Fascism in Europe
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Fascist movements in Europe were the set of various
The earliest foundations of fascism in practice can be seen in the Italian Regency of Carnaro,[2] led by the Italian nationalist Gabriele D'Annunzio, many of whose politics and aesthetics were subsequently used by Benito Mussolini and his Italian Fasces of Combat which Mussolini had founded as the Fasces of Revolutionary Action in 1914. Despite the fact that its members referred to themselves as "fascists", the ideology was based around national syndicalism.[3] The ideology of fascism would not fully develop until 1921, when Mussolini transformed his movement into the National Fascist Party, which then in 1923 incorporated the Italian Nationalist Association. The INA established fascist tropes such as colored shirt uniforms and also received the support of important proto-fascists like D'Annunzio and nationalist intellectual Enrico Corradini.
The first declaration of the political stance of fascism was the Fascist Manifesto, written by national syndicalist Alceste De Ambris and futurist poet Filippo Tommaso Marinetti and published in 1919. Many of the policies advanced in the manifesto, such as centralization, abolition of the senate, formation of national councils loyal to the state, expanded military power, and support for militias (Blackshirts, for example) were adopted by Mussolini's regime, while other calls such as universal suffrage and a peaceful foreign policy[4] were abandoned. De Ambris later became a prominent anti-fascist. In 1932, "The Doctrine of Fascism", an essay by Mussolini and Giovanni Gentile, provided an outline of fascism that better represented Mussolini's regime.
Regimes and parties
Political parties in Europe often described as fascist or being strongly influenced by fascism include:[5]
- The Kingdom of Italy and the Italian Social Republic under Benito Mussolini(1922–1945);
- The National Socialism, much of which was heavily influenced or taken wholesale from Italian Fascism;
- The National Union in Portugal under António de Oliveira Salazar and Marcelo Caetano (1933–1974) (Salazar rejected the label of fascist criticizing the "exaltation of youth, the cult of force through direct action, the principle of the superiority of state political power in social life, and the propensity for organising masses behind a single leader", however his regime adopted many fascist characteristics with the Legião Portuguesa, the Mocidade Portuguesa, and Corporatism being the most prominent examples; after 1945 Salazar distanced his regime from fascism)[6][7]
- The Austrofascism, which was heavily influenced by Italian fascism.
- The 4th of August Regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas (1936–1941) - The Metaxist regime adopted many fascist characteristics with the EON being an example of this. The regime was based around Metaxism, which was influenced by fascism.
- The Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS in Spain under Francisco Franco (1939–1975). - After 1945, Franco's regime distanced itself from fascism; however, it remained highly authoritarian and nationalist, still maintaining some Falangist principles.
There were multiple regimes in the Kingdom of Romania that were influenced by fascism. These include the National Christian Party under Octavian Goga (1938), Party of the Nation under Ion Gigurtu (1940), and the National Legionary State which was led by the Iron Guard under Horia Sima in conjunction with the Romanian military dictatorship under Ion Antonescu (1940–1941). The first two of these regimes were not completely fascist however used fascism to appeal to the growing far-right sympathies amongst the populace.[8] The military dictatorship of Ion Antonescu (1941–1944) is also often considered fascist.
Prior to and during the Second World War,
- The National Partnership in Czechia under Emil Hácha (1939–1945)
- The Slovak People's Party in Slovakia under Jozef Tiso (1939–1945)
- The Vichy Regime supported by collaborationist parties (Marcel Bucard's Mouvement Franciste, Jacques Doriot's French Popular Party, Marcel Déat's National Popular Rally), and Joseph Darnand's Milice in France under Philippe Pétain and Pierre Laval (1940–1944)
- The Ustaše in Croatia under Ante Pavelić (1941–1945)
- The Collaborationist government supported by National Union of Greece and Greek National Socialist Party in Greece under Georgios Tsolakoglou, Konstantinos Logothetopoulos, and Ioannis Rallis (1941–1944)
- The Collaborationist government supported by Dimitrije Ljotić's Yugoslav National Movement in Serbia under Milan Nedić (1941–1944)
- The Nasjonal Samling in Norway under Vidkun Quisling (1942–1945)
- The Arrow Cross Party in Hungary under Ferenc Szálasi (1944–1945)
- VNVwere also given significant power in occupied Europe.
There were also a number of political movements active in Europe that were influenced in part by some features of Mussolini's regime. These include:
Prominent figures associated with European fascism outside of the Axis include Oswald Mosley, Rotha Lintorn-Orman, José Antonio Primo de Rivera, Joris Van Severen, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, Francisco Rolão Preto, Hristo Lukov, Aleksandar Tsankov, Bolesław Piasecki, Radola Gajda, Eoin O'Duffy, Sven Olov Lindholm, Vihtori Kosola, and Konstantin Rodzaevsky.
Other right-wing/far-right political parties such as the German National People's Party, CEDA, Danish Unity,[9] Zveno, Party of Hungarian Life, Union of Mladorossi and the Fatherland League[9] lacked the ideology of fascism but adopted some fascist characteristics. Far-right politicians like Alfred Hugenberg, José María Gil-Robles, and Gyula Gömbös represent fascism's influence on the right with these leaders adopting an ultra-nationalist and authoritarian rhetoric influenced by Mussolini and later Hitler's successes.
The nationalism espoused by these groups contrasted the internationalist focus of communism; there was little coordination between fascist movements prior to the Second World War; however. there was an attempt at unifying European fascists. The 1934 Montreux Fascist conference was a meeting held by members of a number of European fascist parties and movements and was organised by the Comitati d'Azione per l'Universalità di Roma, which received support from Mussolini. The first conference was open to many perspectives and failed to develop any unity amidst the many ideological conflicts among the delegates. The second conference was equally ineffective and more meetings were attempted.[10]
Post-World War II
In the
attempted to continue fascism's legacy but failed to become mass movements.European fascism influenced movements in the Americas. Both
The rise of fascist activities and violence across Europe prompted governments to enact regulations to limit disturbances caused by fascists and other extremists. In a 1937 study, Karl Loewenstein provides the following list of examples:
- Use of existing criminal codes
- A ban on subversive movements
- A ban on para-military wings of parties and political uniforms
- A ban on offensive weaponry
- New statutes that ban abuse of parliamentary procedures
- Bans on incitement and agitation of violence
- Bans on attempts to wreck meetings and assemblies
- Prohibitions on certain forms of speech, such as false rumor, disparagement of institutions
- Bans of publicly exalting criminals
- Bans on subversive propaganda aimed at the national armed forces
- Bans on anti-constitutional activities of public officials
- Creation of police forces that work to suppress anti-democratic movements
- Bans on secret foreign financial support for extremist parties and foreign propaganda[31][32]
Fascist electoral performance
In the interwar period many parties which in historiography are referred to as fascist, proto-fascist, para-fascist, quasi-fascist, fascist-like, fascistic, fascistoid or fascistized participated in general elections organized in their respective countries. Though in numerous cases the fascist denomination is doubted (e.g. in case of the Belgian
Outcome of theoretically multi-party elections which were clearly manipulated is ignored as unrepresentative for genuine support which the party enjoyed, e.g. the result of
In case of some countries the lifetime of a fascistoid party did not overlap with reasonably free general elections, though the party might have fared well in other elections, e.g. in local elections in Bulgaria of 1934
In some countries fascist parties ignored electoral competition, like
Early relationship
Mussolini and Adolf Hitler were not always allies. While Mussolini wanted the expansion of fascist ideology throughout the world, he did not initially appreciate Hitler and the Nazi Party. Hitler was an early admirer of Mussolini and asked for Mussolini's guidance on how the Nazis could pull off their own March on Rome.[61] Mussolini did not respond to Hitler's requests as he did not have much interest in Hitler's movement and regarded Hitler to be somewhat crazy.[61] Mussolini did attempt to read Mein Kampf to find out what Hitler's Nazism was, but he was immediately disappointed, saying that Mein Kampf was "a boring tome that I have never been able to read" and claimed that Hitler's beliefs were "little more than commonplace clichés".[61]
Hitler and the Nazi Party in 1922 had praised the rise to power of Mussolini and sought a German-Italian alliance.[62] Upon Mussolini's rise to power, the Nazis declared their admiration and emulation of the Italian Fascists, with Nazi member Hermann Esser in November 1922 saying that "what a group of brave men in Italy have done, we can also do in Bavaria. We’ve also got Italy's Mussolini: his name is Adolf Hitler".[62]
The second part of Hitler's Mein Kampf ("The National Socialist Movement", 1926) contains this passage:
I conceived the profoundest admiration for the great man south of the
fatherlandfrom it.— Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, p. 622
In a 1931 interview, Hitler spoke admirably about Mussolini, commending Mussolini's racial origins as being the same as that of Germans and claimed at the time that Mussolini was capable of building an Italian Empire that would outdo the Roman Empire and that he supported Mussolini's endeavors, saying:
They know that Benito Mussolini is constructing a colossal empire which will put the Roman Empire in the shade. We shall put up ... for his victories. Mussolini is a typical representative of our Alpine race...
— Adolf Hitler, 1931.[63]
Mussolini had personal reasons to oppose antisemitism as his longtime mistress and Fascist propaganda director Margherita Sarfatti was Jewish. She had played an important role in the foundation of the fascist movement in Italy and promoting it to Italians and the world through supporting the arts. However, within the Italian fascist movement there were a minority who endorsed Hitler's antisemitism as Roberto Farinacci, who was part of the far-right wing of the party.
There were also nationalist reasons why Germany and Italy were not immediate allies.
In Germany and Austria, the annexation of Alto Adige/South Tyrol was controversial as the province was made up of a large majority of German speakers. While Hitler did not pursue this claim, many in the Nazi Party felt differently. In 1939, Mussolini and Hitler agreed on the South Tyrol Option Agreement. When Mussolini's government collapsed in 1943 and the Italian Social Republic was created, Alto Adige/South Tyrol was annexed to Nazi Greater Germany, but was restored to Italy after the war.
Racism
The most striking difference between fascist ideologies is the
Unlike Hitler, Mussolini repeatedly changed his views on the issue of race according to the circumstances of the time. In 1921, Mussolini promoted the development of the Italian race such as when he said this:
The nation is not simply the sum of living individuals, nor the instrument of parties for their own ends, but an organism comprised of the infinite series of generations of which the individuals are only transient elements; it is the supreme synthesis of all the material and immaterial values of the race.
— Benito Mussolini, 1921[66]
Like Hitler, Mussolini publicly declared his support of a eugenics policy to improve the status of Italians in 1926 to the people of Reggio Emilia:
We need to create ourselves; we of this epoch and this generation, because it is up to us, I tell you, to make the face of this country unrecognizable in the next ten years. In ten years comrades, Italy will be unrecognizable! We will create a new Italian, an Italian that does not recognize the Italian of yesterday...we will create them according to our own imagination and likeness.
— Benito Mussolini, 1926[66]
In a 1921 speech in Bologna, Mussolini stated the following: "Fascism was born [...] out of a profound, perennial need of this our Aryan and Mediterranean race".[67][68] In this speech, Mussolini was referring to Italians as being the Mediterranean branch of the Aryan race, Aryan in the meaning of people of an Indo-European language and culture.[66] However, Italian fascism initially strongly rejected the common Nordicist conception of the Aryan race that idealized "pure" Aryans as having certain physical traits that were defined as Nordic such as blond hair and blue eyes.[69] The antipathy by Mussolini and other Italian fascists to Nordicism was over the existence of the Mediterranean inferiority complex that had been instilled into Mediterraneans by the propagation of such theories by German and Anglo-Saxon Nordicists who viewed Mediterranean peoples as racially degenerate and thus inferior.[69] Mussolini refused to allow Italy to return again to this inferiority complex.[69]
In a private conversation with Emil Ludwig in 1932, Mussolini derided the concept of a biologically superior race and denounced racism as being a foolish concept. Mussolini did not believe that race alone was that significant. Mussolini viewed himself as a modern-day
Race! It is a feeling, not a reality: ninety-five percent, at least, is a feeling. Nothing will ever make me believe that biologically pure races can be shown to exist today. [...] National pride has no need of the delirium of race. Only a revolution and a decisive leader can improve a race, even if this is more a sentiment than a reality. But I repeat that a race can change itself and improve itself. I say that it is possible to change not only the somatic lines, the height, but really also the character. Influence of moral pressure can act deterministically also in the biological sense.
Mussolini believed that a biologically superior race was not possible, but that a more developed culture's superiority over the less developed ones warranted the destruction of the latter, such as the culture of
Against ethnic Slovenes, he imposed an especially violent
After the complete destruction of all Slovene minority cultural, financial, and other organizations and the continuation of violent fascist Italianization policies of ethnic cleansing, one of the first anti-fascist organizations in Europe, TIGR, emerged in 1927, and it coordinated the Slovene resistance against Fascist Italy until it was dismantled by the fascist secret police in 1941, after which some ex-TIGR members joined the Slovene Partisans.
For Mussolini, the inclusion of people in a fascist society depended upon their loyalty to the state. Meetings between Mussolini and
At least in its overt ideology, the Nazi movement believed that the existence of a class-based society was a threat to its survival, and as a result, it wanted to unify the racial element above the established classes, but the Italian fascist movement sought to preserve the class system and uphold it as the foundation of an established and desirable culture.[citation needed] Nevertheless, the Italian fascists did not reject the concept of social mobility and a central tenet of the fascist state was meritocracy, yet fascism also heavily based itself on corporatism, which was supposed to supersede class conflicts.[citation needed] Despite these differences, Kevin Passmore (2002 p. 62) observes:
There are sufficient similarities between Fascism and Nazism to make it worthwhile by applying the concept of fascism to both. In Italy and Germany, a movement came to power that sought to create national unity through the repression of national enemies and the incorporation of all classes and both genders into a permanently mobilized nation.[76]
Nazi ideologues such as Alfred Rosenberg were highly skeptical of the Italian race and fascism, but he believed that the improvement of the Italian race was possible if major changes were made to convert it into an acceptable "Aryan" race and he also said that the Italian fascist movement would only succeed if it purified the Italian race into an Aryan one.[72] Nazi theorists believed that the downfall of the Roman Empire was due to the interbreeding of different races which created a "polluted" Italian race that was inferior.[72]
Hitler believed this and he also believed that Mussolini represented an attempt to revive the pure elements of the former Roman civilization, such as the desire to create a strong and aggressive Italian people. However, Hitler was still audacious enough when meeting Mussolini for the first time in 1934 to tell him that all Mediterranean peoples were "tainted" by "Negro blood" and thus in his racist view they were degenerate.[72]
Relations between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany were initially poor but they deteriorated even further after the assassination of Austria's fascist chancellor
But which race? Does there exist a German race. Has it ever existed? Will it ever exist? Reality, myth, or hoax of theorists? (Another parenthesis: the theoretician of racism is a 100 percent Frenchman: Gobineau) Ah well, we respond, a Germanic race does not exist. Various movements. Curiosity. Stupor. We repeat. Does not exist. We don't say so. Scientists say so. Hitler says so.
— Benito Mussolini, 1934[77]
Foreign affairs
Part of a series on |
Nazism |
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Italian Fascism was
In the 1920s, Hitler with only a small Nazi party at the time wanted to form an alliance with Mussolini's regime as he recognized that his pan-German nationalism was seen as a threat by Italy. In Hitler's unpublished sequel to Mein Kampf, he attempts to address concerns among Italian fascists about Nazism. In the book, Hitler puts aside the issue of Germans in Tyrol by explaining that overall Germany and Italy have more in common than not and that the Tyrol Germans must accept that it is in Germany's interests to be allied with Italy. Hitler claims that Germany, like Italy, was subjected to oppression by its neighbours and he denounces the Austrian Empire as having oppressed Italy from completing national unification just as France oppressed Germany from completing its national unification. Hitler's denunciation of Austria in the book is important because Italian fascists were skeptical about him due to the fact that he was born in Austria which Italy had considered to be its primary enemy for centuries and Italy saw Germany as an ally of Austria. By declaring that the Nazi movement was not interested in the territorial legacy of the Austrian Empire, this is a way to assure the Italian fascists that Hitler, the Nazi movement and Germany were not enemies of Italy.
Despite public attempts of goodwill by Hitler towards Mussolini, Germany and Italy came into conflict in 1934 when Engelbert Dollfuss, the Austrofascist leader of Italy's ally Austria, was assassinated by Austrian Nazis on Hitler's orders in preparation for a planned Anschluss (annexation of Austria). Mussolini ordered troops to the Austrian-Italian border in readiness for war against Germany. Hitler backed down and defer plans to annex Austria.
When Hitler and Mussolini first met, Mussolini referred to Hitler as "a silly little monkey" before the
Later, Germany and Italy signed the
In 1939, the Pact of Steel was signed, officially creating an alliance of Germany and Italy. The Nazi official newspaper Völkischer Beobachter published articles extolling the mutually benefit of the alliance:
Firmly bound together through the inner unity of their ideologies and the comprehensive solidarity of their interests, the German and the Italian people are determined also in future to stand side by side and to strive with united effort for the securing of their Lebensraum [living space] and the maintenance of peace.
— Völkischer Beobachter (May 23, 1939)
Hitler and Mussolini recognized commonalities in their politics and the second part of Hitler's Mein Kampf ("The National Socialist Movement", 1926) contains this passage:
I conceived the profoundest admiration for the great man south of the
fatherlandfrom it.— Mein Kampf (p. 622)
Both regimes despised France (seen as an enemy which held territories claimed by both Germany and Italy) and Yugoslavia (seen by the Nazis as a racially degenerate Slavic state and holding lands such as Dalmatia claimed by the Italian fascists). Fascist territorial claims on Yugoslav territory meant that Mussolini saw the destruction of Yugoslavia as essential for Italian expansion. Hitler viewed Slavs as racially inferior, but he did not see importance in an immediate invasion of Yugoslavia, instead focusing on the threat from the Soviet Union.
Mussolini favored using the extremist
) decisively defeated Yugoslavia.In the aftermath, with the exception of Serbia and Vardar Macedonia, most of Yugoslavia was reshaped based on Italian fascist foreign policy objectives. Mussolini demanded and received much of Dalmatia from the Croats in exchange for supporting the independence of Croatia. Mussolini's policy of creating an independent Croatia prevailed over Hitler's anti-Slavism and eventually, the Nazis and the Ustashe regime of Croatia would develop closer bonds due to the Ustashe's brutal effectiveness at suppressing Serb dissidents.
The question of religion also poses considerable conflicting differences as some forms of fascism, particularly the
See also
- Far-right politics
- Fascism in Asia
- Fascism in North America
- Fascism in South America
- List of fascist movements by country
- Radical right in Europe
References
Informational notes
- ISBN 9789899537705.
- ^ Stanley Payne argues that Spanish fascism was solely Falange Española,[27] while Paul Preston argues that Franco was not fascist.[28] Ernst Nolte considered Franco's regime to be an example of "early Fascism"[29]
- ^ typically the share of votes garnered. If this is impossible to calculate, usually due to block-voting on coalition lists, the share of seats in the parliament is given. Only includes multi-party elections.
Citations
- ISBN 9780691058467.
- ISBN 9780691044866– via Internet Archive.
- ISBN 9780691127903.
- ^ "Tiscali Webspace". webspace.tiscali.it.
- ^ a b c For coverage of each one see Cyprian Blamires, ed., World fascism: a historical encyclopedia (Abc-Clio, 2006).
- ^ Lewis 2002, p. 143.
- ISBN 978-989-26-0009-3.
- ^ International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania. "Final Report" (PDF). p. 51. Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 June 2007.
- ^ ISBN 9781134502141.
- ^ Payne 1995, p. 232.
- ^ Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes. By Juan J. Linz. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000. 343pp, p.226
- ^ Payne 1995, pp. 212–215.
- ^ Adinolfi, Goffredo & Pinto, António. (2014). Salazar's ‘New State’: The Paradoxes of Hybridization in the Fascist Era. 10.1057/9781137384416_7
- ^ Renzo De Felice, "Ilnomeno Fascista", Storia contemporanea, anno X, n° 4/5, Ottobre 1979, p. 624.
- ^ Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism (London: Routledge, 1993); page 266
- Robert O. Paxton, Knopf, 2004
- ^ The European Dictatorships. 1918–1945, (London: 1988), pp. 18
- ^ Salazar a Political Biography, p.163
- ISBN 978-1787383883.
- ^ Luís Reis Torgal, ‘Salazar and the Portuguese "New State": Images and Interpretations,’ Annual of Social History (Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju) 2 (2009): 7–18
- ^ Fernando Rosas (2019). Salazar e os Fascismos: Ensaio Breve de História Comparada (in Portuguese). Edições Tinta-da-China.
- ^ Tipologias de regimes políticos. Para uma leitura neo-moderna do Estado Novo e do Nuevo Estado [1]
- ^ Cabral, Manuel Villaverde. "Sobre O Fascismo E O Seu Advento Em Portugal: Ensaio De Interpretação a Pretexto De Alguns Livros Recentes." Análise Social, Segunda Série, 12, no. 48 (1976): 873–915. Accessed 26 December 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41008431.
- ^ ‘Reflections on the Fall of the Salazarist Regime and on What Followed,’ in Modern Europe after Fascism, 1943–1980, ed. Stein Ugelvik Larsen (Boulder: Social Science Monographs, 1998): 1636–1678
- ^ D.L. Raby – Fascism and Resistance in Portugal: Communists, liberals, and military dissidents in the opposition to Salazar, 1941–74
- ^ Eduardo Lourenço – O fascismo nunca existiu, pp. 229
- ISBN 978-0804700597.
- ^ Preston, Paul. "Francisco Franco: is it accurate to call the Spanish dictator a fascist?". HistoryExtra. History Extra – The official website for BBC History Magazine. Retrieved 4 January 2021.
- ^ Lewis 2002, pp. 10–11.
- ^ Brennan, James P. Peronism and Argentina. Rowman & Littlefield. 1998.
- S2CID 146124184.
- S2CID 251098494.
- ^ a b Nohlen & Stöver 2010, p. 196.
- ^ exactly 11,49%, Payne 1983, p. 134. In a bi-election of 1937 the party leader, Léon Degrelle, garnered 19% of the vote, Payne 1983, p. 135
- ^ Exactly 7,12%, Payne 1983, p. 134
- ISBN 8086226735, p. 428.
- ^ Votes for the National Unification-led alliance in Subcarpathian Rus', "Elections à la Chambre des Députés faites en mai 1935" (in Czech). 1936. p. 14*–15*.
- ^ "Die Freie Stadt Danzig Volkstagswahl 1933".
- ^ Danmarks Nationalsocialistiske Arbejderparti (DNSAP), 1930–1945, [in:] Danmarkhistorien service [accessed 23 Dec 2020]
- ^ exactly 8,34%, Payne 1983, p. 127
- ISBN 9780415344418, pp. 224–225
- ^ Spyros Marchetos. A Slav Macedonian Greek Fascist? Deciphering the Ethnicophrosyne of Sotirios Gotzamanis. p. 9.
- ^ Nohlen & Stöver 2010, p. 899. Elections were partially manipulated; some authors speculate that actual support for the party reached 20%, Payne 1983, p. 114
- ^ Schwarcz, Andreas. A KÉPVISELET MEGKÉSETT MODERNIZÁCIÓJA (PDF). p. 129.
- ISBN 9781576079416, p. 329
- ^ First preference votes for Oliver J. Flanagan who stood in Laois–Offaly.
- ^ First preference votes for the party in Cork Borough, Dublin County, Dublin North-West, Louth, Roscommon, Tipperary and Waterford.
- ^ fascists ran on a coalition ticket of Blocchi Nazionali. The entire BN obtained 19,1% of the vote, but due to electoral system, the exact percentage of FIC share is impossible to calculate. Out of 105 seats in the parliament obtained by BN, the Fascists controlled 35 (33% of total BN seats). The 33% is applied to the 19,1% share of the votes, to arrive at the 6,4% estimated Fascist share of the votes received
- ^ a b "Latvijas Republikas Saeimas vēlēšanu iznākumi" (PDF). 1923. p. 10. Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 May 2019. Retrieved 26 January 2024.
- ^ Payne 1983, p. 128; in provincial elections of 1935 the party gained 7,9% of the vote
- ^ a b c "Tweede-Kamerverkiezingen - 26 mei 1937".
- ^ exactly 2,16%, Payne 1983, p. 126
- ^ Kurt Treptow, Alegerile din decembrie 1937 și instaurarea dictaturii regale, [in:] Romania and World War II, Iași 1996, pp 42–43
- Bernhard Vogel, Dieter Nohlen& Klaus Landfried (1978) Die Wahl der Parlamente: Band I: Europa, Zweiter Halbband, pp1062–1064
- ^ "Das Saargebiet Landesratswahl 1932".
- ^ out of 72m votes cast (each voter was entitled to a number of votes), FE gained 82.939 votes. Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera competed in 13 electoral districts, totalling 24.017 votes, Roberto Villa García, Manuel Álvarez Tardío, 1936. Fraude y violencia en las elecciones del Frente Popular, Madrid 2017, ISBN 9788467049466, pp. 580-599
- ^ a b c "RIKSDAGSMANNAVALEN ÅREN 1941—1944" (PDF). DE GODKÄNDA VALSEDLARNAS FÖRDELNING PÅ PARTIER. Statistics Sweden. 1945. p. 44*. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: unfit URL (link) - ISBN 9780333452790, p. 424
- ^ out of 20,699,000 votes cast, the New Party gained some 36,000, Bret Rubin, The Rise and Fall of British Fascism: Sir Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists,, [in:] Intersections 11/2 (2010), p. 343
- ^ exactly 1,01%, Wayne S. Vucinich, Interwar Yugoslavia, [in:] Wayne S. Vucinich, (ed.), Contemporary Yugoslavia: Twenty Years of Socialist Experiment, Berkeley 1969, p. 26
- ^ a b c Smith 1983, p. 172.
- ^ a b Christian Leitz. Nazi Foreign Policy, 1933–1941: The Road to Global War. London, England; New York City, USA: P. 10.
- ^ Richard Breiting, Adolf Hitler, Édouard Calic (ed.). Secret conversations with Hitler:the two newly-discovered 1931 interviews. John Day Co., 1971. Pp. 77.
- ISBN 0-8039-4648-1.
- ^ Grant, Moyra. Key Ideas in Politics. Nelson Thomas 2003. p. 21
- ^ a b c Gillette 2001, p. 39.
- ^ Gillette 2001, p. 11.
- ^ Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. p. 35
- ^ a b c Gillette 2001, p. 188.
- ^ a b "Mussolini's Cultural Revolution: Fascist or Nationalist?". jch.sagepub.com. 8 January 2008.
- ISBN 978-0-8039-4648-4.
- ^ a b c d Gillette 2001, p. 42.
- ^ a b Sarti 1974, p. 190.
- ^ Sarti 1974, p. 189.
- ^ Sarti 1974, p. 191.
- ^ "School of History, Archaeology and Religion". Cardiff University.
- ^ Gillette 2001, p. 45.
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