Classical liberalism
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Classical liberalism is a
Until the Great Depression and the rise of social liberalism, classical liberalism was called economic liberalism. Later, the term was applied as a retronym, to distinguish earlier 19th-century liberalism from social liberalism.[3] By modern standards, in the United States, simple liberalism often means social liberalism, but in Europe and Australia, simple liberalism often means classical liberalism.[4][5]
Classical liberalism gained full flowering in the early 18th century, building on ideas starting at least as far back as the 16th century, within the Iberian, British, and Central European contexts, and it was foundational to the American Revolution and "American Project" more broadly.
In the context of American politics, "classical liberalism" may be described as "fiscally conservative" and "socially liberal".[17] Despite this, classical liberals tend to reject the right's higher tolerance for economic protectionism and the left's inclination for collective group rights due to classical liberalism's central principle of individualism.[18] Additionally, in the United States, classical liberalism is considered closely tied to, or synonymous with, American libertarianism.[19][20]
Evolution of core beliefs
Core beliefs of classical liberals included new ideas – which departed from both the older
Classical liberals agreed with Thomas Hobbes that individuals created government to protect themselves from each other and to minimize conflict between individuals that would otherwise arise in a state of nature. These beliefs were complemented by a belief that financial incentive could best motivate labourers. This belief led to the passage of the Poor Law Amendment Act 1834, which limited the provision of social assistance, based on the idea that markets are the mechanism that most efficiently leads to wealth.
Drawing on ideas of
- Laws to protect citizens from wrongs committed against them by other citizens, which included protection of individual rights, private property, enforcement of contracts and common law.
- A common national defence to provide protection against foreign invaders.[26]
- Public works and services that cannot be provided in a free market such as a stable currency, standard weights and measures and building and upkeep of roads, canals, harbours, railways, communications and postal services.[26]
Classical liberals asserted that rights are of a
Core beliefs of classical liberals did not necessarily include
In the late 19th century, classical liberalism developed into
Typology of beliefs
Friedrich Hayek identified two different traditions within classical liberalism, namely the British tradition and the French tradition:
- The British philosophers Bernard Mandeville, David Hume, Edmund Burke, Adam Smith, Adam Ferguson, Josiah Tucker and William Paley held beliefs in empiricism, the common law and in traditions and institutions which had spontaneously evolved but were imperfectly understood.
- The French philosophers Physiocratsbelieved in rationalism and sometimes showed hostility to tradition and religion.
Hayek conceded that the national labels did not exactly correspond to those belonging to each tradition since he saw the Frenchmen
Guido De Ruggiero also identified differences between "Montesquieu and Rousseau, the English and the democratic types of liberalism"[39] and argued that there was a "profound contrast between the two Liberal systems".[40] He claimed that the spirit of "authentic English Liberalism" had "built up its work piece by piece without ever destroying what had once been built, but basing upon it every new departure". This liberalism had "insensibly adapted ancient institutions to modern needs" and "instinctively recoiled from all abstract proclamations of principles and rights".[40] Ruggiero claimed that this liberalism was challenged by what he called the "new Liberalism of France" that was characterised by egalitarianism and a "rationalistic consciousness".[41]
In 1848, Francis Lieber distinguished between what he called "Anglican and Gallican Liberty". Lieber asserted that "independence in the highest degree, compatible with safety and broad national guarantees of liberty, is the great aim of Anglican liberty, and self-reliance is the chief source from which it draws its strength".[42] On the other hand, Gallican liberty "is sought in government ... . [T]he French look for the highest degree of political civilisation in organisation, that is, in the highest degree of interference by public power".[43]
History
Great Britain
French
From the 1790s to the 1820s, British radicals concentrated on parliamentary and electoral reform, emphasising natural rights and popular sovereignty. Richard Price and Joseph Priestley adapted the language of Locke to the ideology of radicalism.[44] The radicals saw parliamentary reform as a first step toward dealing with their many grievances, including the treatment of Protestant Dissenters, the slave trade, high prices, and high taxes.[45] There was greater unity among classical liberals than there had been among Whigs. Classical liberals were committed to individualism, liberty, and equal rights, as well as some other important tenants of leftism, since classical liberalism was introduced in the late 18th century as a leftist movement.[17] They believed these goals required a free economy with minimal government interference. Some elements of Whiggery were uncomfortable with the commercial nature of classical liberalism. These elements became associated with conservatism.[46]
Classical liberalism was the dominant political theory in Britain from the early 19th century until the First World War. Its notable victories were the
Although classical liberals aspired to a minimum of state activity, they accepted the principle of
The changing economic and social conditions of the 19th century led to a division between neo-classical and social (or welfare) liberals, who while agreeing on the importance of individual liberty differed on the role of the state. Neo-classical liberals, who called themselves "true liberals", saw Locke's Second Treatise as the best guide and emphasised "limited government" while social liberals supported government regulation and the welfare state. Herbert Spencer in Britain and William Graham Sumner were the leading neo-classical liberal theorists of the 19th century.[50] The evolution from classical to social/welfare liberalism is for example reflected in Britain in the evolution of the thought of John Maynard Keynes.[51]
Ottoman Empire
The
United States
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In the United States, liberalism took a strong root because it had little opposition to its ideals, whereas in Europe liberalism was opposed by many reactionary or feudal interests such as the nobility; the aristocracy, including army officers; the landed gentry; and the established church.[53] Thomas Jefferson adopted many of the ideals of liberalism, but in the Declaration of Independence changed Locke's "life, liberty and property" to the more socially liberal "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness".[9] As the United States grew, industry became a larger and larger part of American life; and during the term of its first populist President, Andrew Jackson, economic questions came to the forefront. The economic ideas of the Jacksonian era were almost universally the ideas of classical liberalism.[54] Freedom, according to classical liberals, was maximised when the government took a "hands off" attitude toward the economy.[55] Historian Kathleen G. Donohue argues:
[A]t the center of classical liberal theory [in Europe] was the idea of laissez-faire. To the vast majority of American classical liberals, however, laissez-faire did not mean no government intervention at all. On the contrary, they were more than willing to see government provide tariffs, railroad subsidies, and internal improvements, all of which benefited producers. What they condemned was intervention on behalf of consumers.[56]
When the growing complexity of industrial conditions required increasing government intervention in order to assure more equal opportunities, the liberal tradition, faithful to the goal rather than to the dogma, altered its view of the state. ... There emerged the conception of a social welfare state, in which the national government had the express obligation to maintain high levels of employment in the economy, to supervise standards of life and labour, to regulate the methods of business competition, and to establish comprehensive patterns of social security.
Alan Wolfe summarizes the viewpoint that there is a continuous liberal understanding that includes both Adam Smith and John Maynard Keynes:
The idea that liberalism comes in two forms assumes that the most fundamental question facing mankind is how much government intervenes into the economy. ... When instead we discuss human purpose and the meaning of life, Adam Smith and John Maynard Keynes are on the same side. Both of them possessed an expansive sense of what we are put on this earth to accomplish. ... For Smith, mercantilism was the enemy of human liberty. For Keynes, monopolies were. It makes perfect sense for an eighteenth-century thinker to conclude that humanity would flourish under the market. For a twentieth century thinker committed to the same ideal, government was an essential tool to the same end.[60]
The view that modern liberalism is a continuation of classical liberalism is controversial and disputed by many.
Intellectual sources
John Locke
Central to classical liberal ideology was their interpretation of John Locke's Second Treatise of Government and A Letter Concerning Toleration, which had been written as a defence of the Glorious Revolution of 1688. Although these writings were considered too radical at the time for Britain's new rulers, Whigs, radicals and supporters of the American Revolution later came to cite them.[72] However, much of later liberal thought was absent in Locke's writings or scarcely mentioned and his writings have been subject to various interpretations. For example, there is little mention of constitutionalism, the separation of powers and limited government.[73]
James L. Richardson identified five central themes in Locke's writing:
- Individualism
- Consent
- Rule of law and government as trustee
- Significance of property
- Religious toleration
Although Locke did not develop a theory of natural rights, he envisioned individuals in the state of nature as being free and equal. The individual, rather than the community or institutions, was the point of reference. Locke believed that individuals had given consent to government and therefore authority derived from the people rather than from above. This belief would influence later revolutionary movements.[74]
As a trustee, government was expected to serve the interests of the people, not the rulers; and rulers were expected to follow the laws enacted by legislatures. Locke also held that the main purpose of men uniting into commonwealths and governments was for the preservation of their property. Despite the ambiguity of Locke's definition of property, which limited property to "as much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of", this principle held great appeal to individuals possessed of great wealth.[75]
Locke held that the individual had the right to follow his own religious beliefs and that the state should not impose a religion against Dissenters, but there were limitations. No tolerance should be shown for atheists, who were seen as amoral, or to Catholics, who were seen as owing allegiance to the Pope over their own national government.[76]
Adam Smith
Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, was to provide most of the ideas of economics, at least until the publication of John Stuart Mill's Principles of Political Economy in 1848.[77] Smith addressed the motivation for economic activity, the causes of prices and the distribution of wealth and the policies the state should follow to maximise wealth.[78]
Smith wrote that as long as supply, demand, prices and competition were left free of government regulation, the pursuit of material self-interest, rather than altruism, would maximise the wealth of a society[24] through profit-driven production of goods and services. An "invisible hand" directed individuals and firms to work toward the public good as an unintended consequence of efforts to maximise their own gain. This provided a moral justification for the accumulation of wealth, which had previously been viewed by some as sinful.[78]
He assumed that workers could be paid wages as low as was necessary for their survival, which was later transformed by David Ricardo and Thomas Robert Malthus into the "iron law of wages".[79] His main emphasis was on the benefit of free internal and international trade, which he thought could increase wealth through specialisation in production.[80] He also opposed restrictive trade preferences, state grants of monopolies and employers' organisations and trade unions.[81] Government should be limited to defence, public works and the administration of justice, financed by taxes based on income.[82]
Smith's economics was carried into practice in the nineteenth century with the lowering of tariffs in the 1820s, the repeal of the Poor Relief Act that had restricted the mobility of labour in 1834 and the end of the rule of the East India Company over India in 1858.[83]
Classical economics
In addition to Smith's legacy,
Malthus wrote two books,
Ricardo, who was an admirer of Smith, covered many of the same topics, but while Smith drew conclusions from broadly empirical observations he used deduction, drawing conclusions by reasoning from basic assumptions
Utilitarianism
The central concept of utilitarianism, which was developed by Jeremy Bentham, was that public policy should seek to provide "the greatest happiness of the greatest number". While this could be interpreted as a justification for state action to reduce poverty, it was used by classical liberals to justify inaction with the argument that the net benefit to all individuals would be higher.[84]
Utilitarianism provided British governments with the political justification to implement economic liberalism, which was to dominate economic policy from the 1830s. Although utilitarianism prompted legislative and administrative reform and John Stuart Mill's later writings on the subject foreshadowed the welfare state, it was mainly used as a justification for laissez-faire.[94]
Political economy
Classical liberals following Mill saw utility as the foundation for public policies. This broke both with conservative "
However, commitment to laissez-faire was not uniform and some economists advocated state support of public works and education. Classical liberals were also divided on
Despite the pragmatism of classical economists, their views were expressed in dogmatic terms by such popular writers as
The Economist also campaigned against the Corn Laws that protected landlords in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland against competition from less expensive foreign imports of cereal products. A rigid belief in laissez-faire guided the government response in 1846–1849 to the Great Famine in Ireland, during which an estimated 1.5 million people died. The minister responsible for economic and financial affairs, Charles Wood, expected that private enterprise and free trade, rather than government intervention, would alleviate the famine.[97] The Corn Laws were finally repealed in 1846 by the removal of tariffs on grain which kept the price of bread artificially high,[98] but it came too late to stop the Irish famine, partly because it was done in stages over three years.[99][100]
Free trade and world peace
Several liberals, including Smith and Cobden, argued that the free exchange of goods between nations could lead to world peace. Erik Gartzke states: "Scholars like Montesquieu, Adam Smith, Richard Cobden, Norman Angell, and Richard Rosecrance have long speculated that free markets have the potential to free states from the looming prospect of recurrent warfare".[101] American political scientists John R. Oneal and Bruce M. Russett, well known for their work on the democratic peace theory, state:[102]
The classical liberals advocated policies to increase liberty and prosperity. They sought to empower the commercial class politically and to abolish royal charters, monopolies, and the protectionist policies of mercantilism so as to encourage entrepreneurship and increase productive efficiency. They also expected democracy and laissez-faire economics to diminish the frequency of war.
In The Wealth of Nations, Smith argued that as societies progressed from hunter gatherers to industrial societies the spoils of war would rise, but that the costs of war would rise further and thus making war difficult and costly for industrialised nations:[103]
[T]he honours, the fame, the emoluments of war, belong not to [the middle and industrial classes]; the battle-plain is the harvest field of the aristocracy, watered with the blood of the people. ... Whilst our trade rested upon our foreign dependencies, as was the case in the middle of the last century...force and violence, were necessary to command our customers for our manufacturers...But war, although the greatest of consumers, not only produces nothing in return, but, by abstracting labour from productive employment and interrupting the course of trade, it impedes, in a variety of indirect ways, the creation of wealth; and, should hostilities be continued for a series of years, each successive war-loan will be felt in our commercial and manufacturing districts with an augmented pressure
[B]y virtue of their mutual interest does nature unite people against violence and war, for the concept of cosmopolitan right does not protect them from it. The spirit of trade cannot coexist with war, and sooner or later this spirit dominates every people. For among all those powers (or means) that belong to a nation, financial power may be the most reliable in forcing nations to pursue the noble cause of peace (though not from moral motives); and wherever in the world war threatens to break out, they will try to head it off through mediation, just as if they were permanently leagued for this purpose.
Cobden believed that military expenditures worsened the welfare of the state and benefited a small, but concentrated elite minority, summing up British imperialism, which he believed was the result of the economic restrictions of mercantilist policies. To Cobden and many classical liberals, those who advocated peace must also advocate free markets. The belief that free trade would promote peace was widely shared by English liberals of the 19th and early 20th century, leading the economist John Maynard Keynes (1883–1946), who was a classical liberal in his early life, to say that this was a doctrine on which he was "brought up" and which he held unquestioned only until the 1920s.[106] In his review of a book on Keynes, Michael S. Lawlor argues that it may be in large part due to Keynes' contributions in economics and politics, as in the implementation of the Marshall Plan and the way economies have been managed since his work, "that we have the luxury of not facing his unpalatable choice between free trade and full employment".[107] A related manifestation of this idea was the argument of Norman Angell (1872–1967), most famously before World War I in The Great Illusion (1909), that the interdependence of the economies of the major powers was now so great that war between them was futile and irrational; and therefore unlikely.
Notable thinkers
This article possibly contains original research. (September 2023) |
- Thomas Hobbes[108] (1588–1679)
- James Harrington (1611–1677)
- John Locke (1632–1704)
- Montesquieu (1689–1755)
- David Hume (1711–1776)
- Voltaire (1694–1778)
- Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778)
- Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790)
- Adam Smith (1723–1790)
- Edward Gibbon (1737–1794)
- Immanuel Kant (1724–1804)
- Anders Chydenius (1729–1803)
- Thomas Paine (1737–1809)
- Cesare Beccaria (1738–1794)
- Marquis de Condorcet (1743–1794)
- Thomas Jefferson (1743–1826)
- Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832)
- Gaetano Filangieri (1753–1788)
- Benjamin Constant (1767–1830)
- David Ricardo (1772–1823)
- Alexis de Tocqueville (1805–1859)
- Giuseppe Mazzini (1805–1872)[109]
- John Stuart Mill (1806–1872)
- William Ewart Gladstone[110] (1809–1898)
- Horace Greeley (1811–1873)
- Fukuzawa Yukichi[111] (1835–1901)
- Henry George (1839–1897)
- Friedrich Naumann[112][113] (1860–1919)
- Ludwig Von Mises(1881–1973)
- Friedrich Hayek (1899–1992)
- Karl Popper[114][115][116] (1902–1994)
- Raymond Aron[116] (1905–1983)
- Milton Friedman (1912–2006)
- Robert Nozick[117] (1938–2002)
Classical liberal parties worldwide
Although general libertarian,[a] liberal-conservative[b] and some right-wing populist[c] political parties are also included in classical liberal parties in a broad sense, but only general classical liberal parties such as Germany's FDP, Denmark's Liberal Alliance and Thailand Democrat Party should be listed.
Classical liberal parties or parties with classical liberal factions
- Argentina: Liberty Advances[citation needed]
- Australia: Liberal Democratic Party[119]
- Austria: NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum, Freedom Party of Austria (factions)
- Belgium: Open Flemish Liberals and Democrats, Reformist Movement
- Brazil: New Party[120]
- Canada: People's Party[121]
- Chile: Evópoli[122]
- Denmark: Venstre,[123] Liberal Alliance[124][125]
- Estonia: Estonian Reform Party[126]
- France: Renaissance[127][128][129][130]
- Germany: Free Democratic Party[131]
- Iceland: Reform Party
- India: Lok Satta Party[132]
- Latvia: For Latvia's Development, Movement For!
- Lithuania: Liberals' Movement
- Luxembourg: Democratic Party
- Netherlands: People's Party for Freedom and Democracy, Belang van Nederland
- New Zealand: New Zealand National Party,[133] ACT New Zealand[134]
- Norway: Venstre,[135] Progress Party
- Poland: Modern,[136] Civic Platform[137]
- Portugal: Liberal Initiative[138]
- Romania: National Liberal Party
- Russia: PARNAS
- Serbia: Liberal Democratic Party of Serbia
- Slovakia: Freedom and Solidarity[139][140]
- South Africa: Democratic Alliance[141]
- Sweden: Liberals,[142] Classical Liberal Party
- Switzerland: FDP.The Liberals
- Thailand: Democrat Party[143]
- Turkey: Liberal Democratic Party
- United Kingdom: Liberal Party[144]
- Venezuela: Come Venezuela[145]
Historical classical liberal parties or parties with classical liberal factions (Since 1900s)
- Belgium: Liberal Party, Party for Freedom and Progress, Liberal Reformist Party
- Chile: Liberal Party, Amplitude
- Germany: German Democratic Party[146]
- India: Swatantra Party[147]
- Ireland: Progressive Democrats
- Japan: Liberal Party (1998), Liberal League
- Netherlands: Freedom Party
- New Zealand: New Zealand Liberal Party, United Party, New Zealand Party
- South Korea: New Democratic Party
- Switzerland: Free Democratic Party of Switzerland,[148] Liberal Party of Switzerland
- United Kingdom: Liberal Party[149]
Criticism
Tadd Wilson, writing for the libertarian Foundation for Economic Education, noted that "Many on the left and right criticize classical liberals for focusing purely on economics and politics to the neglect of a vital issue: culture."[150]
Helena Vieira, writing for the London School of Economics, argued that classical liberalism "may contradict some fundamental democratic principles as they are inconsistent with the principle of unanimity (also known as the Pareto Principle) – the idea that if everyone in society prefers a policy A to a policy B, then the former should be adopted."[151]
See also
- Age of Enlightenment
- Austrian School
- Bourbon Democrat
- Classical economics
- Cultural liberalism
- Classical radicalism
- Classical republicanism
- Constitutionalism
- Constitutional liberalism
- Conservative liberalism
- Economic liberalism
- Fiscal conservatism
- Friedrich Naumann Foundation
- Georgism
- Gladstonian liberalism
- Jeffersonian democracy
- Liberal conservatism
- Liberal democracy
- Liberalism in Europe
- Libertarianism
- List of liberal theorists
- Neoclassical liberalism
- Neoliberalism
- Night-watchman state
- Opportunist Republicans
- Orléanist
- Physiocracy
- Political individualism
- Rule of law
- Separation of powers
- Whig history
Notes
- KORWiN, etc.
- ^ Example: the Christian Democratic Union of Germany, Les Républicains, etc.
- ^ Example: Progress Party (Norway), People's Party of Canada, enc.
References
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- ^ M. O. Dickerson et al., An Introduction to Government and Politics: A Conceptual Approach (2009) p. 129
- ^ Richardson, p. 52.
- ^ Goldfarb, Michael (20 July 2010). "Liberal? Are we talking about the same thing?". BBC News. Retrieved 6 August 2020.
- ^ Greenberg, David (12 September 2019). "The danger of confusing liberals and leftists". Washington Post. Retrieved 6 August 2020.
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- ^ Dickerson, Flanagan & O'Neill, p. 129.
- ^ Renshaw, Catherine (18 March 2014). "What is a 'classical liberal' approach to human rights?". The Conversation. Retrieved 12 August 2022.
- ^ a b Steven M. Dworetz (1994). The Unvarnished Doctrine: Locke, Liberalism, and the American Revolution.
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- ^ Hunt, p. 54.
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- ^ Goodman, John C. "Classical Liberalism vs. Modern Liberalism and Modern Conservatism". Goodman Institute. Retrieved 2 January 2022.
- ^ "Libertarianism vs. Classical Liberalism: Is there a Difference?". Reason.com. 6 April 2023. Retrieved 22 September 2023.
- ^ Klein, Daniel B. (3 May 2017). "Libertarianism and Classical Liberalism: A Short Introduction | Daniel B. Klein". fee.org. Retrieved 8 March 2022.
- ^ a b Dickerson, Flanagan & O'Neill, p. 132.
- ^ Alan Ryan, "Liberalism", in A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, ed. Robert E. Goodin and Philip Pettit (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 1995), p. 293.
- ISBN 1579583393).
- ^ a b Smith, A. (1778). "8". An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. Vol. I. W. Strahan; and T. Cadell.
- ^ Hunt, pp. 46–47.
- ^ a b Hunt, pp. 51–53.
- ^ Kelly, D. (1998): A Life of One's Own: Individual Rights and the Welfare State, Washington, DC: Cato Institute.
- ^ Richardson, pp. 36–38.
- .
- ^ Ryan, A. (1995): "Liberalism", In: Goodin, R. E. and Pettit, P., eds.: A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, p. 293.
- ^ James Madison, Federalist No. 10 (22 November 1787), in Alexander Hamilton, John Jay and James Madison, The Federalist: A Commentary on the Constitution of the United States, ed. Henry Cabot Lodge (New York, 1888), p. 56.
- ^ a b Mayne 1999, p. 124.
- ^ Van de Haar 2015, p. 71.
- ^ Heywood 2004, p. 337.
- ^ Van de Haar 2015, p. 42.
- ^ Van de Haar 2015, p. 43.
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- ^ F. A. Hayek, "Individualism: True and False", in Individualism and Economic Order (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), pp. 1–32.
- ^ De Ruggiero, p. 71.
- ^ a b De Ruggiero, p. 81.
- ^ De Ruggiero, pp. 81–82.
- ^ Lieber, p. 377.
- ^ Lieber, pp. 382–383.
- ^ a b Vincent, pp. 28–29.
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- ^ Vincent, pp. 29–30.
- ^ Gray, pp. 26–27.
- ^ Gray, p. 28.
- ^ Gray, p. 32.
- ^ Ishiyama & Breuning, p. 596.
- ^ See the studies of Keynes by Roy Harrod, Robert Skidelsky, Donald Moggridge and Donald Markwell.
- ^ Paul Bairoch (1995). Economics and World History: Myths and Paradoxes. University of Chicago Press. pp. 31–32. Archived from the original on 12 October 2017. Retrieved 16 August 2017.
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- Manifest Destiny").
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- ^ Pollak, Gustav (1915). Fifty Years of American Idealism: 1865–1915. Houghton Mifflin Company.
- JSTOR 1406338.
- ^ Arthur Schelesinger Jr., "Liberalism in America: A Note for Europeans" Archived 12 February 2018 at the Wayback Machine, in The Politics of Hope (Boston: Riverside Press, 1962).
- ^ Wolfe, Alan (12 April 2009). "A False Distinction". The New Republic. Archived from the original on 7 April 2020. Retrieved 31 May 2010.
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- ^ Richman, Sheldon (12 August 2012). "Classical Liberalism vs. Modern Liberalism". Reason. Reason Foundation. Archived from the original on 8 October 2018. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
- ^ Faria, Miguel A. Jr. (21 March 2012). "Classical Liberalism vs Modern Liberalism (Socialism) – A Primer". haciendapublishing.com. Hacienda Publishing. Archived from the original on 13 April 2019. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
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- ]
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American conservatism is a form of classical liberalism.
- ISBN 978-1594200205.
Whichever way you look at it, American conservatism has embraced a great chunk of classical liberalism-so much of it that many observers have argued that American conservatism was an oxymoron; that it is basically classical liberalism in disguise.
- ISBN 978-1479865185.
Of course, the original conservatives had not really been conservatives either. They were merely classical liberals. It seems to be the case in American that most so-called conservatives have really been something else. This has confused not only external observers of American conservatism (be they on the European Right or on the American Left), but it has confused American conservatives as well.
- ISBN 978-0300065343.
Moreover, Americans do not use the term liberalism in the same way that Europeans do. In fact, classical European liberalism more closely resembles what we (and what Americans generally) call conservatism.
- ISBN 978-1400837441.
The major votaries of classical liberalism today are American conservatives. For as Hayek noted: "It is the doctrine on which the American system of government is based. "But, contemporary American conservatism is a novel brew which Micklethwait and Wooldridge rightly note is a mixture of the individualism of classical liberalism and "ubertraditionalism." It represents adherence to the bourgeois organization of society epitomized by that much-maligned word, "Victorian": with its faith in individualism, capitalism, progress, and virtue. Having been silenced by the seemingly endless march of "embedded liberalism" since the New Deal, American conservatism has, since the late 1960s, regrouped, and under Presidents Reagan and George W. Bush created a new powerful political movement. Thus, apart from the brief period of Margaret Thatcher's ascendancy in Britain, it is only in the United States that the classical liberal tradition continues to have political force.
- ^ McMaken, Ryan (12 September 2019). "'Libertarian' Is Just Another Word for (Classical) Liberal". Mises Wire. Mises Institute. Retrieved 6 November 2020.
- ^ Steven M. Dworetz, The Unvarnished Doctrine: Locke, Liberalism, and the American Revolution (1989).
- ^ Richardson, pp. 22–23.
- ^ Richardson, p. 23.
- ^ Richardson, pp. 23–24.
- ^ Richardson, p. 24.
- ^ Mills, pp. 63, 68.
- ^ a b Mills, p. 64.
- ^ Mills, p. 65.
- ^ Mills, p. 66.
- ^ Mills, p. 67.
- ^ Mills, p. 68.
- ^ a b Mills, p. 69.
- ^ a b Mills, p. 76.
- ^ Mills, p. 70.
- JSTOR 40325773.
- ^ Mills, p. 71.
- ^ Mills, pp. 71–72.
- ISBN 978-1351352581– via Google Books.
- ^ a b Mills, p. 72.
- ^ Mills, pp. 73–74.
- ^ Mills, pp. 74–75.
- ^ Mills, p. 75.
- ^ Richardson, p. 32.
- ^ Richardson, p. 31.
- ^ a b c Richardson, p. 33.
- ^ a b Richardson, p. 34.
- ISBN 978-1861342218p. 344.
- ISBN 978-0745310749. p. 59.
- ISBN 978-0415090063. p. 83.
- ^ Erik Gartzke, "Economic Freedom and Peace," in Economic Freedom of the World: 2005 Annual Report (Vancouver: Fraser Institute, 2005).
- .
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- ^ Edward P. Stringham, "Commerce, Markets, and Peace: Richard Cobden's Enduring Lessons", Independent Review 9, no. 1 (2004): 105, 110, 115.
- ^ Immanuel Kant, The Perpetual Peace.
- ^ Donald Markwell, John Maynard Keynes and International Relations: Economic Paths to War and Peace Archived 1 September 2017 at the Wayback Machine, Oxford University Press, 2006, ch. 1.
- ^ John Maynard Keynes and International Relations: Economic Paths to War and Peace Archived 5 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine Donald Markwell (2006), reviewed by M S Lawlor (February 2008).
- ^ Lucien Jaume, "Hobbes and the Philosophical Sources of Liberalism", The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes' Leviathan, 211
- ISBN 978-1483305394.
... thought of classical liberal figures such as John Locke, Adam Smith, Immanuel Kant, Giuseppe Mazzini, and John Stuart Mill. ...
- ^ "Liberalism rediscovered". The Economist. 5 February 1998. Retrieved 28 June 2017.
- ISBN 9780190664008.
- ISBN 9783319774282.
Friedrich Naumann was regarded as a classical liberal while also promoting National Socialism
- ^ P. G. C. van Schie; Gerrit Voermann (2006). The Dividing Line Between Success and Failure: A Comparison of Liberalism in the Netherlands and Germany in the 19th and 20th Centuries. LIT Verlag Münsters. p. 64.
By the turn of the century, the left liberals Friedrich Naumann and Barth sought to redefine classical liberalism for the needs of the rising industrial society.
- ISBN 9789004291454.
They had all forgotten that the classical liberal Karl Popper was definitely opposed to the big bang of rapid changes in whole societal systems. He assumed that changes of this type were bound to cause massive human suffering.
- ISBN 9783030954772.
- ^ ISBN 9780801868146.
Among these figures one finds two defenders of the classical liberal tradition, Karl Popper and Raymond Aron; ...
- ISBN 9780415563758.
- ISBN 978-1461671756.
- ^ "In praise of Australia's Liberal Democrats » The Spectator".
- ^ "Posicionamentos".
- ^ "Maxime Bernier's new party stakes out classical liberal values: Don Pittis". Archived from the original on 23 May 2022. Retrieved 21 July 2022.
- ^ "Un manifiesto liberal". 24 September 2018.
- ^ Thomas J. DiLorenzo, ed. (2016). The Problem with Socialism. Simon and Schuster. p. 82.
- ^ Marco Lisi, ed. (2018). Party System Change, the European Crisis and the State of Democracy. Routledge.
- ISBN 978-1787029187.
Liberal Alliance Formerly New Alliance, Liberal Alliance are a center right, classical liberal party formed in 2007 by former members of the Social Liberal Party and the Conservative People's Party.
- ISBN 978-1000327793.
- ^ Christopher J. Bickerton, Carlo Invernizzi Accetti, ed. (2021). Technopopulism: The New Logic of Democratic Politics. Oxford University Press. p. 60.
- ^ "Macron Scrambling to Salvage Liberal Reputation Worldwide After Targeting Islam". The Daily Beast. 12 November 2020. Retrieved 11 December 2021.
- ^ Slavoj Zizek, ed. (2019). Like a Thief in Broad Daylight: Power in the Era of Post-Human Capitalism. Seven Stories Press.
- ^ William Smaldone, ed. (2019). European Socialism: A Concise History with Documents. Rowman & Littlefields.
- ISBN 978-1615307487.
- ^ "Loksatta - Government 'by' the people". Loksatta Party. Archived from the original on 15 March 2018. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
- ^ Natacha Gagné, ed. (2013). Being M?ori in the City: Indigenous Everyday Life in Auckland. University of Toronto Press. p. 3.
- ^ Our classical liberal tribe (Speech). www.act.org.nz. ACT New Zealand. 23 February 2015. Archived from the original on 11 February 2017. Retrieved 8 February 2017.
- ISBN 9789052603810.
- ISBN 978-1475828979.
Another new movement was the Modern of Ryszard Petru, later styled as Modern (Nowoczesna) or simply ".N." This classical liberal party created by an economist, Ryszard Petru, received 7.6% of votes and 28 seats in the Sejm (it later gained an additional deputy who left Kukiz'15)
- ISBN 9781442252608.
- ^ "Cotrim Figueiredo: Iniciativa Liberal "não ganhou estas eleições mas ganhou o futuro"". Observador.pt.
- ^ "Political parties and elections in Slovakia". Online-Slovakia. Retrieved 3 April 2018.
- ^ "Who is Who? On the EU-Critical Right of Centre" (PDF). Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy. 2018. p. 43. Archived from the original (PDF) on 28 March 2019.
Freedom and Solidarity (Slovak: Sloboda a Solidarita, SaS): Limited government, EU-sceptic, Euro-critical, classical-Liberal/Libertarian
- (PDF) from the original on 19 August 2019.
- ^ "Liberalismens grundvärden" (PDF). Sv.se. Archived (PDF) from the original on 8 August 2020. Retrieved 21 February 2022.
- ^ Medeiros, Evan S. (2008), Pacific Currents: The Responses of U.S. Allies and Security Partners in East Asia to China's Rise, RAND, p. 130
- ^ "Introduction to The Liberal Party Policies". liberal.org.uk. Archived from the original on 24 May 2022. Retrieved 12 July 2022.
- ^ "Nosotros". 23 May 2023.
- ISBN 0807822493.
- ^ Das, Gurcharan (2002). The Elephant Paradigm. Penguin. p. 244.
- ISBN 978-0761958628. Retrieved 19 July 2013.
- ^ The Times (31 December 1872), p. 5.
- ^ Wilson, Tadd (1 December 1998). "The Culture of Classical Liberalism". Foundation for Economic Education. Retrieved 3 July 2023.
- ^ Vieira, Helena (1 February 2017). "The contradiction of classical liberalism and libertarianism". LSE Business Review. Retrieved 3 July 2023.
Sources
- from the original on 9 January 2023. Retrieved 27 January 2016.
- De Ruggiero, Guido (1959). The History of European Liberalism. Boston: Beacon Press.
- Dickerson, M. O.; Flanagan, Thomas; O'Neill, Brenda (2009). An Introduction to Government and Politics: A Conceptual Approach. Cengage Learning. ISBN 978-0176500429.
- ISBN 0816628009.
- Heywood, Andrew (2004). Political Theory, Third Edition: An Introduction. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0333961803.
- Hunt, E. K. (2003). Property and Prophets: The Evolution of Economic Institutions and Ideologies. New York: M. E. Sharpe, Inc. ISBN 0765606089.
- ISBN 978-1412969017.
- Lieber, Francis (1881). The Miscellaneous Writings of Francis Lieber, Volume II: Contributions to Political Science. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co.
- Mills, John (2002). A Critical History of Economics. Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0333971302.
- Richardson, James L. (2001). Contending Liberalisms in World Politics: Ideology and Power. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 155587939X.
- Turner, Rachel S. (2008). Neo-Liberal Ideology: History, Concepts and Policies: History, Concepts and Policies. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-0748632350.
- Van de Haar, Edwin (2015). Degrees of Freedom: Liberal Political Philosophy and Ideology. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-1412855754.
- Vincent, Andrew (2009). Modern Political Ideologies (Third ed.). Chichester, England: Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-1405154956.
Further reading
- Alan Bullock and Maurice Shock, ed. (1967). The Liberal Tradition: From Fox to Keynes. Oxford. Clarendon Press.[ISBN missing]
- ISBN 978-0674724891.
- Katherine Henry (2011). Liberalism and the Culture of Security: The Nineteenth-Century Rhetoric of Reform. University of Alabama Press; draws on literary and other writings to study the debates over liberty and tyranny.[ISBN missing]
- ISBN 978-0198292364.
- Mayne, Alan J. (1999). From politics past to politics future : an integrated analysis of current and emergent paradigms. Westport, Conn.: reenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 0275961516.
- Gustav Pollak, ed. (1915). Fifty Years of American Idealism: 1865–1915; short history of The Nation plus numerous excerpts, most by Edwin Lawrence Godkin.
External links
- Quotations related to Classical liberalism at Wikiquote
- The dictionary definition of classical liberalism at Wiktionary
- Media related to Classical liberalism at Wikimedia Commons