 percent respectively. This was accompanied by reduction of poverty from 28 percent in 1978 to 9 percent in 1998 in China, and from 51 percent in 1978 to 26 percent in 2000 in India.[83] Speaking not only on China but East Asia in general, economist Joseph Stiglitz commented: "The countries that have managed globalization on their own, such as those in East Asia, have, by and large, ensured that they reaped huge benefits and that those benefits were equitably shared; they were able substantially to control the terms on which they engaged with the global economy. By contrast, the countries that have, by and large, had globalization managed for them by the International Monetary Fund and other international economic institutions have not done so well."[84] According to The Heritage Foundation, development in China was anticipated by Milton Friedman, who predicted that even a small progress towards economic liberalization would produce dramatic and positive effects. China's economy had grown together with its economic freedom.[85] Critics of corporate-led globalization have expressed concern about the methodology used in arriving at the World Bank's statistics and argue that more detailed variables measuring poverty should be studied.[86][87] According to the Center for Economic and Policy Research, the period from 1980 to 2005 has seen diminished progress in terms of economic growth, life expectancy, infant and child mortality, and to a lesser extent education.[88]
Disorganization
One of the most common criticisms of the movement, which does not necessarily come from its opponents, is simply that the anti-globalization movement lacks coherent goals, and that the views of different protesters are often in opposition to each other.
Lack of effectiveness
One argument often made by the opponents of the anti-globalization movement (especially by
Many supporters of globalization think that policies different from those of today should be pursued, although not necessarily those advocated by the anti-globalization movement. For example, some see the World Bank and the IMF as corrupt bureaucracies which have given repeated loans to dictators who never do any reforms. Some, like
Lack of widespread support in developing countries
Critics have asserted that people from poor and developing countries have been relatively accepting and supportive of globalization while the strongest opposition to globalization has come from activists, unions, and NGOs in wealthier developed countries. Alan Shipman, author of "The Globalization Myth" accuses the anti-globalization movement of "defusing the Western class war by shifting alienation and exploitation to developing-country sweatshops." He later goes on to claim that the anti-globalization movement has failed to attract widespread support from poor and working people from the developing nations, and that its "strongest and most uncomprehending critics had always been the workers whose liberation from employment they were trying to secure."[92]
These critics assert that people from the Third World see the anti-globalization movement as a threat to their jobs, wages, consuming options and livelihoods, and that a cessation or reversal of globalization would result in many people in poor countries being left in greater poverty.
Egypt's Ambassador to the UN has also stated "The question is why all of a sudden, when
On the other hand, there have been notable protests against certain globalization policies by workers in developing nations as in the cause of Indian farmers protesting against patenting seeds.[95]
In the last few years, many developing countries (esp. in Latin America and Caribbean) created alter-globalization organizations as economic blocs Mercosur and Unasur, political community CELAC or Bank of the South which are supporting development of low income countries without involvement from IMF or World Bank.
See also
- Anti-capitalist movements
- Anti-consumerism
- Argentine economic crisis (1999–2002)
- Culture jamming
- Criticism of capitalism
- Criticisms of globalization
- Direct democracy
- Domestic sourcing
- General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)
- George Noory
- Globalism
- Global citizens movement
- Green economy
- Internationalism (politics)
- Manufacturing
- New antisemitism#Anti-globalization movement
- New World Order (conspiracy theory)
- New world order (politics)
- Offshoring
- Populism
- Right-wing politics
- Stop the City
Nongovernmental organizations
- Attac
- ¡Democracia Real YA!
- Food Not Bombs
- Green Mountain Anarchist Collective
- Occupy Wall Street
Publications
- Empire
- Globalization and Health
Notes
- ^ Jacques Derrida (May 2004) Enlightenment past and to come, speech at the party for 50 years of Le Monde diplomatique
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- ISBN 978-0-8223-4269-4.
- ^ Morris, Douglas Globalization and Media Democracy: The Case of Indymedia Archived March 4, 2009, at the Wayback Machine (pre-publication version)
- ^ Podobnik, Bruce, Resistance to Globalization: Cycles and Evolutions in the Globalization Protest Movement Archived February 28, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, p. 2. Podobnik states that "the vast majority of groups that participate in these protests draw on international networks of support, and they generally call for forms of globalization that enhance democratic representation, human rights, and egalitarianism."
- ^ Stiglitz, Joseph & Andrew Charlton. 2005. Fair Trade for All: How Trade Can Promote Development. p. 54 n. 23 (writing that "The anti-globalization movement developed in opposition to the perceived negative aspects of globalization. The term 'anti-globalization' is in many ways a misnomer, since the group represents a wide range of interests and issues and many of the people involved in the anti-globalization movement do support closer ties between the various peoples and cultures of the world through, for example, aid, assistance for refugees, and global environmental issues.")
- ^ No Logo: No Space, No Choice, No Jobs by Canadian journalist Naomi Klein.
- Casino Capitalism. Oxford: Blackwell, 1986.
- ^ Korzeniewicz, Roberto Patricio & Smith, William C., 2001, Protest and Collaboration: Transnational Civil Society Networks and the Politics of Summitry and Free Trade in the Americas, pp. 4-6.
- ^ Stiglitz, Joseph E., "Globalism's Discontents", The American Prospect, 13, 1, January 2002, PP. 1-14
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- ^ O'Byrne, Hensby, Darren J., Alexander (2011). Theorizing Global Studies. UK: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 57.
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References
- Bakari, Mohamed El-Kamel (2013). "Globalization and Sustainable Development: False Twins?". New Global Studies. 7 (3): 23–56. S2CID 154786395.
- ISBN 978-0-7453-3086-0.
- ISBN 978-0745633534.
- ISBN 978-0-7453-1863-9
- Kingsnorth, Paul. 2004. One No, Many Yeses: A Journey to the Heart of the Global Resistance Movement. Free Press. ISBN 978-0-7432-2027-9
- ISBN 0-00-653040-0
- ISBN 978-0312427993.
- Notes From Nowhere. 2003. we are everywhere: the irresistible rise of global anti-capitalism. Verso Books. ISBN 978-1-85984-447-2
- ISBN 978-0-09-190910-9.
- ISBN 9780857284105.
- ISBN 978-0-7453-2390-9
- Gagliano Giuseppe. 2010. "Problemi e prospettive dei movimenti antagonisti del novecento," Editrice Uniservice. ISBN 978-88-6178-491-8
Further reading
- Murray, Warwick E.; Overton, John (2014). Geographies of Globalization. Routledge. p. 203. ISBN 978-1-135-28177-9.
External links
- Media related to Anti-globalization movement at Wikimedia Commons